La sécurité humaine est un concept qui a été formellement dégagé du rapport sur le développement humain du PNUD de 1994. Présentée par ce dernier comme une alternative au développement humain, la sécurité humaine a été institutionnalisée davantage comme une réponse aux préoccupations contemporaines en termes de sécurité globale et de bien être des individus, et comme un levier de garantie de la paix internationale.Dans la dynamique de la sécurité humaine, il sera observé une mutation du système normatif international par le renforcement de la place des droits de l’Homme et du droit international humanitaire dans l’ordre juridique. Aussi, la nécessité de la sécurité humaine va entrainer une nouvelle conception de l’objet de la sécurité collective. À cet effet, les Nations unies joueront un rôle déterminant en ce qu’elles vont développer de nouvelles compétences (en termes de garantie de la paix) et de nouvelles activités relatives à la sécurité humaine. Cet élan, d’une part, dynamisera un grand nombre d’acteurs internationaux qui s’investiront en faveur de la sécurité et de la protection des individus et, d’autre part, suscitera l’établissement de nouveaux mécanismes de paix et de sécurité internationales / Human security is a concept that was officially drawn out in the UNDP’s 1994 report on human development. In this report the concept was introduced as an alternative to human development and then became institutionalised as a response to contemporary preoccupations related to security matters. Human security therefore relates to threats to individuals, which are not only different to those that jeopardise State security but relate to the physical security and well-being of individuals.International peace and security factors were subsequently revised from a conceptual perspective, shifting from a State security-based focus to a focus on the global security of individuals.In the dynamics of human security, the international order’s normative system is shifting, especially owing to the growing importance of human rights and international humanitarian law in the legal order. Similarly, ensuring human security will redefine the objectives and activities of collective security. In this respect, the United Nations plays a crucial role. The Organisation will develop new competences in terms of peacekeeping and will carry out new operations for the benefit of human security. This renewed effort will reinforce many international stakeholders who will develop competences and establish organisations to contribute significantly to the security and protection of individuals and larger to the international peace

Non-UN peace operations are becoming an increasingly important conflict mitigating tool. Whilst many studies find these operations unable to mitigate conflict and promote peace, the explanations for these findings mainly focus on material aspects like mission size and peacekeepers’ capability. In order to better understand the discrepancies between UN and non-UN peace operations’ success, this thesis argues that UN operations might be more efficient due to higher perceived legitimacy. In order to analyze whether the superior legitimacy of the UN explains their higher ability to mitigate conflict, this study analyzes whether non- UN peace operations authorized by the UN are more able to mitigate conflict than non-authorized peace operations. The argument is tested by applying an OLS regression to a data frame including all intrastate conflicts between 1993 and 2016 to study the covariation between conflict intensity and the presence of UN authorized and non-authorized peace operations. The results do not support the hypothesis that UN authorization increases non-UN peace operations’ conflict mitigating abilities. This suggests that material factors might better explain peace operations’ success or that UN authorization does not substantially increase the perceived legitimacy of non-UN peace operations.

Historically and presently most people employed in military forces worldwide are men. With a focus on peacekeeping and equality, the Swedish Armed Forces (SwAF) aim to recruit more women. But even as gender issues become a central focus of the SwAF, policy is mostly aimed towards women despite most employees being men. This study came about by leaning on feminist scholars’ arguments that men and masculinities need to be examined and involved when working towards positive peace, so that they do not remain naturalized and become unidentified obstacles. To achieve this aim, this thesis draws on semi-structured interviews with Swedish Peacekeepers and present a complex, contradictory puzzle of how masculinities are performed, perceived, and reproduced. Masculinities are admired but ridiculed, used as a tool for battle but an obstacle for rehabilitation, a source for deep emotional bonds and rigorously performed to turn off emotionally, and is mainly existing in the eyes of the beholder but seldom seen in oneself. The results support theoretical complexity of militarized masculinities and confirm that militarism is not inherent or come natural to men but is a performative, social construction.

United Nations peacekeeping forces and operations, have long had a history of crimes against civilians by its personnel, not least concerning crimes of sexual exploitation and abuse. While human rights violations are grave despite their origin, there is a specific element of impunity and distrust when the same people who comes to ‘protect’, are the same people who become perpetrators. In this sense, it is notably interesting and important to examine victims’ rights to access justice when crimes have been committed by UN Personnel. The primary aim is to explore to what extent the fore-mentioned victims have the possibility to access justice within the legal system of UN Transitional Administrations. These UN operations are chosen since it is particularly important to examine the extent to which victim’s may access justice when the UN exercises governmental powers and acts as a quasi-state. An underlying aim is to explore how the eventual inconsistencies within this system may be colored by postcolonial tendencies. In this sense, the study is conducted through a doctrinal method with a postcolonial perspective, examining the normative aspects of law in the light of a critical lens. The legal basis and the legal obligations of UN Transitional Administrations are compared to the International Standard on Victims’ rights and evidence on how victims’ rights to access justice is practiced within these administrations. Finally, the aim is to evaluate the result of this analysis from the standpoint of postcolonial theory.

yes / Two recent detailed reports, by the U.K Northern Ireland Office (NIO) - January 2004 1 and the U.S. Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) - February 2004 2, provide further insights into current policy and technology developments in the U.K. and U.S. The NIO report is the 4th and final report of a U.K wide Steering Group set up by the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland in Summer 2000, with the objective: To establish whether a less potentially lethal alternative to baton rounds is available; and to review the public order equipment which is presently available, or could be developed, in order to expand the range of tactical options available to operational commanders. 3 In her foreword to the report Jane Kennedy, Minister of State for Northern Ireland notes that: Despite a protracted and international search for a commercially available product, we have been unable to find anything that meets the criteria of an acceptable, potentially less lethal alternative to the baton round currently in service which provides an effective capability that does not expose officers and the public to greater risk in violent public disorder.4 The NIO Report has sections looking at the Defence Science and Technology Laboratory (DSTL) programme on the development of less lethal technologies (particularly the Attenuating Energy Projectile and the Discriminating Irritant Projectile); commercial off the shelf product evaluations and update (12 Gauge Sock Round Assessment); Water Cannon; the U.K. use of less lethal technologies (with a focus on L21A1 baton rounds, CS sprays and the Taser). The report also contains a section entitled `The Management of Conflict¿ which discusses the dynamics of crowd behaviour. For a critical response to the NIO report see that from Dr. Brian Rappert.5 The CFR report provides a strong endorsement for non-lethal weapons. A key finding states: Wider integration of nonlethal weapons into the U.S. Army and Marine Corps could have reduced damage, saved lives, and helped to limit the widespread looting and sabotage that occurred after the cessation of major conflict in Iraq. Incorporating NLW capabilities into the equipment, training and doctrine of the armed services could substantially improve U.S. effectiveness in conflict, post-conflict, and homeland defense. 6 Interestingly, in describing the nonlethal capability sets (NLCS) which have been deployed in Kosovo and Iraq, and which help to provide a continuum of force between ¿don¿t shoot¿ and ¿shoot¿ 7, the CFR seems to distinguish between NLWs (rubber balls [grenades and shotgun munitions], bean bags, riot shields, Tasers, net entanglers, and caltrops), and equipment such as flash-bang grenades, laser dazzlers, and bullhorns of which it states ¿It is important to note that these are not weapons but non-lethal capabilities¿ 8 The CFR recommends expanded deployment of NLWs in the armed services, longer ranges for non-lethal payloads using precision delivery and fusing systems, and further development of millimetre-wave area-denial system (HPM weapons such as VMADS) and the advanced tactical laser (ATL). The report also argues for the need to have a bigger Joint Non-Lethal Weapons Directorate (JNLWD) or a new Non-lethal Joint Program Office (NLJPO) and for Bradford Non-Lethal Weapons Research Project (BNLWRP) ¿ Research Report 5 (May 2004) 2 closer links with the Joint Forces Command (JFCOM). In the opinion of the authors the JNLWD should also have more access into classified programmes throughout all branches of the armed services so as not to duplicate non-lethal development initiatives. To stimulate incorporation of NLWs throughout the U.S. Armed Services the CFR advocates two approaches: (1) top-down planning in the Defense department and (2) creation of demand for these [NLWs] weapons from the field as personnel gain experience with prototype equipment. 9 They argue there is a need for the top-level military and civilian leadership to be educated about NLW capabilities, not only for warfighting and peacekeeping, but also in `homeland defence in isolating a hot zone in the aftermath of a biological attack' 10. We will be referring again to both the NIO and CFR publications in other sections of this report.

Depuis plus de deux décennies, un nombre d’Etats africains dits du champ de la Conférence Internationale sur la Région des Grands Lacs sont enlisés dans des conflits armés à la fois intra-étatiques et internationalisés. Du génocide rwandais aux guerres civiles au Congo-Brazzaville, en Angola, en Ouganda, au Burundi, ou encore aux violences politiques armées incessantes en Centrafrique, en passant par la Grande Guerre Africaine en RDC, nombreux et importants sont les mécanismes de résolution de conflits qui ont été expérimentés, de nature aussi bien bilatérale, communautaire, régionale, qu’onusienne. Malheureusement, les concepts de sortie de crise et de reconstruction post-conflit demeurent de vains mots, eu égard aux résurgences et aux prolongements des conflits dans cette Région. Ainsi, en mobilisant l’approche néo-élitiste s’inscrivant dans un dépassement de la réalité empirique, après avoir passé en revue toutes les grandes théories philosophico-politico-sociologiques des élites, défendues par les auteurs classiques comme Wilfredo Pareto, Gaetano Mosca etc., d’un côté, et en recourant à la théorie de Johan Galtung de paix négative versus paix positive, d’autre part, cette étude se propose de mettre en évidence le rôle des élites dirigeantes dans la dynamique de pacification de la Région. Et après avoir défini et déterminé celles-ci, le travail démontre la difficulté de résoudre les conflits due à l’hétérogénéité sociologique caractérisant la Région. Puis, il souligne les mécanismes de l’entretien d’une paix négative par les élites dirigeantes, en interaction avec les autres protagonistes. / For more than two decades, a number of African States within the scope of the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region have sunk into both armed intrastate and domestic conflicts. From the Rwandan genocide to civil wars in Congo-Brazzaville, Angola, Uganda, and Burundi, or the constantly armed political violence in the Central African Republic (CAR), through the Great African War in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), numerous and important mechanisms for conflict resolution have been experienced, bilateral, communitarian, regional, as well as Onusian. Unfortunately, the concepts relative to the end of crisis and post-conflict reconstruction still remain empty words, given the revivals and extensions of conflicts in that Region. Thus, by mobilizing the neo-elitist approach which goes the empirical reality, after reviewing all the major elitist philosophical, political and sociological theories defended by the classical authors such as Wilfredo Pareto, Gaetano Mosca, etc. On one hand, and by resorting to Johan Galtung’s theory on negative peace versus positive peace, on the other, this dissertation aims at highlighting the role played by governing Elites in the peace process within the Region. After defining these elites, this monography shows the difficulties of solving conflicts due to the regional sociodemographic heterogeneity. Then, it emphasizes mechanisms for keeping negative peace by the governing Elites, in interaction with other protagonists.

Text in English / The study aims to investigate criminal jurisdiction of the visiting SADC armed forces during peace time focusing only on the Republic of Botswana and the Republic of South Africa. Since the adoption of the Declaration and Treaty of SADC, the armed forces of both Botswana and South Africa at times find themselves on each other’s territory. Once in each other’s territory the question of criminal jurisdiction becomes imperative. The two countries seem not to agree on the content of status of force agreements while cooperating in terms of the SADC Treaty. The contentious point is that the death sentence is still a competent sentence for certain offences under certain circumstances in terms of Botswana laws, whereas in South Africa the death sentence was declared unconstitutional. In the absence of any agreement, South African armed forces may face a death sentence while in Botswana and Botswana authorities might not be able to carry out a death sentence over their members for offences committed while in South Africa. In trying to answer the question of criminal jurisdiction while on each other’s territory during peace time, a study of the evolution of jurisdiction is undertaken. The laws of both countries are considered, especially the application and protection afforded by their respective constitutions. The approach followed by the UN in sending a peace-keeping force to conflict areas is analysed. A micro-comparison of agreements concluded by selected countries, more especially the NATO agreement, is undertaken. Treaties as a source of international law are analysed to show that rights can be extended and be limited by agreement. The study concludes by recommending that concurrent criminal jurisdiction with certain qualification seems to be the accepted norm and compromise amongst the international community, and that the two countries may consider this approach as the basis for such agreement. / Public, Constitutional, & International Law / LL.M

The study utilizes regional integration theories like neo-functionalism, intergovernmentalism and new regionalism to analyse the formation, structure and transformation of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). It examines the role of ECOWAS as a sub-regional economic body and its transformation to a political and security body dealing with sub-regional conflict resolution. Though neo-functionalism is generally analysed in reference to European regional integration, the study attempts to draw some lessons from this theory. Also, new regionalism theory is utilized to examine the transformation of ECOWAS from a mere economic body to a security and political entity. Regionalism in West Africa was initially geared towards mere economic cooperation; however, the emergence of ECOWAS on the scene and its subsequent transformation witnessed several changes towards the path of security cooperation. Despite its involvement with the gigantic political and security related activities, a general evaluation of economic integration in West Africa depicts a low level of progress. The poor state of sub-regional economic integration shows that ECOWAS did not complete its regional economic integration agenda before diverting to other sectors of integration. ECOWAS peacekeeping operations have been the dominant topic in sub-regional conflict resolution in West Africa. However, other forms of conflict resolution, including mediation, negotiation, conciliation and arbitration have been severally utilized. Also, in some of the cases, peacekeeping operations have been deployed only after other peaceful efforts have failed. ECOWAS peacekeeping operations are divergent operations with different forms and mandates. Therefore, they are better analysed under the framework of peacekeeping, peace-enforcement and peace-making theories. ECOWAS peacekeeping operations have been a subject of debate by proponents of the principle of non-interference and those of the responsibility to protect. The expediency of military intervention for humanitarian reasons as well as the prevention of genocide, war crimes and catastrophic loss of lives has questioned the principle of non-interference and validated the principle of responsibility to protect. / Political Sciences / D. Litt. et Phil. (International Politics)

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-10T10:47:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 FABIANA PEREIRA BARBALHO.pdf: 1767202 bytes, checksum: 32aeda02c693ba5c109ce2b3edd24f2a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-03-12 / The objective of this work is to analyze the United Nations Mission for the Stabilization of Haiti (MINUSTAH) in the foreign policy of the Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva government. The intention is to present some considerations regarding Brazilian foreign policy and the effects of the performance of the Midwest region contingent. This will be done by presenting the Haitian historical setting and by examining the motivations that led Brazil to accept the MINUSTAH command. Haiti, the second colony in the American continent to obtain independence, has gone through decades of dictatorships and political struggles and, therefore, several foreign interventions were carried out in the country. However, over the years, the deficient state structure intensified, and, along with serious socio-economic crisis, natural disasters and disease outbreaks, suffering among the population also increased. In 2004, with the resignation of President Jean-Bertrand, a widespread chaos broke out and caught the attention of the international community. MINUSTAH (approved by Resolution 1542 of UNSC on April 30, 2004) arrived in Haiti on June 1st of the same year under the leadership of Maj. Gen. Augusto Heleno Ribeiro Pereira. The mission aims were: to support the constitutional and political process of the country; to seek to guarantee a safe and stable environment to all the citizens; to aid the transitional government in monitoring and reforming the Haitian National Police; to assist in conducting municipal, parliamentary and presidential elections; and to promote and protect human rights. MINUSTAH had their mandates renewed several times through UNSC resolutions, which established the conduct guidelines of the troops and redefined the strategies, adapting these to political, socioeconomic and security transformations that the country presented. The Midwest region contingent, our main research object, arrived in Port au Prince in the first half of December 2006 together with Peacekeeping Operations Group (DOPaz). This group, originally from the Special Operations Brigade based in Goiânia (Brazil), found an environment of immense insecurity. A series of extremely violent kidnappings and several killings were broadcasted in newspapers around the world. The contingent conducted several enforcement operations, which achieved short-term decrease in the levels of violence in the Haitian capital, Port au Prince, and in neighborhoods like Cité Militaire and Cité Soleil. The research was developed with a dialectical approach, with a historical analysis procedure and through literature and document analysis. Various sources of information were used, such as articles from specialized and non-specialized journals, theses, Brazilian Government and the UN official documents, and multiple books that deal with the topic. / Esse trabalho tem por objetivo analisar a Missão das Nações Unidas para a Estabilização do Haiti (MINUSTAH) na política externa do Governo Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. Pretende-se, por meio da exposição de um cenário histórico do Haiti e do exame das motivações que levaram o Brasil a aceitar o comando da MINUSTAH, apresentar algumas considerações a respeito da política externa brasileira e dos reflexos da atuação do contingente região Centro Oeste na missão. O Haiti, a segunda colônia nas Américas a conquistar sua independência, passou por décadas de ditaduras e lutas políticas, com isso, várias intervenções estrangeiras foram realizadas no país com a finalidade de minimizar os efeitos da ineficiência estatal. No entanto, com o passar dos anos, a estrutura estatal deficitária foi se intensificando, ademais, graves crises socioeconômicas, catástrofes naturais e surtos de doenças aumentaram o sofrimento da população. Em 2004, com a renúncia do presidente Jean-Bertrand Aristide eclodiu um caos generalizado que despertou a atenção da comunidade internacional. A MINUSTAH (aprovada pela Resolução 1542 do CSNU, em 30 de abril de 2004) chegou ao Haiti no dia 1º de junho do mesmo ano sob chefia do General de Divisão Augusto Heleno Ribeiro Pereira. A missão tinha como objetivo dar apoio ao processo constitucional e político do país; buscar assegurar a todos os cidadãos um ambiente seguro e estável; apoiar o governo de transição no monitoramento e reforma da Polícia Nacional Haitiana; auxiliar na realização de eleições municipais, parlamentares e presidenciais; e promover e proteger os direitos humanos. A MINUSTAH teve seus mandatos renovados diversas vezes por meio de resoluções do CSNU que estabeleciam as diretrizes de conduta das tropas e a redefinição de estratégias, adaptando-as transformações políticas, socioeconômicas e de segurança que o país apresentava. O contingente região Centro Oeste, nosso principal objeto de pesquisa, chegou em Porto Príncipe na primeira quinzena de dezembro de 2006 juntamente com o Destacamento de Operações de Paz (DOPaz). Esse grupo, oriundo da Brigada de Operações Especiais, sediado em Goiânia, encontrou um ambiente de grande insegurança, uma sequência de sequestros extremamente violentos e várias mortes sendo noticiadas em jornais de todo o mundo. O contingente realizou várias operações coercitivas, conseguindo em curto prazo diminuir os índices de violência na capital do Haiti, Porto Príncipe, e em bairros como Cité Militaire e Cité Soleil. A pesquisa foi desenvolvida sob uma abordagem dialética, utilizando como procedimento uma análise histórica, através de pesquisas bibliográficas e documentais, sendo usada várias fontes de informações como artigos de periódicos especializados e não especializados, teses, documentos oficiais do Governo Brasileiro e da ONU, e múltiplos livros que versam sobre o tema.

Le droit international encadre l’exercice de la diplomatie des États dans une finalité de prévenir l’insécurité et, par extension, les conflits armés. Le droit de la diplomatie préventive reflète ainsi l’idée que la prévention de risques imminents de dommages matériels graves délimite l’objet d’un principe général de droit international. L’affirmation d’un principe est fondée sur l’analyse inductive des conventions majeures conclues en matière de maintien de la sécurité collective de 1899 à 1945. Elle est vérifiée à la lumière de la pratique de leur application par les Membres de la SdN et, depuis 1945, de l’ONU. Le caractère général de ce principe est déduit d’une étude combinée de la jurisprudence d’un nombre de juridictions internationales dans une variété de domaines du droit international. Les efforts individuels et collectifs de prévention des conflits obéissent donc à un régime juridique général qui organise le système contemporain de maintien de la paix internationale. / International law regulates States’ diplomacy for the purpose of preventing insecurity, and, by extension, armed conflicts. Accordingly, the law of preventive diplomacy reflects, in a sense, the idea that prevention of imminent risks of serious material damages defines a general principle of international law. The assertion of such a principle is based on an inductive analysis of the major treaties on collective security concluded between 1899 and 1945. It is verified in light of their application by Member States of the League of Nations and, since 1945, of the United Nations. The general nature of this principle is deduced from a combined study of the jurisprudence of a number of international courts and tribunals in various fields of international law. Those findings support the idea that individual and collective efforts of conflict prevention are subject to the respect of a general legal regime governing the current international system of peace-maintenance and collective security.