A partir de 2003, a política externa brasileira retomou mais claramente o padrão verificado entre 1930 e 1980. O Estado voltou a assumir papel fundamental no processo de desenvolvimento, como indutor da economia, priorizando o que se chamou de social-desenvolvimentismo. As aspirações do país mudaram e o universalismo, já consolidado, passou a protagonismo nas principais questões internacionais. A inovação consiste na ênfase com que o Governo Lula passou a defender a reforma social, tanto interna quanto externa. A premissa filosófica de que parte a atual administração é de que há uma relação simbiótica entre aquelas dimensões, e a solução dos problemas internos está condicionada ao reforço da posição do Brasil no sistema internacional. Como a justiça social encontra-se na base da atual gestão, identificaram-se elementos que possibilitam afirmar que a política externa do Governo Lula encontra seu mais aproximado comparativo na Política Externa Independente (PEI). Por tal proximidade, e também por razões didáticas, o atual período é denominado Nova Política Externa Independente (Nova PEI). A estratégia pode ser avaliada segundo os principais eixos táticos adotados a partir de 2003, que encontram correspondência nos eixos táticos da PEI: democracia e multilateralismo, comércio internacional, cooperação Sul-Sul e justiça social. Democracia e Multilateralismo e Comércio Internacional são objetivos, determinados por um instrumento do qual dependem para ser atingidos, a Cooperação Sul-Sul. Como síntese, o eixo Justiça Social é considerado a filosofia que permeia discurso e ação da Nova PEI. Trata-se de um processo de renovação da atuação brasileira para que se torne protagonista nas questões globais. Com a intenção de facilitar a delimitação da Nova PEI, será feita comparação detalhada com a PEI. Nela encontra origem, mas sua originalidade deriva da combinação dos eixos mencionados com a nova configuração do sistema internacional. Após a indicação dos limites característicos de ambas, o resumo das idéias compiladas e das idéias aqui arriscadas buscará indicar os desafios que a política externa brasileira enfrentará no século que se inicia. Finalmente, questiona-se se é possível uma diplomacia para o desenvolvimento no século XXI. / Since 2003, Brazilian foreign policy recovered more clearly the pattern verified between 1930 and 1980. The State once again adopted a fundamental role in the development process, leading the economy towards the so called social development process. The goals of the country have changed and the universalism, already settled, supported the effort for the country to become a real protagonist in the main international issues. The innovation consists in the emphasis that the Lula Administration put in the social reform, both internal and external. The philosophical premise that bases the current administration is that there is a mutual relationship between those dimensions, and that the solution of the internal problems is conditioned to the strengthening of the Brazilian position in the international system. Considering that social justice is a ground to this administration, some elements have been identified that make it possible to compare President Lula’s foreign policy with the Independent Foreign Policy from the early sixties (Política Externa Independente – PEI). For this similarity, but also for didactical purposes, the current period is named New Independent Foreign Policy (Nova Política Externa Independente – Nova PEI). For this similarity, but also for didactical purposes, the current period is named New Independent Foreign Policy (Nova Política Externa Independente – Nova PEI). The strategy must be evaluated according to the main tactical lines adopted since 2003, and that correspond to PEI’s tactical lines: democracy and multilateralism, international trade, South-South cooperation and social justice. Democracy and Multilateralism are goals, determined by an instrument on which they depend to be fulfilled, South-South cooperation. As a synthesis, Social Justice is considered the philosophy that underlies “Nova PEI’s” discourse and action. It is a renovation process of the Brazilian role to make the country a protagonist in global matters. Having in mind the intention to ease the understanding of Nova PeI, it will be constructed a comparison to PEI, in which it finds its origins. But its originality derives from the combination of the tactical lines mentioned related to the configuration of the international system. After pointing the limits of both policies, the summary of the ideas gathered will risk to try and indicate the challenges the Brazilian foreign policy will face in the new century. Finally, it will be considered if it is possible a diplomacy for development in this century.

A partir de 2003, a política externa brasileira retomou mais claramente o padrão verificado entre 1930 e 1980. O Estado voltou a assumir papel fundamental no processo de desenvolvimento, como indutor da economia, priorizando o que se chamou de social-desenvolvimentismo. As aspirações do país mudaram e o universalismo, já consolidado, passou a protagonismo nas principais questões internacionais. A inovação consiste na ênfase com que o Governo Lula passou a defender a reforma social, tanto interna quanto externa. A premissa filosófica de que parte a atual administração é de que há uma relação simbiótica entre aquelas dimensões, e a solução dos problemas internos está condicionada ao reforço da posição do Brasil no sistema internacional. Como a justiça social encontra-se na base da atual gestão, identificaram-se elementos que possibilitam afirmar que a política externa do Governo Lula encontra seu mais aproximado comparativo na Política Externa Independente (PEI). Por tal proximidade, e também por razões didáticas, o atual período é denominado Nova Política Externa Independente (Nova PEI). A estratégia pode ser avaliada segundo os principais eixos táticos adotados a partir de 2003, que encontram correspondência nos eixos táticos da PEI: democracia e multilateralismo, comércio internacional, cooperação Sul-Sul e justiça social. Democracia e Multilateralismo e Comércio Internacional são objetivos, determinados por um instrumento do qual dependem para ser atingidos, a Cooperação Sul-Sul. Como síntese, o eixo Justiça Social é considerado a filosofia que permeia discurso e ação da Nova PEI. Trata-se de um processo de renovação da atuação brasileira para que se torne protagonista nas questões globais. Com a intenção de facilitar a delimitação da Nova PEI, será feita comparação detalhada com a PEI. Nela encontra origem, mas sua originalidade deriva da combinação dos eixos mencionados com a nova configuração do sistema internacional. Após a indicação dos limites característicos de ambas, o resumo das idéias compiladas e das idéias aqui arriscadas buscará indicar os desafios que a política externa brasileira enfrentará no século que se inicia. Finalmente, questiona-se se é possível uma diplomacia para o desenvolvimento no século XXI. / Since 2003, Brazilian foreign policy recovered more clearly the pattern verified between 1930 and 1980. The State once again adopted a fundamental role in the development process, leading the economy towards the so called social development process. The goals of the country have changed and the universalism, already settled, supported the effort for the country to become a real protagonist in the main international issues. The innovation consists in the emphasis that the Lula Administration put in the social reform, both internal and external. The philosophical premise that bases the current administration is that there is a mutual relationship between those dimensions, and that the solution of the internal problems is conditioned to the strengthening of the Brazilian position in the international system. Considering that social justice is a ground to this administration, some elements have been identified that make it possible to compare President Lula’s foreign policy with the Independent Foreign Policy from the early sixties (Política Externa Independente – PEI). For this similarity, but also for didactical purposes, the current period is named New Independent Foreign Policy (Nova Política Externa Independente – Nova PEI). For this similarity, but also for didactical purposes, the current period is named New Independent Foreign Policy (Nova Política Externa Independente – Nova PEI). The strategy must be evaluated according to the main tactical lines adopted since 2003, and that correspond to PEI’s tactical lines: democracy and multilateralism, international trade, South-South cooperation and social justice. Democracy and Multilateralism are goals, determined by an instrument on which they depend to be fulfilled, South-South cooperation. As a synthesis, Social Justice is considered the philosophy that underlies “Nova PEI’s” discourse and action. It is a renovation process of the Brazilian role to make the country a protagonist in global matters. Having in mind the intention to ease the understanding of Nova PeI, it will be constructed a comparison to PEI, in which it finds its origins. But its originality derives from the combination of the tactical lines mentioned related to the configuration of the international system. After pointing the limits of both policies, the summary of the ideas gathered will risk to try and indicate the challenges the Brazilian foreign policy will face in the new century. Finally, it will be considered if it is possible a diplomacy for development in this century.

A partir de 2003, a política externa brasileira retomou mais claramente o padrão verificado entre 1930 e 1980. O Estado voltou a assumir papel fundamental no processo de desenvolvimento, como indutor da economia, priorizando o que se chamou de social-desenvolvimentismo. As aspirações do país mudaram e o universalismo, já consolidado, passou a protagonismo nas principais questões internacionais. A inovação consiste na ênfase com que o Governo Lula passou a defender a reforma social, tanto interna quanto externa. A premissa filosófica de que parte a atual administração é de que há uma relação simbiótica entre aquelas dimensões, e a solução dos problemas internos está condicionada ao reforço da posição do Brasil no sistema internacional. Como a justiça social encontra-se na base da atual gestão, identificaram-se elementos que possibilitam afirmar que a política externa do Governo Lula encontra seu mais aproximado comparativo na Política Externa Independente (PEI). Por tal proximidade, e também por razões didáticas, o atual período é denominado Nova Política Externa Independente (Nova PEI). A estratégia pode ser avaliada segundo os principais eixos táticos adotados a partir de 2003, que encontram correspondência nos eixos táticos da PEI: democracia e multilateralismo, comércio internacional, cooperação Sul-Sul e justiça social. Democracia e Multilateralismo e Comércio Internacional são objetivos, determinados por um instrumento do qual dependem para ser atingidos, a Cooperação Sul-Sul. Como síntese, o eixo Justiça Social é considerado a filosofia que permeia discurso e ação da Nova PEI. Trata-se de um processo de renovação da atuação brasileira para que se torne protagonista nas questões globais. Com a intenção de facilitar a delimitação da Nova PEI, será feita comparação detalhada com a PEI. Nela encontra origem, mas sua originalidade deriva da combinação dos eixos mencionados com a nova configuração do sistema internacional. Após a indicação dos limites característicos de ambas, o resumo das idéias compiladas e das idéias aqui arriscadas buscará indicar os desafios que a política externa brasileira enfrentará no século que se inicia. Finalmente, questiona-se se é possível uma diplomacia para o desenvolvimento no século XXI. / Since 2003, Brazilian foreign policy recovered more clearly the pattern verified between 1930 and 1980. The State once again adopted a fundamental role in the development process, leading the economy towards the so called social development process. The goals of the country have changed and the universalism, already settled, supported the effort for the country to become a real protagonist in the main international issues. The innovation consists in the emphasis that the Lula Administration put in the social reform, both internal and external. The philosophical premise that bases the current administration is that there is a mutual relationship between those dimensions, and that the solution of the internal problems is conditioned to the strengthening of the Brazilian position in the international system. Considering that social justice is a ground to this administration, some elements have been identified that make it possible to compare President Lula’s foreign policy with the Independent Foreign Policy from the early sixties (Política Externa Independente – PEI). For this similarity, but also for didactical purposes, the current period is named New Independent Foreign Policy (Nova Política Externa Independente – Nova PEI). For this similarity, but also for didactical purposes, the current period is named New Independent Foreign Policy (Nova Política Externa Independente – Nova PEI). The strategy must be evaluated according to the main tactical lines adopted since 2003, and that correspond to PEI’s tactical lines: democracy and multilateralism, international trade, South-South cooperation and social justice. Democracy and Multilateralism are goals, determined by an instrument on which they depend to be fulfilled, South-South cooperation. As a synthesis, Social Justice is considered the philosophy that underlies “Nova PEI’s” discourse and action. It is a renovation process of the Brazilian role to make the country a protagonist in global matters. Having in mind the intention to ease the understanding of Nova PeI, it will be constructed a comparison to PEI, in which it finds its origins. But its originality derives from the combination of the tactical lines mentioned related to the configuration of the international system. After pointing the limits of both policies, the summary of the ideas gathered will risk to try and indicate the challenges the Brazilian foreign policy will face in the new century. Finally, it will be considered if it is possible a diplomacy for development in this century.

Essay in Political Science, Advanced Course, by Christoffer Hagström “The Bush Administration´s view on international cooperation and international law and political-theoretical traditions influence on the administration´s foreign policy” Supervisor: Jan Olsson The purpose of this paper is to analyze the American foreign policy, particularly with regard to international cooperation and international law. The two following research-questions are used in order to fulfil the purpose: (1) what is the Bush-administrations´s view of of the place for international cooperation and international law in American foreign policy?, and (2) how does the administration´s foreign policy correspond to dominant political-theoretical thought-traditions? The traditions used are: liberalism, realism and neoconservatism. The sources of the study mostly include literature and policy-documents. The author conducts qualitative and quantitative content analysis of the Bush-administration´s policy document National Security Strategy of the United States from March 2006. First the document is summarized based on different criteria followed by categorizations of ideas connected with realism, liberalism and neoconservatism in the document. In the quantative analysis value-words that are appropriate for the various traditions is chosen. The frequency of those words can be seen as indications of the influence of the traditions in the thoughts of the Bush-administration, but is mostly seen as a complement to the qualtative analysis. The main conclusions of the paper are that the Bush-administration most often wish to act according to international law and to cooperate with other actors internationally in the long run, it may even be necessary. In the short run however, it may act outside the parameters of international organizations and international law in order to accomplish foreign policy-goals. Matters related to the security of the American state and people is considered much more important than international cooperation and law. Liberalism seems to be the tradition that has most affected the Bush-administration´s foreign policy. It is followed shortly thereafter by realism and neoconservatism seems to have had the least influence on the the thought-traditions. All of the them has been active in the making of the foreign policy.

En dépit de sa complexité analytique, la situation sécuritaire de la Corne de l’Afrique peut être soumise aux outils de la Science politique afin de mieux comprendre les interactions entre les différents acteurs. Cette recherche s’efforce d’analyser les ressorts d’une équation sécuritaire qui peut paraître insoluble : le régionalisme est-il aujourd’hui un prérequis à l’émergence d’une paix régionale ? Pour répondre à cette question il est nécessaire de comprendre quels rôles jouent les processus sécuritaires régionaux (régionalisation et régionalisme) dans la construction des États de la Corne de l’Afrique. Cette étude s’efforce d’étudier les interactions entre le régionalisme, fondement de l’architecture de paix et de sécurité continentale, la régionalisation des conflits, qui semble à l’oeuvre dans cette région, et les processus de construction/formation de l’État. Les rapports entre les trois termes de l’équation dépendent du contexte et des interactions entre les différentes entités composant la région (États, acteurs non étatiques qui se dressent contre eux ou négocient avec eux et acteurs extérieurs). Deux types de dynamiques sont mises en évidence au terme de cette étude : l’une endogène, l’autre exogène. Dans la première, nous constatons que les conflits participent à la formation de l’État. Ils sont en grande partie des conflits internes et montrent qu’il existe une crise dans l’État. Ces États dominent le processus de régionalisme qui tente de réguler la conflictualité régionale avec un succès relatif puisque les organisations régionales cherchent à renforcer ou reconstruire l’État selon les critères idéalisés de l’État wébérien vu comme source d’instabilité. Le processus exogène se caractérise par le rôle des conflits régionaux dont l’existence sert de justificatif au développement et au renforcement du régionalisme, perçu comme la réponse la plus appropriée à ces problèmes de conflictualités. Cette conflictualité a pour source l’État car celui-ci est perçu comme faible. Le régionalisme permettrait de renforcer les États et diminuerait leurs velléités de faire la guerre. / In spite of its analytical complexity, the security context in the Horn of Africa may be submitted to the Political Science’ tools in order to better understand the complex interactions between the various actors. The present research thus seeks to analyze the mechanism underlying what appears as an unsolvable security problem: is regionalism a prerequisite for the emergence of a regional peace? In order to answer this question, it is necessary to understand the role of regional security processes (regionalization and regionalism) in the state formation and state building of the Horn of Africa’s states. This study endeavours to explore the interactions between regionalism, which are inherent in the creation of an African peace and security architecture, the regionalization of conflict, which seems at work in this area, and construction/formation state process. The relationship between the three terms of this equation depends on the context and interactions between the various entities that make up the region (states, non-state actors that stand against them or negotiate with the states and external actors). This study thus reveals two kinds of dynamics at play: an endogenous process and an exogenous one. In the first one conflicts are involved in the formation of the state and are largely internal conflicts. It demonstrates that there is a crisis in the state States dominate the regionalism process which tries to regulate regional conflit with relative success because regional organizations seek to strengthen or rebuild the state according to the idealized criteria of the Weberian State seen as a source of instability. The exogenous process is characterized by the role of regional conflicts whose very existence serves to justify the development and the strenghtening of regionalism thus perceived as the most appropriate answer to those security problems. States are the source of conflicts because they are perceived as weak. Regionalism would strengthen states and reduce the inclination of states to make war.

La récurrence des crises politiques et sécuritaires dans la région sahélo-saharienne continue de mettre en lumière les multiples facteurs d'instabilité qui la touchent. Plaçant l'État au centre de notre réflexion, nous verrons que, si ces fragilités peuvent être le fruit de facteurs exogènes, elles constituent surtout le résultat de décisions endogènes. Partant de ce constat, cette étude analysera les politiques mises en place par les autorités du Burkina Faso, du Mali et du Niger, le cadre régional dans lequel elles s'inscrivent et les interdépendances qu'elles contractent. Face à la faiblesse de ces pays, la solution d'une approche régionale a été plébiscitée mais son efficacité se heurte à la défense des intérêts particuliers des États et de leurs gouvernants. / The repetition of political and security crisis in the Sahel region highlights the multiplicity of factors of instability. The State being at the center of our study, we will observe that, despite exogenous threats, its fragility is mostly the result of endogenous decisions. This said, our work will analyze policies implemented by the authorities of Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger, the regional frame in which they place themselves and the mutual dependence they contracted. To counter the weakness of these countries, the regional approach has benne praised. Its effectiveness must, however, face the defense of rulers' and States' particular interests.

Concept des Relations Internationales justifiant l'action extérieure des États, l'intérêt national est une notion toujours omniprésente dans les discours des gouvernants, mais dont la nature et la finalité s'avèrent à la fois subtiles et diversifiées. L'avènement du Multilatéralisme et son objectif de la sécurité internationale, en constitue une parfaite mise à l'épreuve. En effet, malgré l'émergence des structures légitimes, l'État, par un discours et une implication opérationnelle dans ses actions extérieures, s'affirme en tant qu'acteur de la sécurité internationale. Cet investissement, loin du discours sur des objectifs relevant du symbolique, participe dans la réalité, à une stratégie minutieusement orchestrée au nom de l'intérêt national. Sur le continent africain, on assiste ainsi à une émergence de politiques étrangères et d'actions diplomatiques étatiques apparemment vouées à la sécurité internationale mais relevant de l'intérêt national. La présente analyse, par une approche constructiviste, entend ainsi démontrer que la pratique des médiations entreprise par le Burkina Faso dans la sous-région de l'Afrique de l'Ouest, loin des discours sur la sécurité de la zone véhiculés, est une illustration de cette tendance. / As concept of International Relations justifying foreign action of States, the national interest is a notion always present in the governement leaders speeches about foreign affairs. But its meaning and its purpose are subtle and diversified as the introduction of Multilateralism and its objective of international security show. Despite the emergence of legitimate structures, the State gets involved for international security in foreign actions through discourse and implication. This implication, far from a discourse of symbolic objectives, takes part in an accurately orchestrated strategy in the name of national interest. Thus, on the African continent, we attend the emergence of foreign policies and national diplomatic actions dedicated to international security. This analysis demonstrates by the constructivist approach that the practices of mediation by Burkina Faso in West Africa participates in this trend - in contrast to the disseminated discourse of security in this subregion.