Socialt medborgarskap har en särskilt stark koppling till sociala rättigheter och möjliggörandet att inkludera allt fler i samhällets gemenskaper. Uppsatsen undersöker hur olika medborgarskapsideal tar sig uttryck i en kommunal arbetsmarknadsåtgärd benämnd ”Resursjobb i Västerås stad”. Det är relationen mellan individ-samhälle-stat; rättigheter och skyldighet; samt frihet och jämlikhet som är de huvudsakliga medborgarskapsvärden som undersöks och det är nyliberalism, socialliberalism och socialdemokrati som får definiera och sortera hur dessa kommer till uttryck i en modell för resursjobb framtagen av Västerås stad. Genom idealtypsanalys har dessa värden kunnat identifieras och gestaltas i ett analysschema. Detta har sedan använts som analysverktyg i undersökningen. Resultaten visar att det främst är socialliberala och socialdemokratiska värderingar som kommer till uttryck i modellen för resursjobben; dock finns det spår av nyliberalism i vissa utsagor som varit intressant att kunna lyfta fram.

The aim of this master’s thesis is to study the discourses on culture as developed by EU Commission. The method applied is a discoursebased historical analysis, where analysis of arguments and metaphors are functional to the enlightening of the construction of discourses within EU cultural policy. EU official documents constitute the empirical material studied. The theoretical framework of the thesis draws upon cultural public sphere theory as well instrumentalist cultural policy research. The different discourses on culture that the Commission has formulated in the thesis’ empirical material are set in relationship with the issues of Europeanisation, cultural citizenship and the transformations from a Fordist to a post-Fordist society.The history of the Commission’s cultural policy is presented in three phases. In a first phase (1957-1991) cultural policy is an implicit policy area and the Commission’s discourses on culture are found to oscillate between a conception of culture as singular, a common European culture, as well as plural, i.e. the different cultures of the member states. In a second phase (1992-2006), opened by the Maastricht Treaty, cultural policy is an explicit policy area and discourses on culture rotate around the unity-in-diversity formula, with a stronger accent on diversity compared to the past. In a third phase (2007-) cultural policy is mainly characterised by a neoliberal discourse on culture as economic resource. Discursive relationships between EU cultural policy and other EU policy areas of interest for library and information science (information society policy and information dissemination policy), are also amongst the thesis’ findings. / Program: Masterprogram: Biblioteks- och informationsvetenskap, Digitala bibliotek och informationstjänster

Democracy is a concept held in high regard today. The basis for democracy is the acceptance of political equality including a well-informed citizen body with opportunity to affirm their interests. Through (civic) education children are expected to develop the knowledge, and the competence, that is needed to uphold a democratic form of government. Although needed, ed-ucation is not a categorical requirement for children to gain full citizenship; this is instead based upon a arbitrary age. However, when Sweden introduced a criterion-referenced grading system in primary and secondary school during the 1990’s, it also included a sharp distinction in the grading between approved/passed ("godkänt") and not approved/failed ("icke godkänt", alter-natively "underkänt"). One can see an implicit tension between the universal conception of citizenship, and the fact that students may be failed in the (civic) education. The purpose of this essay is to discuss this tension between civic education, and the criterion-referenced grading system that includes a sharp distinction between passed and failed school performances. This is done through two steps. (i) Firstly, the concept of civic qualification through education is discussed in relation to democratic theory, especially with references to the political theorist Robert A. Dahl. Based on this it is theorized that civic education can be understood as two distinct ideal types, strong or weak civic competence requirements. The weak requirements can be regarded as an expectation that civic education will result in competent citizens; whereas strong requirements implies that a student must reach a predetermined level of competence, e.g. a "passing grade". This theoretical framework is then used in the essay’s second step (ii), where an ideological analysis of debate articles regarding the criterion-refer-enced grading system is performed. Special attention is being directed towards the fact that students are at risk of being failed in their education. The purpose is to analyze whether a tension between civic education and the grading system arises. Through the ideological analysis it is found that this tension does arise but is nullified using weak civic competence requirements; although the strong civic competence requirements can be implicitly identified within the argu-mentation. Thus, the essay conclude that it is problematic to combine the two forms of compe-tence requirements because they are in many ways incompatible on a theoretical level. Finally, the essay asks if it’s possible by extension to have a school system that includes both civic education and a sharp distinction between passed and failed grades.

This qualitative study aims to explain why Denmark, despite being a liberal democracy, resorts to drastic solutions causing different degrees of citizenship amongst its citizens. Existing literature can’t explain why such drastic methods, leading to juridical differences among citizens, are being used towards citizens in liberal democracies who can’t objectively be perceived as traditional threats to national security. Using literature regarding ontological security and the Copenhagen School’s Securitization Theory this thesis observes security as a matter of identity and being rather than survival. Combining methods of process-tracing and discourse analysis this study examines the portrayal of the citizens in the so-called “ghetto” both in the prime ministers' new years speeches ranging from 1994 to 2018 and in the proposals with actions regarding the “ghettos”. The study has found that the citizens of the “ghetto” are perceived and portrayed as different from the regular Danish citizen and therefore it is possible to perceive and portray them as a threat to the Danish identity and society. Since the “ghetto” is perceived as a threat to Danish identity all actions become legitimate due to the fact that if nothing is done Denmark is not believed to remain Danish.

<p>Denna studie undersöker hur politiker inom regeringspartierna i den politiska debatten framställer och konstruerar människor utan uppehållstillstånd. Hur talas det kring människor utan uppehållstillstånd? För att få svar på mina frågor analyseras, med diskursteori som både metodologisk och teoretisk utgångspunkt, de politiska debatter som tar plats i riksdagens kammare.</p><p>Uppsatsen redogör för och diskuterar den asyldiskurs som regeringspolitikerna försöker göra gällande i den politiska debatten. Analysen visar på att kriminaliseringen av papperslösa och gömda samt framställningen av Sverige som öppet och generöst utgör en utgångspunkt för diskursen.</p>

<p>Syftet med den här studien var att belysa hur offentlig medial debatt om papperslösa personers rätt till vård ser ut i Sverige. Studien hade en kvalitativ ansats. Metoden som användes var idé- och ideologianalys och med hjälp av denna analyserades ett antal tidningsartiklar. Om papperslösa personers situation i allmänhet och deras tillgång till hälso- och sjukvård finns tidigare forskning, men det saknas studier om debatten som sådan. Resultatet av denna studie visade att debattens huvudsakligen förs av journalister och politiker men även av andra aktörer såsom läkare, olika typer av organisationer och till viss del privatpersoner. Kärnan i debatten visade sig bestå av huruvida sjukvård skall betraktas som en mänsklig eller medborgerlig rättighet och tre ideologiska block urskiljdes i analysen. Dessa rör medborgarskap, mänskliga och medborgerliga rättigheter samt välfärdsstatens roll. Konklusionen blev att detfinns en tydlig ideologisk skiljelinje mellan de som åberopar mänskliga respektive medborgerliga rättigheter i debatten om papperslösa personers rätt till vård.</p>

<p>The aim of this study is to describe and analyze how the European union relates to the different dimensions of abortion. What kind of problem is abortion and whose right is it? Does difference framings of the problem enable different solutions?</p><p>By analyzing debates from the European parliament through Carol Lee Bacchis method “What’s the problem approach” I have come to see that different representations of a problem changes the problem it self. This emphasis that a problem is a problem in one context, but not in an other.</p><p>Depending on the work of, among others, Barbara Hobson and Ailbhe Smyth I have focused upon the European union as a economical project, leaving social issues to national competence. This makes the EU a patriarchal project that fails to guarantee women’s rights. By not being able to assure women the right of abortion, the women of Europe is treated as second class citizens.</p><p>Through the eyes of the European union my material has shown that abortion is not only a conflict between the woman’s right to choose and the child’s right to live, but also a conflict of democracy. National sovereignty is challenged by a European citizenship of women.</p><p>The right to information and the right to freedom of movement within the EU puts the European question of abortion in a new focus. By framing the problem of abortion as a problem of mobility it enables a way of placing women’s right in the free market system. A Europe that allows women to choose where to perform an abortion, and also provide them with information on contraceptives and the morning-after pill, is a Europe that falls within the idea of the EU as a economical project.</p>

<p>The aim of this master thesis was to examine the European Commission's information resources from a user perspective in order to clarify the needs and circumstances of the search of EU-information among students at Örebro University. 41 students participated in a survey, and four of them was interviewed. On the basis of Pendelton- and Chatmans theories of information behaviour in small worlds, it were assumed that the students' education and citizenship in the European Union affected their needs and the search of EU information.</p><p>The study showed that the students needs for EU-related information has increased, with the current education, but also been linked to earlier educations. The students Citizens need were mainly associated with elections such as the EMU-election, but also in some cases to a need of the general knowledge.</p><p>A review of the European Commission's information resources were made with an emphasis on European Documentation Centre, EDC. The survey showed that most students used the EDC and the EU-databases that was made available by the European Commission through the EDC and the university library but were not aware that they used EDC.</p><p>The survey also showed that students made use of familiar sources and resources when they searched the EU-information, such as the library's regular database list, the library catalogue and search engine on the internet are not requested of other resources. In line with Pendelton and Chatmans's theory the students did not seek information if it was not consider necessary.</p>

This thesis is focused on two phenomena: normative citizenship ideals and onto-logical notions of man. The study is an inductive search for different attributes to describe a variation of these phenomena. The search is conducted from several different perspectives: Current research within citizenship theory, history in a material sense, the history of political ideas, the philosophy of science and thematic analyses of important aspects of the two phenomena. Throughout the thesis attributes are collected and sorted in order to build typologies that can define the variation. In the end the attributes of normative citizenship ideals are sorted into three groups. The ideals are explained in three ways: why they came in to existence, how the transition from one ideal to another took place and how the idealistic content of the ideals were transformed. The attributes of ontological notions of man are sorted into sex types and four of them are defined to have relevance for an existing variation today. Finally the relations between the two typologies are analyzed and ten combinations are found to be possibly useful in studies of contemporary societal contexts. Together, the results are contributing to theories of citizenship. Apart from the results of the study it is argued for a broader definition of politics in political science, for more specific ways to handle egalitarian questions in the field rights of man / citizenship rights and finally against the possibility of a neutral order, for example a neutral state.

The aim of this study is to describe and analyze how the European union relates to the different dimensions of abortion. What kind of problem is abortion and whose right is it? Does difference framings of the problem enable different solutions? By analyzing debates from the European parliament through Carol Lee Bacchis method “What’s the problem approach” I have come to see that different representations of a problem changes the problem it self. This emphasis that a problem is a problem in one context, but not in an other. Depending on the work of, among others, Barbara Hobson and Ailbhe Smyth I have focused upon the European union as a economical project, leaving social issues to national competence. This makes the EU a patriarchal project that fails to guarantee women’s rights. By not being able to assure women the right of abortion, the women of Europe is treated as second class citizens. Through the eyes of the European union my material has shown that abortion is not only a conflict between the woman’s right to choose and the child’s right to live, but also a conflict of democracy. National sovereignty is challenged by a European citizenship of women. The right to information and the right to freedom of movement within the EU puts the European question of abortion in a new focus. By framing the problem of abortion as a problem of mobility it enables a way of placing women’s right in the free market system. A Europe that allows women to choose where to perform an abortion, and also provide them with information on contraceptives and the morning-after pill, is a Europe that falls within the idea of the EU as a economical project.