This discursive policy study has its starting point in the criticism of the Swedish gender-equality policy is depoliticised. The purpose of this study is to investigate how the Swedish gender-equality policy was problematised and designed during the 2000s. The purpose of this paper is also to investigate whether the Swedish gender-equality policy can be defined as a depoliticised policy or not. The research questions of this study are: What´s the problem of gender-equality represented to be in the specifics policies and what effects are produced of this representation? Can gender policy, as it is designed in the various policy documents, be understood as a depoliticised policy, in the sense that sex is not articulated on the basis of a conflict dimension? To find the answer of theese questions I use the method ”Whats´s the problem represented to be", which is an inductive approach where the researcher sets selected questions to its material. The result of this study shows that the problem of gender-equality usually is represented in three different ways. The first finding is that the problem is descbribed in terms, that there is an uneven distribution of power between man and women. The second results shows that the problem with the unequal society is explained in terms that there´s is a lack of quality and knowledge. The last representation is described in terms that there is a problem for the democracy and the growth. The study result also shows that the Swedish gender-equality policy mostly can be understood as a de-politicised policy. / Denna studie är en diskursanalytisk policystudie som tar sin början i kritik om att den svenska jämställdhetspolitiken är avpolitiserad och saknar maktkritiskt innehåll. Syftet med denna uppsats är därför att undersöka hur den svenska jämställdhetspolitiken problematiserats och utformats under 2000-talet. Syftet med denna uppsats är också att undersöka om den svenska jämställdhetspolitiken kan definieras som ett avpolitiserat politikområde. De frågeställningar som studien ämnar svara är följande: Hur representeras jämställdhetsproblemet i de olika policydokumenten och vad blir effekterna av denna representation? Kan jämställdhetspolitiken, så som den är utformat i de olika policydokumenten, förstås som ett avpolitserat politikområde, i den mening att kön inte artikuleras utifrån en konfliktdimension? För att söka svar på dessa frågor används metoden What´s the problem represented to be? som är en induktiv strategi där forskaren ställer valda frågor till sitt material. Resultatet av undersökningen visar att jämställdhetsproblemet huvudsakligen framställs i tre olika typer av representationer. Dessa tre har jag valt kalla: maktfördelningsproblem, bristande kvalité- och kunskapsproblem och demokrati- och tillväxtproblem. Studiens resultat visar också att den svenska jämställdhetspolitiken mestadels kan förstås som ett avpolitiserat politikområde.

Equality between the sexes has been discussed in Sweden for more than 50 years. In the 60´s and during the 70´s the discourse that dominated the debate was based on the assumption that both men and women needed to liberate themselves from their traditional gender roles. In this approach information and education was perceived as the key to equality. During the 80´s however, power and subordination became the main focal point of concern within this debate, and focus upon changing the patriarchal power structures dominating society were perceived as the principal key for establishing equality between the sexes. Today, the latter discourse still dominates both the scientific and the political perspective upon equality. By examining the debate on equality from two different fields of occupation this paper tries to analyse the fact that the Swedish equality discourse looks very different on male - versus female domination. Although the proportion of male teachers in Swedish preschools is about 3 % and the amount of women serving as public company directors is about 20 %, the current discourse views male dominance within the business sector as problematic, whilst, the dominance of women in the preschool childcare sector as less problematic. In respect of the theory supported by Bourdieu (1999), Hirdman (1990 & 2003) and Foucault (1998 & 2002) this paper advocates that the discourse is biased and simplified and that a perspective that only focuses on areas of male domination sets the wrong priorities. With regards to equality ideals prevalent throughout Norway this paper concludes that the Swedish equality discourse needs a broader and more open approach to assure that Swedish institutions promote equality between men and women in the best possible way.

For decades, boys have underperformed in the Swedish school when compared to girls. During the past 10 years, different problem representations regarding the issue have been articulated within the Swedish Government Official Report series. This paper examines the two most dominant problem representations, through a critical scrutiny of underlying assumptions, aswell as potential political effects on gender equality policy. Both problem representations share the assumption that education is a success game, won by girls and lost by boys. Further, boys’ failures in school are represented as a threat, both towards individuals as towards society at large. However, key differences can be found when looking at the ways sex, gender and power are constructed. When the gender gap is represented to be caused by determined sex differences, the school system is seen as unfair, benefitting girls at the expense of boys. When the gender gap is instead represented as caused by socially constructed gender projects, “anti-study culture” is seen as a result of boys' collective upholding of hegemonic masculinity. Dependingon the conceptualization of the issue, the political effects could either entail a stabilization of a patriarchal gender system through a delegitimization of girls' successes, or a destabilization of a patriarchal gender system through perceiving both girls and boys as potential victims of patriarchy, enabling alliance-building gender equality policy. Yet, lack of intersectional perspective makes it difficult to counteract social inequality at large, as the gender system affects boys and girls in different ways depending on other intersecting axes of social division.

I denna uppsats används diskursanalys för att undersöka vad som framställs som problemet i jämställdhetspolitiken och vilka konsekvenser problemets framställning får för jämställdhetsarbetet och jämställdhetsintegrering som politisk åtgärd.  Studien har gjorts i en lokal kontext genom att analysera Karlstad kommuns jämställdhetspolicy, två jämställdhetsplaner samt ett samordningsmöte för jämställdhetsfrågor. Den diskursanalytiska metoden som ligger till grund för analysen är Carol Lee Bacchis policyanalysverktyg ”What is the problem represented to be?”. Det är ett angreppsätt som analyserar policys med syftet att skapa förståelse för hur problem ”skapas” i policys problemformulering. Efter att materialet analyserats framkom det att jämställdhetsarbetet utgick från flertalet olika problem som inte alltid hade en självklar koppling till jämställdhetsbegreppet. Jämställdhetsarbetet används till smått som stort för att förbättra den kommunala verksamheten. Detta kan medföra en avpolitiserande effekt på jämställdhetsintegrering som politisk åtgärd.  Analysen visade även att avsaknaden av en tydlig problemformulering, med utgångspunkt i ett könsmaktsperspektiv, utgjorde en försvårande faktor för att åstadkomma en positiv förändring mot ett mer jämställt samhälle. Det som i synnerhet lämnas oproblematiserat i jämställdhetsarbetet är ett strukturellt maktperspektiv, så som könsmaktsordningen. Könsmaktsordningen kan sägas utgöra ”elefanten i rummet” i jämställdhetsarbetet eftersom den är närvarande som teoretisk utgångspunkt men kan samtidigt inte benämnas utan att väcka motstånd. / This paper uses discourse analysis to examine what is portrayed as the problem of gender equality policies and the consequences of the problem representation for gender equality and gender mainstreaming as a political measure. The study was performed in a local context by analyzing Karlstad municipality's equality policy, two gender equality programs as well as a coordination meeting on gender equality issues. The discourse analytic method which is the basis for the analysis is Carol Lee Bacchis policy analysis "What is the problem represented to be?". It is a method approach that analyzes policies with the aim to create an understanding of how problems is "created" in the policies of problems. After the material has been analyzed, it emerged that gender equality was based on several different issues that had not always an obvious connection to the concept of equality. The gender equality work is used for both large and small to improve municipal operations. This can cause a depoliticize effect on gender mainstreaming as a policy measure. The analysis also showed that the lack of a clear problem, starting with a gender perspective, constituted an aggravating factor to effect a positive change towards a more equal society. What in particular is left un-problematised in gender equality work is a structural perspective of power, as gender power relations. Gender power relations can be said to be "the elephant in the room" for gender equality, since it is present as a theoretical basis, but can also not be named without arousing opposition.

This study investigates the discursive construction of masculinities of the Swedish Equality Agency. By using the WPR analysis strategy to examine underlying problematizations in the agency’s perspective on masculinity, the study seeks to generate an understanding of the direction in which the agency wishes masculinity to develop as a cultural phenomenon. The paper critiques that the new masculinity is primarily implicit and aims to make the new masculinity more explicit to enable proactivity. The study highlights the transition from an explicit masculinity to an implicit one and the effects of this ”implicitness”. The new masculinity is more implicit in terms of life advice, normativity, and ideals, making it more concealed and harder to follow, compared to a traditional masculinity and its values. The paper also explores the cultural ideal established by policy. The objectives primarily result in the ideals of everyone’s equal opportunities and rewards for studies and work, the sharing of household chores equally, and obtaining consent before engaging in anything that has to do with others bodily integrity. The reconstruction of masculinity can be seen as an attempt to insert cultural ideals into multiple masculinities or establish an upper masculinity, thus achieving a less polarized society. The study further explores the idea of that the current approach may be perceived to place more value on criticizing than implementing, making masculinity, like the problem of violence, reactive rather than a proactive factor. The concluding discussion suggests that masculinity is a tool, a frame of reference to relate to, and perhaps there is a need for guiding principles, commandments, and ideals to live up to. In the discussion I also suggest the implementation of the term ”submasculinity” to prevent holistic establishing and assemblage of negative aspects. The paper suggests in the concluding discussion that society can shape a new, explicit, and more identifiable masculinity and thus a meaningful, more explicit path to follow.

Syftet är att ur ett kulturanalytiskt perspektiv beskriva och analysera Länsdelegationen i jämställdhet. Början av uppsatsen kan ses som ett bakgrundskapitel. Detta för att förstå uppkomsten av undersökningen. Där förklaras kort den svenska jämställdhetspolitiken, hur det strategiska arbetet sker genom jämställdhetsintegrering och Länsstyrelsens roll och arbete kring Länsdelegationen. Vidare behandlas hur delegationen arbetar med den avsiktsförklaring de tagit fram och hur de förhåller sig till den. Men också på hur delegaterna faktiskt ser på sitt deltagande, hur de arbetar med att införliva jämställdhetspolitiken i praktiken samt de svårigheter och möjligheter som kommer med arbetet i delegationen. Vidare diskuteras hur delegaterna ser på framtiden med sin medverkan och delegationens varande. Senare görs en kort jämförelse med hur förändringen gestaltat sig sedan delegationens start år 1997. Detta med hjälp av de två tidigare utvärderingarna från år 2000 och år 2006. I den avslutande diskussionen knyts uppsatsen ihop genom att besvara syftet med utvärderingen: att söka svar på hur delegationen arbetar och verkar med jämställdhetsarbetet. Till undersökningen valde jag att arbeta med två olika insamlingsmetoder, dels en webbenkät som gått ut till samtliga delegater i Länsdelegationen i jämställdhet, dels tre intervjuer med några av delegaterna. Jag har även studerat den avsiktsförklaring som togs fram för år 2014-2016 för att få kunskap om vad delegationen ska förhålla sig till. Jag har också använt två tidigare utvärderingar som gjorts av Länsdelegationen i jämställdhet samt den debattartikel som delegationen publicerade inför 2014 års nationella genusforskarkonferens, g14 som var förlagd till Umeå universitet. Slutsatserna i undersökningen är att Länsdelegationen främst verkar som en symbolisk faktor och många talar och skriver om att de vill bli en mer arbetande grupp och agera utåt och bidra till att Västerbotten ska bli ett jämställt län. Men det stannar av där, det blir tillsynes kanske inte mer än vackra ord i handlingsplanerna.

The main purpose of this thesis is to analyze why or why not Swedish municipalities implement the gender equality policy – ”right to work fulltime”. In order to understand this institutional change, the analysis is based on a theoretical framework consisting of two fields: political representation and feminist institutionalism. The study is divided into two empirical inquiries. The first part is based on a quantitative survey that describes the casual relationship between two independent variables; women´s political representation and party ideology, and the dependent variable; political decision about “right to work fulltime”. The findings are that women´s representation does not explain the existence of political decision. Rather, political ideology has a higher explanatory factor. The second inquiry is divided into two single-case studies; Nynäshamn, a municipality that has implemented the policy, and Eskilstuna, that failed the implementation process. Four theoretical concepts are developed and one analytical model is used to understand institutional change in these cases. The study concludes that in order to understand the implementation process in these municipalities, local and contextual institutions must be emphasized; both formal and informal institutions need to be in favor for the agents promoting change. However, to fully understand these processes, focus should be directed towards the ways in which gendered power relations shape the construction of new institutions.

The starting point of this thesis is that gender equality should be studied as an empirical field. After the Swedish general election in 2014 the newly formed government proclaimed itself to be the world’s first feminist government. This study aims to examine how gender equality is made and filled with meaning by this feminist government since 2014 and to analyse the results by making use of postcolonial feminist theory and relevant research. Carol Bacchis analytical strategy, “What´s the problem represented to be?” is used as the study’s methodological framework. This approach to critical policy analysis focuses on how governing takes place through problematizations within policy. The results of the study show that gender equality is made by problematizing a lack of regulation, a lack of knowledge, a lack of collaboration, wrongful designation, a lack of attention for certain groups as well as a lack of Swedish strategy. One of the most significant results drawn from the analyses confirms previous research findings that neoliberalism as well as ethnocentric discourses dominate this field of policy. This leads to the conclusions that Swedish Gender Equality Politics, through to its fragmentation is emptied of a specific content and direction as well as that Swedishness and Norms of Honor are created in an asymmetric-diametrically relationship.