The 1600’s were a turbulent period of Swedish history. War, the effects of confession-building and the growing influence of the privy council marked the first half of the century. The purpose of this essay is to analyse how God was invoked in the Swedish privy council protocols during 1621-1636 and to determine the function of these invocations. With a theoretical starting pointin the term political culture, I argue that God was invoked as part of a system of symbols that gave, for instance, meaning to politics and society. By categorizing all instances that the members of the privy council and other invited individuals spoke of God, Christ, and the Holy Spirit (with a focus on God in particular) I found seven larger functions in the use of God in theprotocols. In summary they exercise a soothing and reassuring, confirming, class and order maintaining, guiding, and a meaning creating function. They also function to assert one’s position and safety and as a mode of expression. This asserts the role of religion in the political culture and how intertwined they were.

Föreliggande studie intresserar sig för hur kultur kan konstitueras i det socialt digitala rummet vi kallar internet. Studiens syfte har varit att kartlägga kulturen på svenska nätforum som innefattar diskussionen om kriget mellan Ukraina och Ryssland och studien har strävat att besvara följande frågeställning: Hur skapas en kulturell förståelse kring kriget mellan Ukraina och Ryssland via det sociala sammanhanget på svenska nätforum? Studien utgår från den netnografiska metodansatsen och studiens empiriska material har samlats in från två olika nätforum genom digitala deltagande observationer och en asynkron intervju. Den symboliska interaktionismen används som teoretisk och begreppslig referensram för att tolka de sociala interaktioner som uppstår inom nätforumen. Resultatet av studien visar att diskussionen om kriget mellan Ukraina och Ryssland ger upphov till nätgemenskaper vars kultur grundar sig i ett gemensamt synsätt på kriget. En kulturell förståelse kring kriget och nätgemenskapens ”vi” skapas genom ett ömsesidigt givande och efterfrågande av socialt stöd, kamratskap, upprätthållandet av gemensamma normer och värderingar samt ett gemensamt symbolsystem.

Some may say that the chilling breezes of the Cold War are running through Europe following the Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 and the world is once again reminded of the dark history of the second half of the 20th century. The multifaceted concept of historical consciousness sears through the Swedish curriculum since 2011. Those two components combined lay the foundation of why this essay aims to study how Swedish history teachers operate to develop the students’ historical consciousness through their education about the Cold War. The method used to conclude the result in this essay is semi-structured interviews. The results are subsequently analyzed using three varying definitions of historical consciousness, which are defined by Karl-Ernst Jeismann, Bernard Eric Jensen and Jörn Rüsen, as well as a theory of implementation issues (implementeringsproblem) established by Evert Vedung and Lennart Lundquist. Additionally, the result is also discussed in relation to previous research regarding teachers’ concept of historical consciousness, how teachers integrate the Cold War in their history education as well as how they correlate their teaching to the curriculum.Although the result shows that the teachers’ answers vary, they all share the same view on historical consciousness as a time dimensional concept which can be linked to the definitions of Jeismann, Jensen and Rüsen. The implementation issues shown in the result are mainly a consequence of the lack of time to implement historical consciousness in the teaching as well as a lack of full understanding of the concept and its close ties to the curriculum. A vast majority of the teachers in the study also believe that the Cold War is one of the most important parts of history education.Our conclusion is that history teachers find historical consciousness difficult to define and that the obstacle against educating the students towards a better historical consciousness is time as well as their own interests.

According to many historians, the Russo-Japanese War 1904ー1905 was considered to be the first war fought between two equal industrialized powers. The war attracted much attention from the major powers in the world due in part to the use of many new military innovations and technologies, especially on the tactical level. In Sweden, lessons observed from the naval war came to heavily influence the debate regarding the armament of the Swedish Naval Defence. However, barely any previous research has sought to analyze what tactical lessons the Swedish Army learned from the war. The purpose of this study is therefore to analyze what tactical lessons Sweden learned from the Russo-Japanese War 1904ー1905. The research questions presented in this study are: What lessons did the Swedish Army identify from the war relating to the three main arms of the Army: the infantry, the artillery and the cavalry? Which pitfalls occurred during the learning process? To what extent were the lessons implemented? The theoretical framework for this essay is based on Brent Sterling’s theory regarding recurring pitfalls when learning from foreign wars. To identify the lessons learned from the Russo-Japanese War, articles published in the journal of The Royal Swedish Academy of War Sciences during and after the war have been analyzed, as well as a compendium published by the Swedish General Staff. The methodology used to analyze the source material is a qualitative text analysis with a hermeneutical approach. The results from the study show that many different lessons from the war relating to the three arms were identified. Among these were the impressive effectiveness of the machine gun, the devastating indirect fire wrought by howitzers and the importance of correctly utilizing the cavalry. However, multiple pitfalls also occurred during the learning process relating to the all three arms as well. Lessons learned from the war also paved the way for the implementation of the machine gun and the howitzer in the Swedish Army.

The aim of this study is to achieve a better understanding of how logistics associated with the unique swedish system of air force tactics, commonly known as the ”Flygbassystemet”, has developed from the cold war up until today. Further the study interests in how the development can be understood through the presence of principles of military operational logistics constructed by Moshe Kress. Through the use of a case study design with qualitative text analysis on manuals from the Swedish armed forces from the time period 1987 until as late as 2018, the study has found that there has been a development in how the system is logistically prepared and supplied. The study indicates that the system during the late 1980´s relied greatly on own support and supplies in storages around the air base. Relatively few resources came from the civilian sector. Nowadays the study indicates that fewer supplies are stored close by to the air base than prior and that logistic support is centralized and supplied via the armed forces logistics units to the air base. Civilian supplies in the shape of food and fuel is also used to much larger extent than prior. This development is also to be found when studying the development of military logistics in NATO during the same time period. Regarding the principles of military logistics the result was relatively unclear and the principles was found to mixed extent when analyzing the manuals. Hence, no further specified conclusions could be drawn from the analysis regarding the presence of principles other than that the principles of flexibility and improvisation were found in all manuals to a large extent.

This thesis examines the implementation of maneuver warfare within Swedish war planning in 1967, focusing on the influence of political directives and the adoption of the German Maneuver School principles. Utilizing a qualitative content analysis of extensive archival materials and historical literature, the study highlights how political control shaped operational art and tactics, particularly through the directives issued by General Viking Tamm. The research reveals that political factors had a more profound impact on maneuver warfare implementation than previously documented, overshadowing other influences such as geography and military logic. Furthermore, the thesis discusses the internal conflicts within the Swedish Armed Forces that hindered the adoption of a more maneuver-oriented defense strategy, suggesting a complex interplay between political will and military practice. This work contributes to the broader understanding of military strategy adaptation under political constraints, offering a new perspective on the operational and tactical levels of defense planning.

This master thesis examines the Swedish part of the UN-operation after the October war, UNEF II, and how they portrait the local cultures and ethnic groups, both belligerent and the civilian population. The thesis uses two battalion newspapers. Sandpappret which was published ones a month between November 1973 and December 1979 and Ökenkuriren which was published semi-daily between November 27th 1978 and June 18th 1979. The thesis also uses two books written by participants of the operation, Eld upphör! By Hallqvist and Ökenvägen by Agrell. The thesis reaches the conclusion that both newspapers and books use a very orientalistic language and while positive comments do exist, like comments about the mysterious and wise orient, negative comments are more prevalent. This applies to both the belligerent and the civilian population. The books are more negative, and can be more negative, because they do not have a UN led editorial staff and the UN rules to think about. The arab culture is a lot more prevalent in the texts than the culture in Israel. The culture in Israel does not get the same orientalistic treatment as the arab culture. Time does not seem to affect the opinions shown neither does most big events. The only big event that seems to have a lasting effect on the written opinions are when the buffer zone was extended and a lot of bedouins suddenly found themselves in the Swedish part of the zone.

The Russian invasion of Ukraine has affected millions of people in different ways. The everyday lives of Russians has changed significantly. Our purpose in this study is to explore the experiences of Russian immigrants in Sweden. The areas we are specifically interested in are the understanding individuals have of the conflict and the experiences these individuals describe when it comes to how the conflict has affected their sense of identity as well as their personal relationships with friends and family. This qualitiative study was conducted through interviews of these Russian immigrants. The perspective from the Russian diaspora is a rather unexplored one compared to their Ukrainian counterpart. This study covers many different subjects and there is a lack of previous research on this specific topic, likely because of the recency of these events. Considering this, the section on previous research is based on the themes the study discusses. These themes are public opinion of international military interventions, the Russian diaspora, empathy in polarized politics, shame, and group responsibility, and finally the group borders in the Ukrainian solidarity movement. The theoretical framework this study is based on is emotional sociology. A theory has been built out of the combined viewpoints of Goffman’s theory on categorization and stigma, Collins’s theory of group solidarity, interaction ritual, and conflict talk, Hochschild’s theory of deep stories and empathy walls as well as Scheff’s theory on shame and conformity. The final results of the study show that the understanding of the conflict varies wildly between individuals and said understanding tends to affect in which manner the conflict has changed the sense of identity as well as personal relationships. The individuals who share an understanding that agrees with the idea that Russia is at fault tend to feel a larger sense of shame over their identity and it has had a more negative effect on their personal relationships especially with family in Russia. Individuals who are more inclined to either have a more ambivalent- or pro-Putin understanding didn’t express these experiences but instead had different worries, such as receiving negative sanctions for their opinions. Respondents of all understandings expressed a worry about suffering sanctions for their ethnicity, but none of them described personal experiences with this in Sweden. / Den ryska invasionen av Ukraina har påverkat miljontals människor på olika sätt. Ryssars vardagliga liv har förändrats ordentligt av detta. Vårt syfte i denna studie är att undersöka ryska invandrare i Sverige och deras olika upplevelser. De områden vi är specifikt intresserade av är förståelsen individer har av konflikten och de upplevelser de beskriver angående hur konflikten har påverkat deras identitet och relationer till vänner och familj. Denna kvalitativa studie genomfördes genom intervjuer av dessa ryssar. Den ryska diasporans perspektiv är ett relativt outforskat område i jämförelse med den ukrainska motsvarigheten. Denna studie täcker många olika ämnen och det finns en brist på tidigare forskning på specifikt detta ämne, troligtvis på grund av hur aktuell situationen fortfarande är. Med tanke på detta är sektionen med tidigare forskning baserad på de teman som studien diskuterar. Dessa teman är den allmänna opinionen angående internationella militära interventioner, den ryska diasporan, empati i polariserad politik, skam och gruppansvar och slutligen gruppgränser inom den ukrainska solidaritetsrörelsen. Den teoretiska referensramen vi utgått från är baserad på emotionssociologi. En teori har blivit byggd av de gemensamma synpunkterna av Goffmans teori om kategorisering och stigma, Collins teori om gruppsolidaritet, interatktionsritualer och konfliktsamtal, Hochschilds teori om deep story och empatimurar samt Scheffs teori om skam och konformitet. Resultaten av studien visar att förståelsen av konflikten varierar stort mellan individer och detta tenderar att påverka hur konflikten har förändrat deras identitet och relationer. Individer som delar en förståelse som stämmer överens med idén att konflikten är Rysslands fel tenderar att känna mer skam över deras identitet och det har haft en större negativ påverkan på deras relationer, framförallt med familj i Ryssland. Individer som är mer benägna att antingen ha en mer ambivalent- eller pro-Putinförståelse utryckte inte dessa upplevelser utan andra saker oroade dem, som att lida negativa sociala sanktioner för deras åsikter. Respondenter från alla olika former av förståelse utryckte en oro över att få lida sanktioner på grund av deras etnicitet, men ingen beskrev några personliga erfarenheter av detta i Sverige.

Syftet med denna studie var att komma till insikt, dels om hur kriget mot terrorismen har präglat diskursen kring det rättfärdiga kriget med dess särskilt utmärkande preventiva krigföring, och dels om huruvida begreppet "illegal kombattant" kan betraktas som legalt eller inte. Denna studie visar hur krigskonceptet har blivit alltmer diffust sedan det kalla kriget och hur attackerna gentemot USA den elfte september 2001 innebar en brytpunkt gällande diskussionerna kring rättfärdig krigföring. Studien visar också att begreppet "illegal kombattant", med dess preventiva syfte, tillvisso skulle kunna betraktas som legitimt i kontext till omfattningen av ovan nämnda attacker men att dess innebörd inte kan betraktas som legalt i vare sig nationell eller internationell bemärkelse. Jag har kommit till denna insikt genom att identifiera en diskursiv företeelse och lyfta fram dess legalitets- och legitimitetsaspekter och genom att identifiera en juridisk företeelse och lyfta fram syftet med dess innebörd med fokus främst på dess legalitetsaspekter. Med en diskursanalys har jag undersökt talet om det rättfärdiga kriget efter den elfte september, och genom en juridisk analys har jag prövat begreppet "illegal kombattant" gentemot nationell och internationell rätt. Dessa två analyser har fogats samman genom en samlad studie av kriget mot terrorismen och dess legalitets- respektive legitimitetsaspekter. / The purpose of this study was to come to realization on how the war on terror has characterized the discourse on Just War with its particularly distinctive preventive warfare, and also on whether the term "unlawful combatant" can be regarded as legal or not. This study shows how the concept of war has become increasingly diffuse since the Cold War and how the attacks against the U.S. on Sept. 11, 2001 represented an inflection point on the discussions of righteous warfare. The study also shows that the term "illegal combatant", with its preventive purposes, to a certain extent might be regarded as legitimate in the context of the magnitude of the above-mentioned attacks but that its content can not be regarded as legal in either a national or international sense. I have come to this realization by identifying a discursive phenomenon and highlighting its legality and legitimacy aspects and by identifying a legal phenomenon and highlighting the purpose and meaning of it, primarily focusing on its legality aspects. With a discourse analysis, I have examined the speach on Just War after September 11, and with a legal analysis, I have tested the notion of "unlawful combatant" against national and international law. These two analyzes have been consolidated in a comprehensive study of the war on terrorism and its legality and legitimacy aspects.

The Space Race during the Cold War was an era when the World saw great possibilities and scientific discoveries. Before 1957, the thing we call space had never been scaled by man. The Soviet Union turned this over with Sputnik 1, the very first artificial satellite which would change our way to research everything beyond Earth. Although this is true, there is also another side of Space Race which has more or less nothing to do with space at all – the politics. There is no denying that the politics about Space Race was far more essential for the United States and the Soviet Union than any scientific research. Kennedy talked about prestige and to “be ahead” in the race for space. Of course, the Americans and the Russians were fully involved and knew what could be gained from winning the race. But what about other nations? What about the Swedes? This thesis brings the Space Race to Sweden and examines two Swedish newspapers to get a clear view on how the people of Sweden actually encountered Space Race. To narrow the thesis down, the author picked two important events where the political side of Space Race is distinct – Yuri Gagarin’s orbit of the Earth in 1961 and John Glenn’s orbit of the Earth in 1962. What kind of position in the Space Race did Sweden have, and how is it reflected in the newspapers? Does the political differences in two leading tabloids affect the outcome of the articles? And which kind of theories about the Cold War could be applied on these tabloids? This kind of research is uncommon to encounter in Sweden, but it ought to be dealt with here.