This dissertation is an interdisciplinary study on the external ‘Responsibility to Protect’ (R2P) and international law. It focuses on the legal customary process on jus ad bellum by which states try to address the gap between the legitimacy and legality of humanitarian intervention to protect human security within a state against genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity. The development of specific legal rights for the Security Council, regional organisations and ‘coalitions of the willing’ to protect by military means is examined through case studies of humanitarian interventions after the Cold War. Constructivist perspectives on security and norms are contrasted with legal positivist analyses of customary law, the applicable law on the use of force, and evolutionary interpretation and informal modification of treaties. Feminist theories and gender perspectives on human security, the R2P and humanitarian intervention are also integrated into the thesis. The decisions to authorise humanitarian interventions in Bosnia, Somalia, Rwanda, East Timor and Darfur confirm an external R2P for the Security Council in the form of a lex lata right to protect by military means where states have manifestly failed to do so and where peaceful means are considered inadequate. Furthermore, a similar customary right for regional organisations may also be emerging, when the state concerned manifestly fails to protect, the Security Council is unable or unwilling to act and peaceful means found inadequate. Finally, support is found for a lex ferenda right of regional organisations, coalitions of the willing and individual states to intervene by military means in ‘exceptional circumstances’ in accordance with the theories on ex post facto or implied authority, or the principle of necessity, to protect people in humanitarian crises where the criteria of the R2P doctrine are met.

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Under första hälften av 2000-talet blev det aktuellt för svenska flygvapnet att öva för att utföraflygunderstöd till markförband, bl.a. genom skapande av ett s.k. ”accelerationsspår CAS”. Det harframkommit att utförande av CAS i den konflikt som för närvarande pågår i Afghanistan har tidvishaft svårt att förhålla sig till folkrätten på ett positivt sätt. Föreliggande uppsats syfte är attundersöka vilka åtgärder som nuvarande forskning förespråkar avseende nyttjande av CAS för attden ska bli utförd med så hög kvalitet som möjligt utifrån målval och målträff, och därigenom vadsom det svenska flygvapnet eventuellt kan vidta utifrån denna forskning för att minimera risken attinte följa folkrätten vid utövande av CAS under operationer vid internationella fredsfrämjandeinsatser. För att kunna uppnå syftet har tre delfrågor ställts och besvarats, dessa är vilkafolkrättsliga regler som är tillämpliga för svenska förband vid internationella fredsfrämjandeinsatser, vilka åtgärder är möjliga att vidta för att minska risken för oavsiktlig skada påcivilpersoner eller civil infrastruktur vid genomförande av CAS, samt vilka åtgärder bör detsvenska flygvapnet vidta för att minimera risken att bryta mot folkrätten vid genomförande avCAS under internationella fredsfrämjande insatser.Uppsatsen har kommit fram till att de åtgärder svenska flygvapnet bör vidta för att följa folkrättenär i ett utbildningshänseende träning i en verklighetstrogen och ändamålsenlig miljö med aktuellskarp ammunition samt moralisk och etisk varseblivning ur ett humanistiskt perspektiv. Ur ettverkanshänseende bör det finnas vapen med graderad verkan samt med hög precision och slutligenur ett kommunikationshänseende ska det vara god teknisk utrustning mellan pilot och FAC. / In the beginning of the 21st century, Sweden started to develop the capability to perform CAS insupport to ground troops. It has been clarified that CAS performed in the present Afghanistanconflict sometimes has been accused of not coinciding with international law. The purpose of thisthesis is to examine what measures the contemporary research advocate regarding the use of CASso it will be performed in the highest possible quality regarding target acquisition and target hit,and by that what the Swedish Air Force possibly could do in order to minimize the risk ofviolating international law when implementing CAS in international Peace Support Operations.The research is formed around three main questions. First, what international laws are applicableto Swedish units during an international operation? Second, what actions might be taken in orderto reduce the risk for unintended damage to civilians or civilian infrastructure when conductingCAS and finally what measures should the Swedish air force take to minimize the risk to violatethe international law while conducting CAS in peace support/peace keeping operations.The result of this research shows that the Swedish Air Force, in order to operate within theframework of international law, needs to conduct training in a similar and realistic environmentwith live ammunition. The training needs to be entailing a moral and ethical view from ahumanistic perspective. Furthermore, regarding the effect, there need to be weapons with bothnon-lethal to lethal effects with high precision. Finally, the communication between the pilots andthe Forward Air Controller (FAC) needs to be built upon technical equipment with high standard. / Avdelning: ALB – Slutet Mag. 3 C-upps. Hylla: Upps. ChP 07-09

The present paper is part of a project carried on by the Swedish Section of the International Commission of Jurists. Sweden has ratified several major international human rights instruments. Most of the rights are covered by national law, and only in exception is there a discrepancy between national and international law. Such a discrepancy is found in the UN Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Racial Discrimination, in which the State parties agree on penalizing and prohibiting the founding of and participation in racist organizations. Sweden is not complying with this statute, despite the fact that the government has ratified the convention. The Swedish government states that national laws prohibit the activities of these organizations, and therefore it is not necessary to reform the legislation. The National Council for Crime Prevention (Brottsförebyggande rådet) presents an annual report on hate crime in Sweden. Between the years 2005 and 2009 the number of reported hate crimes almost doubled. To some point the increase can be explained by a widened definition of hate crime, but the reports have increased in real terms as well. The Swedish government is combating human rights violations, and the long term objective is to ensure full respect for human rights. Critique raised against Sweden in international reviewing institutions indicates that Sweden has some ground to cover before reaching such an objective. Most of the presented critique concerns the non-existing ban of racist organizations, increased reports of hate crime as well as racist influences within Swedish politics and society as such. Prohibiting racist organizations constitutes limitations in the freedom of expression and the freedom of association. Ever since Sweden incorporated the European convention for the Protection of Human Rights, freedom of expression has been given a unique position within the national legal system. This position is strengthened even further through different judgments in the Swedish Supreme Court, in cases on agitation. The questions raised in this paper are consequently: Is it possible to ensure full respect for human rights, or can you only come near such an ensuring? Does Sweden live up to its international obligations? How does the Swedish government weigh the different rights against each other? Should the rights be differently balanced? The purpose of this paper is, therefore, to establish Sweden’s international obligations, to highlight the possibility of limitations in the freedom of expression and to look at the occurrence of and legislations against hate crime. / Uppsatsen utgör en del av projektet "Implementering av kritik i internationella organ mot Sverige och Rätten till kompensation" som drivs av Internationella Juristkommissionen - Svenska avdelningen. / Implementering av kritik i internationella organ mot Sverige och Rätten till kompensation

International conventions signifies international trade, which in itself would be ineffective if there were no dispute settlement mechanisms. This essay intends to examine how dispute settlement mechanisms between states have developed over the years and a large emphasis is placed on the World Trade Organizations (WTO) Dispute Settlement Body since it’s had great significance for the efficiency of international law. In order to show the need for dispute settlement mechanisms, a background to the conventions that have called for the development of the DSB is in order. This essay focuses on Intellectual Property Rights (IPR), and the agreement that currently regulate intellectual property rights, Trade Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS), but also its connection to the DSB. The current negotiations between the EU and the USA for a free trade agreement, Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) is also mentioned since it intends to serve as a global model once settled. The purpose of this paper is to investigate and analyze the emergence of the TRIPS agreement, and its relation to the dispute settlement mechanism of the WTO.

Efter Andra Världskriget och författandet samt ratificerandet av den traditionella folkrätten har huvuddelen av de väpnade sammandrabbningarna haft karaktären av icke-internationella konflikter med en asymmetrisk uppsättning aktörer. Samtidigt har den värst drabbade aktören kommit att vara civilbefolkningen. Syftet med denna uppsats är att problematisera skyddet av civilbefolkningen i den nya tidens konflikter. I uppsatsen genomförs en kvalitativ textanalys av Säkerhetsrådets resolutioner och missionsspecifika strategier för skydd av civila i de tre FN-missionerna UNMIS, UNAMID och MONUC. Resultatet av analysen problematiseras därefter utifrån van Crevelds non-trinitarian theory för att undersöka vilka problem det finns med att tillämpa det traditionella folkrättsliga skyddet av civila i nya tidens konflikter. Det sammanvägda resultatet av studien visar att det finns problem med att tillämpa det traditionella folkrättsliga skyddet av civila i nya tidens konflikter, och att ett av huvudproblemen är att skyddet endast tycks adresseras av världssamfundet. / After the Second World War, and the creation and ratification of the traditional international law, the majority of the armed clashes has had the character of non-international conflicts with an asymmetric set of actors. Meanwhile, the most affected actor has come to be the civilian population. The purpose of this study is to problematize the protection of civilians in the conflicts of the new era. A qualitative method is used in the study in order to analyze the Security Council’s resolutions and mission specific strategies for the protection of civilians in the three UN missions UNMIS, UNAMID and MONUC. The result of the analysis is then problematized with van Creveld’s non-trinitarian theory in order to investigate what problems there are in applying the international humanitarian legal protection of civilians in the conflicts of the new era.The aggregated result of the study show that there are problems in applying the traditional international legal protection of civilians in the conflicts of the new era, and that one of the main problems is that the protection only seems to be a subject for the international community.

Det finns både nationella och internationella lagar och överenskommelser som ligger till grund för stridskrafters användande. Det finns också politiska styrningar från regering och riksdag om hur verksamhet ska bedrivas i form utav handlingsregler, som ligger till grund för Försvarsmaktens Rules of Engagement. Det finns alltså två dimensioner som Rules of Engagement kan reflektera: en politisk och en legal. Syftet med detta arbete är att synliggöra vilka begränsningar och möjligheter sampelet mellan politiska intressen och rättsliga grunder sätter på den taktiska handlingsfriheten. Frågeställningarna har besvarats utifrån en fallstudie på ubåt 137 grundstöttning utanför Karlskrona. Som teoretiskt verktyg för att möjliggöra analys har begreppet taktisk handlingsfrihet använts. Resultatet av denna uppsats är att den legala dimensionen är från början redan given, förankrade i sedvänja, traktat och internationella överenskommelser. Den politiska dimensionen är däremot rörlig där möjliga handlingsvägar styrs av politiska målsättningar och tillgängliga medel. En politisk medvetenhet i den taktiska tankeprocessen är därför nödvändig. / There are both national and international laws and regulations which is the basis for the use of armed forces. There are also political regulations from both the government and the parliament of how armed forces are used. Laws and political regulations is the foundation for the Swedish Armed Forces Rules of Engagement. There are therefore two dimensions that could reflect Rules of Engagement, one political and one legal. The purpose of this work is to visualize restrictions and possibilities the interaction between the political and legal dimensions could get on the tactical freedom of action. To answer the questions a case study has been done on the submarine 137 incident outside Karlskrona. As a theoretical framework the concept of tactical freedom of action have been used. The result from this essay is that the legal dimension is already given from the beginning, while the political dimension is more mobile, where ways of action depends on political goals and available funds. A political awareness in the tactical process of thinking is therefore necessary.

In 2015, the European Union (EU) was facing the largest migration crisis in modern history. In light of the high reception of asylum seekers in Sweden during the autumn of the same year, a temporary law (2016:752) was adopted which restricted the possibilities of obtaining a permanentresidence permit and of family reunification. The law has received criticism for being contrary to Swedish convention commitments, especially the right to respect for family life and the prohibition of discrimination according to Articles 8 and 14 of the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (the Convention). Against the backdrop of this criticism, this thesis aims to examine whether the so-called Bosphorus presumption, also known as the presumption of equivalent protection, could be applicable in a hypothetic case where Sweden is brought before the European Court of Human Rights (the Court) for violating the Convention as a result of the temporary law. The criteria for the application of the presumption are firstly that the intrusive measure, here the restriction of the right to family reunification, can be said to fall within the scope of the strict international legal obligations of the state, meaning that the state can be said to have exercised a certain amount of discretion and to have enjoyed a certain margin of manoeuvre. The conclusion of this thesis is that likely would be considered to have exercised discretion as well as enjoyed a margin of manoeuvre when restricting the right to family reunification by adopting the temporary law. This conclusion is mainly based on the fact that the international legal obligations in this case flow from directives, which are binding on member states only as to the result to be achieved, and leave the choice of form and methods to the authorities of the member state. Furthermore, the directives which the temporary law is based on are so-called minimum directives, which allow for the member states to provide a higher level of protection.

The present study examines the status of the UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) in Japan, with due regard to the status of treaties in general as sources of rights and obligations in the country. Further, the study aims to ascertain whether the said Convention has been properly implemented and enforced, and to demonstrate obstacles causing deficiencies and shortcomings in regards to combating discrimination against women in the labour market. In theory, treaties enjoy a high status in Japan, however, human rights treaties are rarely directly applied by the courts. Although certain legislative reforms have been undertaken to bring domestic law into harmony with the CEDAW, the Convention has had a limited impact. The domestic legislation fails to prohibit all forms of discrimination against women and the prohibitions, as well as the statistical targets for female representation, lack the backing of an effective enforcement mechanism. Additionally, the Japanese judiciary has been reluctant to accept arguments based on the CEDAW and, so far, no litigants have prevailed explicitly on the grounds of the Convention. The vague wording of the CEDAW makes the provisions easy to circumvent, which stresses the importance of bridging discrepancies between the treaty rules and domestic law. Finally, the Government of Japan needs a more comprehensive approach in addressing the issue of sex discrimination in the labour market, which includes working proactively to modify discriminatory practices and stereotypes.