TikTok differs from how the media audience is used to seeing other social media platforms. When opening the app, the user does not see the friends you have decided to follow. Instead, you are faced with an algorithmically decided and never-ending feed of content personified individually for the specific user. In recent years, TikTok has become a prominent and rapidly growing platform, especially among younger media users. The emergence of TikTok usage among the youth implies an increased need for examining cultural phenomena that are performed on this platform. This study will be exploring the emergence of the online phenomenon known as mediated public shaming on TikTok by critically reviewing how young Swedish TikTok users are engaging in and experiencing the mediated public shaming that is occurring on TikTok as well as its effects by taking a theoretical departure from media literacy theories. The study is a qualitative reception study where the empirical material is conducted by one-to-one interviews with nine mundane Swedish TikTok users between the ages of 16–27. It was discovered that young TikTok users have a complex relationship with the mediated public shaming they face on TikTok and engage in the concept in a rather objective and reflective manner. They do, however, express concern that the design of the media, in conjunction with mediated public shaming, may allow for subconscious effects of their opinions. Looking forward, there is an indicated compelling need for continued research within the field, proposedly further research of online cultures’ roles in the determination of platform design and construction of algorithms.

No description available.

Internet is recognised as an alternative media tool that has the potential to stimulate civic cultures, mobilize and sustain civil society networks. It is also perceived as an important tool for social change that offers a powerful communication platform for different social groups to advance their views and ideology online in a significantly less controlled way than it is done through traditional media. In the end of 2010, the release of U.S. secret diplomatic on the Internet by the non-profit organisation WikiLeaks got an instant global outreach through the Internet and primarily, through the Wikileaks website – www.wikileaks.org. The immediate reaction to this resulted in governmental pressure on global providers of Internet services to stop servicing the website, thus preventing the global public from accessing the materials. The project studies the discussion that has arisen in the context of these actions and examines the communication tactics used by civil society and governmental actors in this discussion in order to advance an ideology of the right to communicate, and civil society participation in forming and safeguarding Internet principles. The project looks deeper at ideological, participatory, and developmental issues brought up in the discussion around the restriction of access to the main Wikileaks website, and how do they relate to eventual processes of social change. The study is based on Fairclough's framework on critical discourse analysis, and is grounded in the theoretical framework of participation, discourse and ideology. The main conclusion of the study is that the discussion around the Wikileaks CableGate case has clearly articulated the necessity of common Internet principles and democratic framework built in an inclusive and participatory manner through the active involvement of civil society actors in order to preserve the core values and enabling potential of Internet as media, and that an effective model for this is the multi-stakeholder model of Internet governance.

<p>The aim of this inquiry is to investigate which ideals of democracy that three proposals for strengtening the democracy in the European Union consists of and to judge if the desired effects of the proposals are reachable. The method that is used is an analysis of ideas and contents. Theories that are used are deliberative and particiapatory ideals of democracy. The theories are used to investigate if the ideas in the proposals correspond to the ideals of deliberative and participatory democracy. The major result is that the proposals fail to fulfil the ideas of the theories. The reason is that the proposals are lacking ideas of how to make the citizens more aware and active in politics. The point of departure in the proposals is that the European Union will be more democratic if the people are brought in to the politics, but they do not suggest how people should form opinions through communication and become conscious and competent in political issues through participation. It is also likely that the effects of the proposals not are reachable to all the citizens. Only the ones who have an interest in communicating and participating in European politics will be gained by the proposals.</p>

La participation populaire existe-elle dans un régime non démocratique comme la République populaire de Chine? Si la réponse est affirmative, comment la population chinoise participe-t-elle et quelle en est la portée? C'est en s'appuyant sur l'expérience de la ville de Guangzhou que la thèse entend répondre, concrètement à ces questions, en s'appuyant sur une méthode comparative: il s'agit d'observer les pratiques participatives chinoises en les confrontant à des expériences réalisées dans les pays occidentaux ainsi qu'aux éthiques et valeurs démocratiques libérales. À partir de différents angles d'observation - historique, juridique, politique et sociale- la recherche se propose de déterminer dans quelle mesure la nature d'un régime et son agencement institutionnel conditionnent, voire façonnent, le cadre, le contenu, les procédés et la portée de la participation populaire. Contrairement aux idées reçues, le Parti communiste chinois a toujours accordé une grande attention à la participation populaire: il se montre adaptatif et ouvert à l'évolution de la conjoncture sociale, ce qu'il manifeste par sa constance à conduire des innovations ou des réformes. Cette ouverture et ces adaptations s'avèrent cependant partielles: derrière elles, le pouvoir du Parti reste inchangé et intouchable; toutes les réformes engagées visent en fin de compte à défendre et à consolider tant l'autorité que l'influence du Parti. Il en va ainsi, de la mobilisation des masses à l'époque maoïste au court passage du grand débat sur " la pratique comme unique critère de la vérité", initié par Deng Xiaoping à son arrivée au sommet du pouvoir, jusqu'à la promotion de la "participation ordonnée", induite depuis les années 2000 par l'intensification des contestations sociales, et qui se traduit par la mise en place de plusieurs dispositifs destinés à l'expression directe des citoyens aux processus décisionnels: au lieu d'être un moyen de démocratisation, la participation apparait surtout comme un outil de renforcement du régime; elle est mise au service de la légitimation du pouvoir du Parti. Faute d'une volonté de redistribution ou de partage des pouvoirs entre l'Etat et la société, la portée de la participation populaire reste très limitée. / Can popular participation occur in an undemocratic regime like China? If the answer is affirmative, then how do the Chinese people participate and what are the significances of their participation? It is based on the experience of the city of Guangzhou that this thesis attempts to answer to these questions by a comparative approach: we try to observe the participative practices in China, and compare them with those conducted in the Western countries. We proceeded from different angles of view, namely historical, legal, political and social. Our research intends to determine to what extent the nature and institutional arrangements of a regime can condition or shape the content, processes and scope of its popular participation. Contrary to common belief, the Chinese Communist Party has always paid great attention to citizen participation: it shows itself to be open and adaptive to the changing social circumstances, and manifests a constant intention to drive innovations or reforms. However, this openness and these adaptations prove merely partial: behind them, the Party's power has remained unchanged and untouchable. All reforms are designed to ultimately defend and strengthen the authority and influence of the Party: from the mass mobilization in the Maoist era, followed by the short passage of the major debate on the “practice as the sole criterion of truth" initiated by Deng Xiaoping at the summit of his power, to the much more recent promotion of the "orderly participation", the latter induced by the intensification of social protests since the year 2000: Instead of being a mean of democratization, the popular participation of the nation appears primarily to be an instrument to strengthen the regime, being served in legitimizing the power of the Party. For as long as there exists this lack of a real will to redistribute power between the state and society, the scope of popular participation in China remains very limited.

Entre 2008 et 2011, les lois de bioéthique françaises ont été examinées pour la seconde fois. A cette occasion, plusieurs débats polémiques ont été rouverts au cours d’une large consultation associant des « experts », des représentants de la société civile organisée et - pour la première fois en la matière - des citoyens lambda. Cette procédure originale, les « états généraux de la bioéthique », est étudiée par l’intermédiaire de la discussion relative à la potentielle légalisation de la gestation pour autrui (GPA). La théorie habermassienne de l’espace public et de la délibération permet de questionner ce processus de mise en discussion, initié par les mobilisations sociales, pris en charge par les pouvoirs publics et conclu par la promulgation d’une loi. Le concept de légitimité est au cœur de cette recherche, qui interroge ses fondements et met en lumière ses ambigüités. Expertise des comités de sages, recours aux citoyens ordinaires, vote parlementaire, constituent autant d’étapes par lesquelles la décision est progressivement construite et légitimée. Dans le cas présent, le dispositif participatif joue un rôle déterminant, véhiculant des représentations particulières de la démocratie participative, de la formation de l’intérêt général et de la loi « à la française ». / Between 2008 and 2011, the French bioethics laws were examined for the second time. On that occasion, a lot of polemical debates were re-opened, during a broad consultation involving “experts”, representatives of civil society and, for the first time in this field, ordinary citizens. This original procedure, the “états généraux de la bioéthique”, is studied through the controversy over legalization of gestational surrogacy. The Habermasian public sphere and deliberative democracy theory is used to question the discussion process initiated by social mobilizations, managed by public authorities and finalized by the promulgation of a law. Legitimacy is at the core of this doctoral research, which is wondering about its foundations and highlighting its ambiguities. The decision is progressively built and legitimated through the consultation of committees, the participation of citizens and the vote of the Parliament. In this case, the “états généraux de la bioéthique” play a crucial role by conveying some specific perspectives about participatory democracy, general will definition and “French style” law.

Cette thèse a pour objectif de théoriser et d’opérationnaliser la notion de publicisation des espaces agricoles périurbains. Cette notion, encore peu courante en géographie, désigne tout processus qui transforme la nature d’espaces agricoles sous influence urbaine, les rendant plus publics. Ce processus, complexe, est composé de débats sur l’avenir des espaces agricoles périurbains et de pratiques spatiales qui illustrent leur multifonctionnalité (production, paysage, loisirs…). La première partie vise à théoriser la notion en construisant sa définition et une grille de lecture composée de cinq dimensions : juridique, sociale, politique, historique et économique. La deuxième partie décrit le processus par l’étude des débats qui ont lieu lors d’un projet d’Agenda 21 Local. L’objectif est de savoir si des débats qui débouchent sur des actions peuvent, en territoire périurbain, publiciser des espaces agricoles. Cette partie montre que la publicisation fluctue dans le temps et se matérialise dans des lieux agricoles. Dans une troisième partie, la publicisation est étudiée à l’échelle d’un territoire : la communauté de communes du Pays de Lunel. De l’analyse de ses projets politiques et associatifs, dont certains prévoient l’ouverture d’espaces agricoles au public, à l’analyse précise de six lieux du territoire, la publicisation est un phénomène pluriel. Une typologie de lieux agricoles périurbains publicisés rend compte de la diversité du processus: débats globaux et pratiques locales s’imbriquent dans la fabrique de lieux publicisés. Cette thèse débouche sur plusieurs perspectives de recherches pour éclairer les transformations à l’oeuvre dans les espaces agricoles périurbains. / This thesis aims to theorize and operationalize the publicness process of suburban farmland. This notion, still uncommon in geography, means any process that transforms the nature of farmland under urban influence, making it public. This complex process is composed of debates on the future of agriculture and of suburban spatial practices that illustrate theirmultifunctionality (agricultural production, landscape, leisure…). The first part aims to theorize the concept and its definition by constructing a theoretical framework in five dimensions: legal, social, political, historical and economic. The second part describes the process by studying the debates surrounding a project of Local Agenda 21. The objective is to know if discussions that lead to actions can, in suburban areas, result in publicness of suburban farmland. This section showsthat the publicness process fluctuates over time and is materialized in agricultural places. In the third part, the publicness process is studied at territorial scale: the Pays de Lunel municipalities group. We analyze its political and associative projects which include the opening of agricultural areas to the public. Then we study the composition publicness process in six places of the municipalities group. We conclude that the publicness process is a multi-faceted phenomenon. So we create a typology of suburban farmland places according to the publicness process. Finally, in the publicness process, global and local scales overlap in the construction of places. This thesis provides several research perspectives to illuminate the transformations taking place in suburban farmland.

Ce travail se propose d’analyser les procédés mis en place afin d’amorcer des changements de comportement, et de rendre plus durables les pratiques quotidiennes de consommation et de gestion des déchets. Nous cherchons à savoir si les valeurs, seules, plébiscitées actuellement, sont explicatives ou non, du changement, et s’il y a des contraintes fortes qui empêchent l’adoption de pratiques plus durables. Face à l’injonction participative actuelle sur les questions environnementales, nous avons étudié un atelier de démocratie participative, ayant pour objectif d’insuffler des changements de comportement chez ses participants. En une deuxième partie, nous avons analysé les théories actuelles en sciences humaines et sociales, afin de faire émerger d’autres leviers que celui de la démocratie participative.Ce travail montre que la démocratie participative émerge à partir d’acteurs intellectuels ou de militants idéalistes pour résoudre des problèmes de légitimité politique, de confiance et d’efficacité. Mais cet idéalisme, lequel est la condition du lancement de l’action, se heurte à une réalité sous contraintes qui demande de forts ajustements avec l’idéal, entrainant des changements d’usage limités, ce qui peut provoquer un découragement des pionniers/militants ou une fuite dans un imaginaire « eco-Fasciste », autoritaire ou utopique. Nous avons également pu observer, par l’analyse des théories d’action en sciences humaines et sociales, l’importance d’une réflexion portant sur les échelles d’observation pour analyser les changements de comportement. En effet, les échelles micro-Individuelle et microsociale, centrées notamment sur l’espace domestique et les usages, ne peuvent se suffire à elles-Mêmes. Elles sont encastrées dans les échelles méso et macro sociales, qui mettent en exergue des valeurs propres, des effets d’appartenances et de régulation sociale. / The aim of this research is to analyze the processes established to modify behaviors and make them more sustainable, in everyday practices of consumption and waste management. We want to know whether the currently recognized values alone are explanatory of changing behaviors, and whether there are strong constraints involved in adopting more sustainable practices. In view of the current concern with environmental issues, we studied a procedure in participatory democracy designed to change participants’ behavior. Secondly, we analyzed current theories in social sciences in order to identify forces other than this political one. The research shows that participatory democracy results from intellectual actors or idealistic activists, who try to solve problems of political legitimacy, trust, and efficiency. But their idealism, which sparks the start of the action, faces strong constraints, requires adjustments to their ideal. These adjustments explain why changes of behavior are limited, which may discourage pioneers and activists, or alter the imaginary of "eco-Fascists", utopians, or authoritarians. In analyzing the theories of action in social sciences, we also observed the importance of scales of observation: the micro-Individual level and micro-Social level (in particular domestic space and practices) cannot be analyzed alone. They are embedded in the meso- and macro-Social levels, which highlight eigenvalues and the effects of membership and social regulation in daily practices.

Cette étude repose sur l’observation de la mise en oeuvre, sous l’égide du Centre social de l’AMA (Association Montargoise d’Animation), d’un projet participatif dans une zone urbaine sensible.Après avoir rappelé les origines de la politique de la ville en France, et décrit les différents dispositifs qui la constituent, l’auteure analyse le déroulement de ce projet, dans lequel elle a joué un rôle de conseillère méthodologique. Elle montre comment les personnes qui ont choisi d’y participer sont parvenues à former un groupe de recherche en vue de réaliser une enquête sur la réussite scolaire, et comment elles ont su tirer partie des données recueillies pour aboutir à la rédaction d’un livret de 82 pages dans lequel elles exposent leurs conclusions.L’auteure montre enfin que la mise à distance de la réalité sociale qu’implique une démarche d’enquête a permis à ces personnes de surmonter les effets de la stigmatisation sociale dont elles se sentent les victimes pour assumer pleinement leur statut de citoyen.Loin de résulter de la transmission d’un savoir, ce changement d’attitude a été la conséquence du nouveau rôle qu’elles ont ainsi été amenées à jouer. En ce sens, une telle expérience relève de l’éducation populaire, c’est-à-dire d’un modèle d’éducation dans lequel l’enseignant accepte de partir, non pas de son propre savoir, mais de celui des « apprenants ». / This study is based on the observation of a citizen project that was implemented in an underprivileged area of Montargis, under the aegis of a « Social center » called AMA (Association Montargoise d’Animation).First, the author traces the origins of French urban policy, and describes its various administrative and operative levels. Then, she relates how some of the underprivileged citizens of this area joined the particular AMA project she has studied and in which she acted as a methodological consultant. She goes on describing how, together, they decided to conduct a survey with the aim of identifying factors which determine successful results at school, and how they wrote and published an 82 pages booklet in which they develop their findings. She makes it clear that she just recommended some research methods, without directly interfering in the survey itself.Finally, she shows that through the research they themselves conducted, the people involved in the project learned to take a step back from immediate social reality. This allowed them to overcome the effects of social stigmatization and to fully assume their citizen status. Far from submitting to transmitted knowledge, that change of attitude is an outcome of the new part they were induced to play in society. In that sense, such an experiment becomes an experience which belongs in the domain of people’s education (éducation populaire), that is to say a bottom-up education process in which teaching relies on learners’ knowledge instead of relying exclusively on teachers’ knowledge.

A presente pesquisa tem como objetivo geral analisar a procedimentalização nos Conselhos Municipais de Políticas Públicas, isto é, analisar o regime jurídico dos procedimentos administrativos aplicáveis aos Conselhos, bem como o modo de participação dos Conselhos no processo orçamentário municipal de São Paulo. Embora existam há mais de duas décadas, a revisão da literatura indica que os Conselhos em geral têm se destacado mais como instâncias de fiscalização do que de planejamento de políticas públicas. Como objetivos específicos, a pesquisa pretendeu averiguar a adequação dos procedimentos administrativos que regem o Conselho Municipal de Habitação de São Paulo (CMH) e analisar sua participação no processo orçamentário municipal com base na Análise de Conteúdo das Atas de Reunião de 2003 a 2015. Como resultado, a pesquisa identificou que o CMH não elaborou nem aprovou, desde o início, nenhuma das propostas orçamentárias (PPA, LDO e LOA) do Fundo Municipal de Habitação (FMH), nas quais se formalizam as diretrizes, metas, programas habitacionais e planos de aplicação de recursos do Fundo, ao contrário do que dispõe a Lei Municipal 13.425/02. Na fase de execução orçamentária, foi possível perceber que o Conselho tem atuado, quase exclusivamente, como agente gestor do Fundo, apreciando e aprovando previamente as propostas de operações (projetos e atividades) a implementar. Além disso, a pesquisa evidenciou que o processo decisório do CMH tem se desenvolvido sem o necessário esclarecimento e sem a adequada instrução processual, principalmente, no que diz respeito ao direito à ampla defesa e à produção de provas pelos conselheiros. A pesquisa concluiu que o CMH deveria agir, com maior ênfase, no planejamento e elaboração das propostas orçamentárias na fase de elaboração da política pública; e como órgão de fiscalização, monitoramento e avaliação na fase de implementação da política pública, estas, afinal, sua vocação institucional; ao invés de atuar como agente operador do Fundo, que pressupõe competências legais e administrativas estranhas ao Conselho. / This research has the general objective of analyzing the proceduralization in the Municipal Public Policy Councils, it means, analyze the legal regime of administrative procedures of Councils as well as the mode of participation of the Councils in the São Paulos municipal budget process. Although there are more than two decades, the literature review indicates that the Councils in general have stood out more as supervisory bodies than in the public policy planning. As specific objectives, the research intended to verify the adequacy of the administrative procedures governing the Conselho Municipal de Habitação de São Paulo (CMH ) and analyze their participation in municipal budgeting process based on the Content Analysis of the Minutes of Meetings of 2003-2015. As result, the survey also found that the CMH, since the beginning, did not made or approved none of the budget proposals (PPA, LDO and LOA) of Fundo Municipal de Habitação (FMH), in which the guidelines, goals, housing programs and plans application of Fund are formalized, against the Municipal Law 13,425/02. In the budget execution phase, was possible to realize that the CMH has worked almost exclusively as Fund manager agent, appreciating and previously approving the concrete operations (projects and activities) to implement. In addition, the research showed that the CMH\'s decision-making process has not been observing the proper right of notice and comment, especially about the right to comment and offer evidences by the counselors. The research concluded that the CMH should act with greater emphasis in the planning and preparation of the budget proposals at the stage of elaboration of public policies; and as a supervisory body, monitoring and evaluation at the implementation phase of public policy, these, after all, your institutional vocation; instead of acting as manager agent of the Fund, which presupposes legal and administrative expertise out of the Council.