Includes bibliographical references (p. 499-510) and index.

Author: Gabriella Agné and Helena Larsson Title: Disability policy program – a case study of a municipals implementation of UNs Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities. Supervisor: Marianne Westring-Nordh Assessor: Ulf Drugge This study aims to examine how a small municipal in southern Sweden works with the implementation of the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities and examine the assistant officers knowledge about this work and user organizations inclusion and user involvement. The study operates from a qualitative approach based on the results of nine semi-structured interviews with local politicians, assistance officers and representatives from three different user organizations. The results show that the municipal has chosen to work with the implementation of the convention by creating policy programs for their departments through dialogue with user organizations, and by mapping the accessibility to public places. The results also show that the assistant officers have been given no information regarding the convention or the policy programs from their employers and instead operate from national legislations and prepositions. The user organizations feel that they were initially included in the process, but that their impact has later been removed due to structural reorganization.

Frankfurt (Main), University, Diss., 2008. / Enth. 3 Sonderabdr. - Beitr. teilw. dt., teilw. engl.

Uppsatsen tar upp breddningen av Kungsgatan i Norrköping. Här listas orsakerna till varför ingreppet genomfördes, konsekvenserna detta fick för kulturmiljöerna och motståndet som uppstod när hotet började realiseras. Uppsatsen tittar på vilka faktorer (politiska, stadsplanemässiga, kulturvårdande, ekonomiska) som påverkar en gatas förändring och vad som värderas högst.

„Sachsen soll ein Land sein, in dem wir gern miteinander leben und füreinander da sind. Sachsen soll ein Land sein, in dem es sich lohnt, zu arbeiten und zu investieren. Nach Sachsen sollen die Menschen gerne kommen, gerne zurückkommen und sie sollen hier gerne bleiben. Sachsen soll eine gute Heimat sein. Für diese Ziele soll unsere Politik den Rahmen bilden. Wir sind uns der Verantwortung für das Land und seine Menschen bewusst. Gemeinsam wollen wir Sachsen voranbringen.“ Michael Kretschmer, Ministerpräsident des Freistaates Sachsen Redaktionsschluss: 15.03.2018

DAKS e.V. ist als Kommunalpolitische Bildungsvereinigung durch das Staatsministerium des Inneren des Freistaats Sachsen anerkannt und steht Bündnis 90/Die Grünen nahe. Sie wurde 1992 auf Anregung der Kommunalpolitischen Konferenz vom Oktober ‘91 in Bautzen gegründet. Ziel ist die „Förderung des demokratischen Staatswesens in weitsichtiger, ökologischer und sozialer Verantwortung. Die Vereinigung unterstützt alle an Kommunalpolitik interessierten Bürgerinnen und Bürger, Abgeordnete, Fraktionen und Bürgerinitiativen bei der Gestaltung einer bürgernahen Kommunalpolitik, welche der Verwirklichung von Menschenrechten, dem Schutz der natürlichen Umwelt und unmittelbaren Bürgerinteressen dient”. Die konkrete Arbeit von DAKS e.V. besteht in Beratung und Schulung von Kommunalpolitikern und interessierten Bürgern mittels Seminaren, Vorträgen und Publikationen sowie in der Vernetzung von Kommunalpolitikern und Fachleuten mittels Tagungen und Vermittlung von Kontakten. Was bedeutet, beinhaltet und umfasst der Integrationsbegriff? Welche Akteure sind beteiligt und welche rechtlichen Rahmenbedingungen in Deutschland sind maßgeblich für die Umsetzung von Integration? In der vorliegenden Broschüre soll diesen Fragestellungen, mit einem abschließenden Fokus auf Beispielen aus den sächsischen Zentren wie auch dem ländlichen Raum, nachgegangen werden.

This essay deals with the question of lines of development within the politics in the rural municipality of Nyed 1950-1962. The aim is to explore how local politics and policies were handled from two perspectives. Firstly the issue of conflict and consensus or majority rule and consensus. Here Arend Lijphard's theory of majority and consensus provides a theoretical base for the essay. Secondly the aim is to explore the actions of the local politicians with regards to leisure time policies to find out whether or not they ideologically belonged to the concept of ”folkhemmets kommun” by Ulla Ekström von Essen. The source material for this essay has been the minutes from the two major bodies of local politics in Nyed, kommunalfullmäktige and kommunalnämnden. The minutes from folkskolestyrelse has also been studied in specific policy cases. An interview with local ex-politician Sven Bjureld (c) has also been conducted to give a fuller view of the topic than the study of minutes can give. In the essay the conclusion is drawn that the politicians were part of the ideology of Folkhemmets kommun and that it was the social democrats that were the driving force in that development. It is furthermore concluded that the level of conflict was relatively low and that the municipality can be grouped as a consensus municipality according to Lijphard's theory. There were however three distinct areas of policy where there were more conflict that others: real estate policy, leisure time policy and education policy. The usage of motions as a political weapon was quite low during the period with 12 motions written. It was primarily the social democrats that used this weapon. The essay also points out the fact that there was a movement during the period with regards to how the task of the local politicians were viewed. In the beginning of the period the politicians primarily saw their role as a passive one whereas in the end they saw themselves as having an active role in making the municipality viewed in a positive way by the inhabitants and other members of the public. With regards to development over time it is concluded in the essay that there was a breach around 1955/1956. After that time politics in Nyeds rural municipality started to follow the lines of political parties.

The aim of this thesis is to describe, critically analyse and provide information about gender equality in Swedish preschools, in relation to policy and practice. The main focus is on pedagogues’ gender equality work with children. The study includes a comparison between state gender equality policy in Scottish and Swedish preschools. The theoretical starting point for the analysis is a policy and gender perspective. Based on Bacchis’ (1999) and Marshalls’ (1997) work suggesting that gender equality policy issues and problems are socially constructed, a contrasting analytical framework is devised and used in the analysis. The main emphasis in the analysis of gender equality constructions is on underlying assumptions, competing constructions and “areas of silence”, relating to what is missing from a gender perspective. There is also some consideration of the agreement between constructions and concrete measures. The time-period studied was from the end of the 1960s onwards; emphasis was placed on the last fifteen years. The main empirical data consists of: Swedish and Scottish state official policy documents and interviews with Scottish researchers; Swedish local authority official documents and interviews with local authority officials from four municipalities; and interviews with pedagogues from three work-teams in three preschools. This information is complemented with documentation about the preschools’ gender equality work. In state preschool policy, pedagogues are depicted both as part of the solution to the gender equality problem but also part of the problem because there are “too few men”. Local authorities consider that pedagogues need more knowledge about gender equality. The pedagogues themselves make a distinction between the past, when their treatment of children was founded on gender-based stereotypes, and the present, in which they are aware but need to keep up the work. In both Swedish preschool policy and practice, gender equality has mainly focused on treating girls and boys similarly, based on assumptions that this is desirable; and this is still the approach. This similarity discourse has been quite constant in Swedish state policy since the 1960s. One exception, however, was the attention to biological differences which gained influence in the mid 1990s in policies mainly relating to compulsory schooling. Gender equality is, with respect to both policy and practice, largely constructed as a pedagogical preschool issue. Discussions about wider society mainly concern the public sphere and the labour market, whilst the private sphere is seldom considered. Children are mainly positioned as “girls” or “boys” and as recipients of pedagogues’ gender equality measures. In general, little consideration is given to hierarchies and variations among groups of girls or boys, or about intersections between gender and other socially constructed categories. Intersections were most clearly visible in practice, especially in one preschool studied; they concern gender equality, age and space. Issues concerning power and gender order are usually missing, and there seems to be a clear influence of gender role theories. Even though there is clear current emphasis on increased similarities, there is a tension concerning whether gender equality is about treating everybody exactly the same, treating everybody in quite similar ways or treating children as unique individuals. This also involves a tension relating to whether gender equality concerns girls and boys as individuals, or as groups, or both. The study demonstrated that the emphasis on gender equality is stronger in the constructions than in concrete measures. In practice, work-teams’ discussions about gender equality were more nuanced than the somewhat compensatory methods that these practitioners applied during their work with the children.

Diss. Linköping : Linköpings universitet, 2008. / S. 325-340: Bibliografi.

Wie beheimatet sich Menschen in einer Stadt fühlen, hängt davon ab, wie politisch eingebunden sie sich begreifen. Die Entstehung von Mitbestimmungsformen in Chemnitz verlief – wie in vielen anderen Städten – nicht reibungslos. Auch die Inhalte variierten über die Jahrhunderte: Wollten die Bürger bis zum Ende der mittelalterlichen Stadtverfassung Anfang des 19. Jahrhunderts vor allem über die Besteuerung, die Gerichtsbarkeit und elementare Sicherheitsfragen mitbestimmen, ging es bis 1919 um die Durchsetzung des allgemeinen Wahlrechts, das Frauen einschloss, um sozialen Ausgleich und die großen Infrastrukturprojekte der Gründerzeit. Nach Rückschritten in der Zeit des Nationalsozialismus und der DDR bekam Chemnitz mit der Gemeindeordnung Sachsens von 1994 eine freiheitliche Kommunalverfassung, die auch Raum für weitere Neuerungen lässt – wie etwa Einwohnerversammlungen in den Stadtvierteln. Zwischen mehr Mitbestimmung und effizienten Entscheidungen entsteht dabei ein gewisser Gegensatz. Dieses Bändchen bringt die Hintergründe einer aktuellen Debatte auf den Tisch. / Forms and content of political participation in Chemnitz