Dans cette thèse, le graffiti désigne, négativement, toute pratique d’inscription murale qui contribue à altérer l’« ordre esthétique » d’une ville, produit par les pouvoirs publics. Cette expression permet de désigner d’un côté l’ordre, c’est-à-dire le pouvoir politique, que l’inscription d’un graffiti sur un mur vient troubler. De l’autre la dimension esthétique de ce pouvoir, c’est-à-dire quelque chose qui dépasse la simple régulation de l’expression politique et s’inscrit, plus largement, dans le gouvernement des espaces publics. Ainsi défini, le graffiti n’est pas seulement analysé comme un message, une déviance, un dommage aux biens, une pratique culturelle ou un art, mais il devient un concept opératoire pour la science politique. Cette définition en termes de « désordre esthétique » permet d’interroger les dispositifs d’action publique qui contribuent à produire l’ordre esthétique propre à la ville. Elle permet aussi de questionner les catégorisations, les problèmes véhiculés par ces dispositifs ainsi que leurs effets sur la construction du sens commun, sur les représentations associées au graffiti, et surtout sur l’aspect physique, matériel, et donc esthétique de la ville.Inscrite dans la perspective d’une socio-histoire de l’action publique, cette thèse retrace l’histoire de la « mise en administration » du graffiti à Paris, la production d’un « ordre esthétique » dans cette ville de 1977 à 2017. À Paris, la municipalité administre ces peintures comme des « souillures » à travers des dispositifs d’effacement portés par les politiques de propreté, mais aussi comme des objets culturels à travers des dispositifs d’encadrement culturel, portés par différents domaines d’action publique (aménagement, culture, tourisme). En retraçant la genèse des dispositifs de répression et de promotion des graffitis au sein de l’administration parisienne, cette thèse propose de comprendre la manière dont s’articulent plusieurs domaines d’action publique et d’analyser la construction municipale d’un problème du graffiti. Dommage aux biens, nuisance visuelle, facteur du sentiment d’insécurité, culture populaire ou art urbain symbole de la vitalité artistique de Paris, le graffiti est un problème public qui, de 1977 à 2017, connaît plusieurs redéfinitions dans lesquelles les acteurs publics municipaux jouent des rôles variables. S’appuyant sur des archives, des entretiens semi-directifs, des observations et des photographies, ce travail s’attache à rendre compte de la variété de ces rôles, des conditions de la redéfinition du problème et ses mises à l’agenda successives. Au cœur de cette socio-histoire de la « mise en administration » du graffiti, une hypothèse : la saisie du graffiti par les acteurs municipaux est révélatrice de l’ambition municipale de monopoliser la définition légitime du « bel » espace public, de l’image de la Ville, au propre comme au figuré. L’enjeu de la thèse est alors de mettre en lumière les conditions historiques, sociales et politiques de la construction de cette légitimité.La démonstration s’organise en deux parties qui retracent chronologiquement la genèse des deux facettes du problème public qui se construit autour du graffiti. Dans la première partie, on montre la manière dont les pouvoirs publics norment l’esthétique des espaces urbains à travers les politiques de propreté qui font du graffiti le résultat d’un acte déviant, une source de désordre. La seconde partie analyse la manière dont différentes actions culturelles promeuvent progressivement certaines formes de graffitis et opèrent ainsi une normalisation de l’esthétique urbaine. Il s’agit finalement de montrer quels comment les acteurs urbains organisent le contrôle de l’esthétique urbaine, quels sont les enjeux sociaux et politiques contenus dans la production d’un certain « ordre esthétique ». / In this PhD, the “graffiti” refers negatively to every practice of wall/mural inscription, which contributes to degrade the “aesthetic order of a city produced by the public authorities. This expression encompasses both the notion of order, that is the political power which is troubled by any graffiti and the aesthetic dimension of this power, something that overtakes the only public expression regulation and is part of the broader government of public spaces. With such a definition, graffiti refers not only to a message, a deviance, a degradation, a cultural practice or even an art, but it also becomes an operating concept for a political science study. This definition as an « aesthetic disorder » leads us to examine the public policies measures which contribute to produce an aesthetic order proper to the city. This reflection also allows to question categorisations, public problems and their effects on common sense constructions, graffiti representations and on the physical, material, aesthetic aspect of the city.As a socio-historical study on public policies, this PhD traces the history of the graffitis’ “administrativisation” in Paris, the production of an aesthetic order in this city from 1977 to 2017. The local council of Paris regulates those paintings as stains, through cleaning policies, with erasure measures, but it also regulates graffitis as cultural objects, through many cultural measures, carried by different sectors of the administration (urban planning, cultural and touristic policies). Tracing the genesis of those measures in the public local administration, we try to understand how the coherence between several administration areas is built, and we show how the graffiti becomes a public problem in this context. Degradation, visual pollution, source of insecurity, popular culture or urban art: from 1977 to 2017, the public problem of “graffiti” has been built around several definitions by local actors. Based on archives, interviews, observations and photographs, this work attempts to outline the diversity of the public local actors’ roles, the problem redefinition’s conditions and its successive agenda settings. In this socio-history of the graffiti’s “administrativisation”, our hypothesis is the following: the graffiti seizure by local authorities is revealing their ambition to monopolise a legitim definition of “the beautiful” public space, a legitim city image. The aim of this PhD is then to identify this legitimacy construction, its historical, social and political conditions of appearance. The demonstration is built on two parts, tracing chronologically the history of two aspects of the graffiti public problem. First, we clarify how local public authorities try to standardize (to norm) the aesthetic of public spaces through cleaning policies that tag the graffiti as a deviance, a source of disorder. Secondly, this analyse will focus on how different public cultural measures progressively promote some forms of graffitis and lead to a normalisation of the urban aesthetic. Finally, we show how urban actors organise the control of urban aesthetic, and which are the social and political issues hold into the production of a certain aesthetic order.

Denna undersökning syftar till att hitta utvecklingsmetoder för hur jag som bildlärare i skakunna undervisa om graffiti och gatukonst, som en del av kontexten samtidskonst ur ettteoretiskt och estetiskt perspektiv på lärande. Jag valde att fördjupa mig i graffiti som visuellkultur och genom ett konstnärligt undersökande utveckla min egen praktik och estetiskakunnande utifrån tekniska metoder och material. Dessa hämtade från kreativa praktiker inomtraditionell graffiti för att utveckla min kunskap genom kroppslig upplevelse.Undersökningens frågeställning är: På vilka sätt kan graffiti som praktik förstås genom ettkonstnärligt praktiskt undersökande, i ett utvecklingsdidaktiskt syfte?Genom A/R/Tography som metodologiskt förhållningssätt har jag under studien agerat somkonstnären, forskaren och läraren (Artist - Researcher - Teacher) och undersökt graffiti somvisuell kultur . Under den gestaltande redovisningen och examensutställningen, menar jag attförsöka återskapa platsen för min studie, och synliggöra de förutsättningar som styrt minkreativa praktik och individuella lärprocess . Syftet med den slutgiltliga gestaltningen är attbjuda in till en interaktiv installation med en öppen vägg i ständig förändring. Här jag vill gebesökare möjlighet att få ny kunskap och själva få uppleva en graffiti inspirerad kreativprocess.

Nesta etnografia, as práticas de graffiti de São Paulo, ao mesmo tempo em que ocuparam um lugar central enquanto foco de análise e reflexões, foram tomadas como uma janela para pensar e produzir conhecimento sobre a cidade. Partiu-se de dois objetivos centrais: investigar os usos da rua destas práticas e as possibilidades de cidades que emergem nesta interação. O trabalho de campo voltou-se, principalmente, aos processos de pintura na rua, o que colocou a pesquisa em movimento pelo espaço urbano e configurou uma etnografia multi-sited. Na escrita da dissertação, os dados etnográficos e as análises foram organizados em duas partes complementares. Na primeira, a trajetória das práticas de graffiti na cidade de São Paulo conduz as reflexões, mas sem perder de vista a relação estabelecida com outros contextos, as trocas com outras práticas de pintura na rua, as narrativas que elaboram representações distintas deste fazer e a interação complexa estabelecida com diferentes agentes e esferas do poder público. Na segunda parte, a partir da análise situacional de três processos de pintura, são apresentados modos de ler, usar e se apropriar da cidade, que são ao mesmo tempo condição e consequência de fazer graffiti, bem como produzem efeitos nos sujeitos e nos espaços urbanos. A partir desta aproximação é possível apreender as práticas de graffiti enquanto um fazer que não apenas modifica esteticamente as superfícies construídas, como também coloca em questão a eficácia de certos postulados urbanísticos e jurídicos. Esta investigação identificou uma forma de citadinidade, constituída pelas experiências de pintar na rua, que nos lembra da condição de possibilidade de fazer e praticar a cidade. / In this ethnography, the graffiti practices of São Paulo were at the same time the focus of analysis and reflection and a window to think and produce knowledge about the city. The research was based on two initial objectives: to investigate the street uses of these practices and the possibilities of cities that emerge in this interaction. The fieldwork focused mainly on the street painting processes, which put the research in motion through the urban space and set up a multi-sited ethnography. In the thesis, the ethnographic data and analyzes were organized in two complementary parts. In the first, the trajectory of graffiti practices in the city of São Paulo leads to reflections, but without losing sight of the established relationship with other contexts, the exchanges and collaboration with other practices of street painting, the narratives that elaborate different representations of this doing and the complex interaction established with different agents and spheres of public administration. In the second part, from the situational analysis of three painting processes, were presented ways of reading, using and appropriating the city, which are at the same time the condition and consequence of doing graffiti, as well as producing effects in subjects and in urban spaces. From this approach it is possible to apprehend graffiti practices as a practice that not only aesthetically modifies the surfaces but also calls into question the effectiveness of certain urban and legal postulates. This research identified a way of being and living in the city, constituted by the experiences of painting on the street, which reminds us of the condition of possibility of making and practicing the city.

Em 2008 o Museu de Arte de São Paulo (MASP) recusou uma exposição da dupla de grafiteiros OsGemeos. Em 2011, organizou sua segunda mostra de graffiti em três anos. No mesmo ano, a Secretaria da Cultura do Governo do Estado de São Paulo criou na capital o Museu Aberto de Arte Urbana (MAAU). Em 2008, a Prefeitura de São Paulo apagara um mural de grandes proporções dos mesmos OsGemeos. Pretende-se compreender por que, no final da primeira década do século XXI, a política cultural formulada pelo MASP escolheu o graffiti como uma manifestação urbana a ser ali exibida, traçando-se um paralelo com opção similar feita pela Secretaria da Cultura em relação ao graffiti no espaço público. Está nessas ações uma tentativa de estabelecer novos modos de relacionamento com a cidade e, de algum modo, participar de sua reconfiguração? A ação permitiria estabelecer-se algum paralelo com as origens do museu concebido por Lina Bo Bardi, que nas suas primeiras décadas de criação travava forte diálogo crítico com a cidade? Considera-se a intensificação do diálogo entre os equipamentos culturais e o espaço público -- e com as manifestações artísticas e culturais no espaço público -- como potente para religar os laços entre os cidadãos e os equipamentos culturais da cidade, ao mesmo tempo em que se considera que uma maior intensificação no relacionamento entre pessoas, arte e cultura, equipamentos culturais e cidade contribui para uma ampliação dos usos da cidade e do relacionamento de seus moradores com o simbólico, entendendo-se que pelo diálogo passam obrigatoriamente as ideias de dissenso (RANCIÈRE, 2012), negociação e conflito (CANCLINI, 2004). / In 2008 the São Paulo Museum of Art -- MASP (\"Museu de Arte de São Paulo\") rejected an exhibition by the graffiti artists OsGemeos. In 2011 it organized its second exhibit of graffiti in three years. In the same year the Culture Department of the Government of the State of São Paulo created the Open Museum of Urban Art -- MAAU (\"Museu Aberto de Arte Urbana\") in the City of São Paulo. In 2008 the Municipality of São Paulo had erased a very large mural by the same OsGemeos. The purpose of this work is the examine why, at the end of the first decade of the 21st century, the cultural policy established by MASP chose graffiti as one of the urban exhibits to be displayed there, compared with a similar choice made by the Department of Culture in relation to graffiti in urban spaces. Are those actions an attempt to establish new relationships with the city and somehow to participate in its reconfiguration? Would such actions establish a parallel with the origins of the museum as conceived by Lina Bo Bardi which, in the first decades of the museum\'s existence used to engage in a powerful critical dialogue with the city? The development of the dialogue between cultural facilities and public spaces -- and with the exhibits of art and culture in public spaces -- is strong enough to restore the bonds between citizens and the cultural facilities of the city. A greater intensification of the relationship among persons, art and culture, cultural facilities and the city contributes to expand the uses of the city and the relationship of its inhabitants with symbolic representations. The dialogue is necessarily crossed by the ideas of dissension (RANCIÈRE, 2012), negotiation and conflict (CANCLINI, 2004).

A pichação é um fenômeno urbano mundial, que se tornou presença marcante na paisagem da cidade. O trabalho dá enfoque às tags (assinaturas estilizadas), que é a forma de pichação mais disseminada e presente. Surgidas no final da década de 1960 nos Estados Unidos, ligadas às disputas territoriais dos guetos e ao hip-hop, começou a tomar a sua característica formal na cidade de São Paulo e adjacências, principalmente no final da década de 1980. O tag reto (ou pixo reto) é uma solução gráfica e caligráfica que toma as construções como um grid, em uma disputa pelo visual da cidade. Seus autores partilham de um sentimento de identidade com a periferia da cidade, e usam as marcas nas paredes como uma comunicação fechada entre eles, medindo-se e afirmando-se dentro do grupo com ações ousadas (enfrentando perigos como a altura, a polícia, seguranças particulares e moradores enraivecidos com o vandalismo). Eles se apropriam de locais com grande fluxo, o que vai garantir visibilidade. Também procuram marcar paredes que não são pintadas frequentemente, garantindo a durabilidade. Pontes, viadutos, topo de edifícios, muros e fachadas: quase nada escapa. Pichadores são mais um grupo disputando a paisagem da cidade, mas que não são nem os proprietários e nem o poder público. / Pichação (graffiti) is a worldwide urban phenomenon that has become a massive and ubiquitous presence in the urban landscape. The dissertation focuses on tags (author-style signatures), the most present form of pichação. It was originated in the United States on the late 1960s, as a part of ghuettos diputes and hip-hop, and it begun taking its formal shape in São Paulo Metropolitan Area in the late 1980s, roughly speaking. The straight tag (or pixo reto) is a graphical and calligraphic solution that uses buildings as a grid, in a visual struggle for the city. Its authors share a feeling of identity with the citys\' periferia (poor outskirts), and use the signs on the walls as an encoded communication between them, taking a stand within the group with bold actions (facing risks, such as heights, police enforcement, security agents and furious dwellers with the vandalism). They use places with great traffic flux, which ensures visibility. And they also mark walls not frequently painted, ensuring long-lasting tags. Bridges, highway ramps, top of buildings, walls, and facades: almost nothing escapes. Taggers are another group fighting for the city landscape, they are not owners nor government.

Au Nouvel Empire (1539-1075 av. J.-C.), les scribes – « ceux qui écrivent » en égyptien – prennent le devant de la scène dans les sources littéraires. Ils construisent et promeuvent une image d’eux-mêmes, qui révèle l’existence d’une communauté et d’un « monde social » (A. Strauss), fondés non pas sur la classe mais sur l’appartenance à une profession. Parmi les textes consacrés au métier de scribe, les florilèges appelés « miscellanées » ou « Enseignement par lettres » constituent une sorte de vademecum de la production écrite de l’époque, qui accompagne le scribe dans sa carrière et jusque dans sa tombe. Ils fonctionnent comme des véritables machines à produire d’autres textes, quand les deux autres types d’enseignements de l’époque, « l’Enseignement pour délier l’esprit » (les onomastica) et les « Enseignements par exemples » (les sagesses) portent respectivement sur le savoir théorique et le savoir pratique. Les scribes braconnent dans les modes d’expression du sommet de la société pour développer leur code de valeurs, qui repose sur l’éducation, les compétences au travail et leur rôle de transmetteurs (et non pas de créateurs). Des structures sociales fondées sur les relations professionnelles plutôt que familiales sont mises en avant. L’émergence d’une telle conscience communautaire se fait dans les termes des mutations idéologiques en cours. Une place plus grande est accordée à l’individu dans la société en mettant de côté les autorités traditionnelles au profit d’une divinité personnelle toute puissante. Les scribes peuvent ainsi faire de l’écriture une pratique de piété placée sous l’égide de Thot – les écrits leur survivront après la mort et assureront leur postérité. Chaque manuscrit devient un possible monument funéraire à travers le colophon. Les scribes réinvestissent en outre les tombes traditionnelles qu’ils visitent, en y laissant, sous la forme de graffiti, des textes commémoratifs à leur bénéfice mais aussi des offrandes littéraires.Cette promotion du mot écrit par rapport au discours trouve un écho dans les biographies monumentales des très hauts dignitaires et témoigne d’une diffusion des idéaux lettrés à l’époque. / In the New Kingdom (c. 1539-1075 BC) scribes – ‘those who write in Egyptian’ – took a prominent role in literary texts. There they constructed and promoted a self-image, framing themselves as the members of a specific ‘social world’ defined by their profession rather than belonging to a social class.This period corresponds to the flourishing of sources dedicated to the scribal trade, especially the Late Egyptian Miscellanies aka ‘Teaching by letters’. These collections of small texts were scribal tools and a vademecum of the textual production of the time. Kept by the scribe throughout his career and accompanying him to his tomb, they were a device for producing other texts, while the two other types of teaching, ‘Teaching to clear the mind’ (onomastica) and ‘Teaching from examples’ (wisdom texts) dealt respectively with theoretical and practical knowledge.Scribes borrowed phraseology from the top-elite to develop their own code of values, which was based on education, craftsmanship and personal skills. Social structures dependent on professional relationships rather than family were promoted. The development of such a community feeling reflected changes of ideology in progress at the time. A new position was granted to the individual in society through the shift of allegiance from traditional authorities to a personal, almighty god. Thus scribes could turn writing into a pious practice under the aegis of Thot – texts and copies would survive them and grant them posterity. Each manuscript became a potential funerary monument through colophons and signatures. Furthermore, scribes used the decorum of traditional tombs where they left prayers and commemorations as graffiti to their own benefit along with literary offerings. This promotion of the written word over the spoken one is echoed in monumental biographies of the top-elite and bears witness to the diffusion of learned values during this period.

Utställningsrummet för gatukonst växte fram långsamt på Kronobergsgatan 35. Genom att följa utvecklingsprocessen, platsen och verken som visats undersöker jag hur väggen växer fram till en hybrid som inte bara är ett utställningsrum. Det är även centrum för urban konst i Stockholms offentliga rum. Utställningsrummet är ett ovanligt inslag i en stad som fortsatt är präglad från en långvarig nolltolerans. Curering av väggen återspeglar ett utbildningssyfte för att visa att graffiti är mer än klotter. Jag undersöker vilka aktörer som är inblandade och deras mål med väggen utifrån curating teori. Väggen har flera intressenter. Kollektivet Livet som curerar väggen har en bakgrund inom graffiti och i sitt arbete att etablera konstformen kommer de även närmare att institutionalisera den, något som går emot dess historiska roll som subkultur. I mitt arbete studerar jag var utställningsrummet placerar sig i förhållande till graffitikulturen kontra konstinstitutionen. Fastighetsägaren står för resurserna och ser mot förmodan en slags vinst i sin investering, jag har döpt denne till konsthandlaren som förmedlar konsten till betraktaren. Att konsthandlaren associerar företaget till kulturella åtaganden gynnar företagsprofilen i ansamlande av kulturellt kapital. Utställningsrummet är även starkt påverkat av dess position i Stockholms centrala offentliga rum. Det skapar debatt om vem som får ta plats i stadsrummet och vilken konst som bör finnas, en debatt som curatorn välkomnar. Det är en debatt som potentiellt involverar hela staden, där alla är potentiella konstkritiker. Görandet av plats skapas i samverkan mellan tjänstemännen som formar stadsrummet och aktörerna som verkar i det. Jag undersöker denna samverkan och hur de förhåller sig till sina motsättningar. / I have followed the process of development of Kronobergsgatan 35 as an exhibition room for street art and graffiti in Stockholms public space. By interviewing the curators and analyzing with referens to institutional- and curating theory my aim has been to investigate the surrounding circumstances for said exhibition. Stockholm has a history of zero tolerance which makes this exhibition room a rare sight. The curators has, with an educational agenda, wanted to normalize graffiti as an artform but in so doing places the exhibition somewhere between it's subcultural history and the established art institution. The wall is made possible by the contribution of the property owner. I investigate the possible purposes of this investment and how association with culture affiliations could have positive effect on a business profile by obtaining cultural capital.  As an exhibition room in public space it works with and in contrast to the official public art of the city. I investigate this relationship between official and unofficial public art and the discussion of a democratic public space.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-07-29T16:27:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 dissertacao historias do grafite.pdf: 2906171 bytes, checksum: 5592640fa19239849a82fd98b42ba58b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-07-02 / This research, linked to the research line Theory, History and Criticism of Art and the Image of the Graduate Program in Visual Culture, is based on proposals of the Image of History to discuss the graphite in Goiânia nowadays. It is a job search support in post-modern theorys, adopting a qualitative research methodology as effected through interviews with social actors participating in the Goiânias s 2000 graffiti scene. Based on the Social History, which allows other versions of the facts that not only the official version, it brings an explanation about the history of graffiti showing that several political constructions, social and cultural rights were erected to their surroundings, since its inception until his passer contemporary according to changing interests. The history of contemporary image goianiense graphite itself consists of speeches from supporters of the practice. At its meetings, the interviewees discussed the meanings they attach to the images they produce, revealed positions, motivations, expectations and reflections. The statements were the raw material for discussions about the social role of graphite, its dialogue with the market and what lies behind the images produced. This work is thus a version of history composed by the opinions of each participant interwoven to show not only one truth, but the possibility of multiple viewpoints on the subject. / Esta pesquisa, ligada à linha de pesquisa Teoria, História e Crítica da Arte e da Imagem do Programa de Pós-Graduação em Cultura Visual, se baseia nas propostas de História da Imagem para discutir o grafite goianiense na contemporaneidade. É um trabalho que busca sustentação nas teorias pós-modernas, adotando como metodologia a pesquisa qualitativa efetivada por meio de entrevistas com atores sociais participantes da cena grafiteira em Goiânia nos anos 2000. Baseada na História Social, que admite versões outras para os fatos que não só a versão oficial, trago uma explanação sobre a trajetória do grafite mostrando que várias construções políticas, sociais e culturais foram erguidas ao seu entorno, desde seu surgimento até seus trânsitos contemporâneos, de acordo com os interesses mutáveis. A História da Imagem do grafite goianiense contemporâneo propriamente dita é composta a partir falas de adeptos da prática. Nos encontros realizados, os entrevistados discutiram sobre os sentidos que atribuem às imagens que produzem, revelaram posicionamentos, motivações, expectativas e reflexões. Os depoimentos foram a matéria prima para discussões sobre o papel social do grafite, seu diálogo com o mercado e o que está por atrás das imagens produzidas. Esse trabalho é, portanto, uma versão de história composta pelas opiniões de cada participante entretecidas a fim de mostrar não uma só verdade, mas a possibilidade de múltiplos pontos de vista sobre o assunto.

Em 2008 o Museu de Arte de São Paulo (MASP) recusou uma exposição da dupla de grafiteiros OsGemeos. Em 2011, organizou sua segunda mostra de graffiti em três anos. No mesmo ano, a Secretaria da Cultura do Governo do Estado de São Paulo criou na capital o Museu Aberto de Arte Urbana (MAAU). Em 2008, a Prefeitura de São Paulo apagara um mural de grandes proporções dos mesmos OsGemeos. Pretende-se compreender por que, no final da primeira década do século XXI, a política cultural formulada pelo MASP escolheu o graffiti como uma manifestação urbana a ser ali exibida, traçando-se um paralelo com opção similar feita pela Secretaria da Cultura em relação ao graffiti no espaço público. Está nessas ações uma tentativa de estabelecer novos modos de relacionamento com a cidade e, de algum modo, participar de sua reconfiguração? A ação permitiria estabelecer-se algum paralelo com as origens do museu concebido por Lina Bo Bardi, que nas suas primeiras décadas de criação travava forte diálogo crítico com a cidade? Considera-se a intensificação do diálogo entre os equipamentos culturais e o espaço público -- e com as manifestações artísticas e culturais no espaço público -- como potente para religar os laços entre os cidadãos e os equipamentos culturais da cidade, ao mesmo tempo em que se considera que uma maior intensificação no relacionamento entre pessoas, arte e cultura, equipamentos culturais e cidade contribui para uma ampliação dos usos da cidade e do relacionamento de seus moradores com o simbólico, entendendo-se que pelo diálogo passam obrigatoriamente as ideias de dissenso (RANCIÈRE, 2012), negociação e conflito (CANCLINI, 2004). / In 2008 the São Paulo Museum of Art -- MASP (\"Museu de Arte de São Paulo\") rejected an exhibition by the graffiti artists OsGemeos. In 2011 it organized its second exhibit of graffiti in three years. In the same year the Culture Department of the Government of the State of São Paulo created the Open Museum of Urban Art -- MAAU (\"Museu Aberto de Arte Urbana\") in the City of São Paulo. In 2008 the Municipality of São Paulo had erased a very large mural by the same OsGemeos. The purpose of this work is the examine why, at the end of the first decade of the 21st century, the cultural policy established by MASP chose graffiti as one of the urban exhibits to be displayed there, compared with a similar choice made by the Department of Culture in relation to graffiti in urban spaces. Are those actions an attempt to establish new relationships with the city and somehow to participate in its reconfiguration? Would such actions establish a parallel with the origins of the museum as conceived by Lina Bo Bardi which, in the first decades of the museum\'s existence used to engage in a powerful critical dialogue with the city? The development of the dialogue between cultural facilities and public spaces -- and with the exhibits of art and culture in public spaces -- is strong enough to restore the bonds between citizens and the cultural facilities of the city. A greater intensification of the relationship among persons, art and culture, cultural facilities and the city contributes to expand the uses of the city and the relationship of its inhabitants with symbolic representations. The dialogue is necessarily crossed by the ideas of dissension (RANCIÈRE, 2012), negotiation and conflict (CANCLINI, 2004).

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-11-21T08:59:56Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Lais Claro Oliveira.pdf: 1675452 bytes, checksum: 5d9278c5f6a3912ae694f27b3abefd93 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-11-21T08:59:56Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Lais Claro Oliveira.pdf: 1675452 bytes, checksum: 5d9278c5f6a3912ae694f27b3abefd93 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-09-28 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / The phenomenon of inscriptions made on the walls dates since the cave times, when man recorded with images and symbols his daily life, therefore the history of civilization. In ancient times, graffiti has started to characterize and compose complaints, resistance and subversion movements. Widely spread throughout the world, graffiti was decriminalized in 2011 in Brazil by Law 12408 which differed it from vandalism. However, even after the effervescence of urban interventions and the inclusion of new connotations such as leisure and work, the production is still considered marginalized and carries various stigma to those who draw graffiti, specially in regions far away from large urban centres. In Paraíba Valley, in the countryside of São Paulo, a study carried out in 2015 allowed to observe that even in the face of regulatory and territory exclusion aspects, the practice of graffiti essentially led by young people has personal and social transformation power. Thus, in order to better understand the process of building the identity expression of the youth who resists and creates new ways of being in the contemporary urban context, the present study sought to respond: “How does the process of identification, resistance and creation of the young graffiti draftsman happen given the sociocultural identity policies of the territory of Paraíba Valley?”. The study is supported by the contributions of Critical Social Psychology and social constructs of the Identity analytical category proposed by Antonio da Costa Ciampa (1987). The technique of life history narrative was privileged as instrument, analyzed in the light of the Identity-Metamorphosis-Emancipation Syntagma (1987), according to the usual procedures of the identification studies in the category. The use of interviews with informants, field records and photographs of the productions of young draftsmen of Paraíba Valley was adopted to assist in the field characterization and its main issues. It has been understood that the practice of graffiti is permeated by the institutional commercial imprisoning logic of the territory, which influence the experiences and senses attributed by young people. Nevertheless, given that social space and metamorphosis intercalate, it was understood that creativity reveals to be a strategy of coping with the present contradictions and identity policies involved. It is expressed over youth by different artistic modalities and contexts, as well as in the organisation of independent collective events and actions, which retain communicative and critical capacity, and expand the possibilities of emancipatory movements / O fenômeno das inscrições feitas nos muros data desde os tempos das cavernas, quando o homem registrava com imagens e símbolos sua vida cotidiana, e com isso, a história da civilização. Na Antiguidade o grafite passou a caracterizar e compor movimentos de denúncia, resistência e subversão. Já amplamente difundido por todo o mundo, no Brasil o grafite foi descriminalizado em 2011, por meio da Lei nº 12.408 que o diferenciou do vandalismo. Entretanto, mesmo diante disso, da efervescência de intervenções urbanas e da inclusão de novas conotações como de lazer e trabalho, a produção ainda é tida como marginalizada e carrega diversos estigmas a quem o faz, em especial, nas regiões mais afastadas dos grandes centros urbanos. No Vale do Paraíba, interior de São Paulo, observou-se em estudo realizado em 2015 que mesmo diante dos aspectos regulatórios e de exclusão do território, a prática de grafite essencialmente protagonizada pela juventude tem potência de transformação pessoal e social. Dessa forma, a fim de compreender melhor o processo de construção e expressão identitária do jovem que resiste e cria novas formas de ser no contexto urbano contemporâneo, o presente estudo buscou responder: “Como se dá o processo de identificação, resistência e criação do jovem grafiteiro frente às políticas de identidade socioculturais do território vale paraibano?”. O estudo é sustentado pelos aportes da Psicologia Social Crítica e constructos da categoria analítica de Identidade propostos por Antonio da Costa Ciampa (1987). Privilegiou-se como instrumento a técnica da narrativa de história de vida, analisada à luz do Sintagma Identidade-Metamorfose-Emancipação (1987), em acordo com os usuais procedimentos dos estudos identitários da categoria. Adotando ainda o uso de entrevista com informantes, registros de campo e fotografias das produções de jovens do Vale do Paraíba grafiteiros para auxiliar na caracterização do campo e suas principais questões. Entendeu-se que a prática do grafite é permeada pelas lógicas institucionais e comerciais conservadoras e aprisionantes do território, que influem nas vivências e sentidos atribuídos pelos jovens. Contudo, visto que o espaço social e as metamorfoses intercalam-se mutuamente, compreendeu-se que a criatividade revela-se como estratégia de enfrentamento as contradições presentes e políticas de identidade implicadas. Expressa no trânsito da juventude por diferentes modalidades artísticas e contextos, bem como, na organização de eventos e ações coletivas independentes, que conservam a capacidade comunicativa, crítica e expandem as possibilidades de movimentos emancipatórios