342f. / Submitted by Suelen Reis (suziy.ellen@gmail.com) on 2013-05-08T16:36:01Z No. of bitstreams: 1 dissert_André de Carvalho.pdf: 5274337 bytes, checksum: 8b323748baa5979f5fe8a9b6e788b76d (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Alda Lima da Silva(sivalda@ufba.br) on 2013-05-08T19:01:52Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 dissert_André de Carvalho.pdf: 5274337 bytes, checksum: 8b323748baa5979f5fe8a9b6e788b76d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-05-08T19:01:52Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 dissert_André de Carvalho.pdf: 5274337 bytes, checksum: 8b323748baa5979f5fe8a9b6e788b76d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009 / A pesquisa se oriente por aspectos basilares dos estudos culturais que estipulam a identidade social como objeto e produto de construções simbolicas a partir de práticas discursivas, mais efetivas em textos da mídia, reconhecida como a principal construtoda de identidades. A investigação constata que a a Paraíba, como estado nordestino, é secularmente projetada ao imaginário nacional de forma depreciativa, em virtude de suas condições de atraso socioeconômico, problemas reputados a agentes políticos, representação identitária que se confirma na rede discursiva do jornalismo contemporâneo que enfocou graves escandalos protagonizados por importantes políticos paraibanos na história recente. Por outro lado, nos últimos anos, a Paraíba também passou a ser foco da mídia em virtude de seus atrativos naturais e culturais de grande valor econômico para o setor turístico. Assim, a tese defendida de que a mídia constroi discursivamente duas identidades regionais, a política, em sentidos depreciativos, e a turística, em signos de exaltação. Hipótese que o estudo procura comprovar com a análise de reportagens jornalisticas de editorias especializadas, da política e do turismo, em reflexões que se incumbem da tarefa de perscrutar crítica e reflexivamente sobre a praxis do jornalismo contemporâneo, em particular nos gêneros político e turístico. Alem de contextualizar aspectos fundamentais de fenômenos turísticos e da produção de saberes multidiciplinares que se ocupam de tal tema. A metodologia empregada é a da Análise do Discurso. / Salvador

Made available in DSpace on 2014-07-29T15:13:49Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 tese lucineia martins.pdf: 2019614 bytes, checksum: f062d2247fe0d627077007a1f42b5ef8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-08-13 / This thesis entitled The political identity of the teachers of the federal public universities and the transformations in the working world is linked to the line of research Education, Labor and Social Movements of the Post-Graduate Program in Education, of the Federal University of Goiás (UFG). The research aims to analyze as is the political identity of teachers of Federal Institutions of Higher Education (IFES) in the context of economic and political transformations in the decade of 90 to 2000. We are trying to understand how the transformations that occurred in the working world impact in the organization of the work and in the political identity of university teachers of the IFES. The research sought to carry out an approach from the category of the social totality, for this reason it had as a starting point the analysis of the structural crisis of the system of the capital and its implications for the upper education. In second moment we investigate the governmental politics implanted from the decade of 90, in special the Law of technological Innovation; the PROUNI; the Foundations for Support of Research, and the mechanisms of complementation wage on the part of the faculty of the IFES, analyzed to under the approach of the against-reforms of the Brazilian to higher education. In that moment, we are going to analyze the consequences of this trial that we call privatization internal to the development of IFES. We also are investigating the conception and performance politics of the professors of the IFES, especially in the category of trade unions and strikes as if trying to understand is the political identity of teachers in public federal universities. For that we carry out our field research at the Federal University of Goiás (UFG), through semi-structured interviews with teachers working on the PhD in Exclusive Dedication (DE). As result of the research, found that the identity politics of teachers IFES passed between group consciousness of consciousness of class and therefore to their political identity is open to the potentials development of the performance with the entire working class in defense of public education, free, quality and all, and to other interests of the working class against the system of the capital / Esta tese intitulada A identidade política dos professores das universidades públicas federais e as transformações no mundo do trabalho se vincula a linha de pesquisa Educação, Trabalho e Movimentos Sociais do Programa de Pós-Graduação em Educação da Universidade Federal de Goiás (UFG). A pesquisa tem como objetivo analisar como se constitui a identidade política dos docentes das Instituições Federais de Ensino Superior (IFES) no contexto das transformações econômicas e políticas no transcorrer da década de 90 aos anos 2000. Procuramos compreender como as transformações ocorridas no mundo do trabalho repercutem na organização do trabalho e na identidade política dos docentes universitários das IFES. A pesquisa buscou realizar uma abordagem a partir da categoria da totalidade social, por isso teve como ponto de partida a análise da crise estrutural do sistema do capital e suas implicações para a educação superior. Num segundo momento investigamos as políticas governamentais implantadas a partir da década de 90, em especial a Lei de Inovação Tecnológica; o Programa Universidade Para Todos (PROUNI); as Fundações de Apoio a Pesquisa e os mecanismos de complementação salarial por parte do corpo docente das IFES, analisados sob o enfoque das contra-reformas do ensino superior brasileiro. Nesse momento, procuramos analisar as conseqüências desse processo que denominamos de privatização interna para o desenvolvimento das IFES. Investigamos ainda a concepção e atuação política dos professores das IFES, em especial nos sindicatos e greves da categoria buscando compreender como se constitui a identidade política dos professores das universidades federais públicas. Para isso realizamos nossa pesquisa de campo na Universidade Federal de Goiás (UFG), através de entrevistas semi-estruturadas com professores doutores em regime de trabalho de Dedicação Exclusiva (DE). Como resultado da pesquisa constatamos que a identidade política dos professores das IFES transita entre uma consciência de grupo à uma consciência de classe e que, portanto, sua identidade política está aberta as potencialidades de desenvolvimento de uma atuação com o conjunto da classe trabalhadora na defesa da educação superior pública, gratuita, de qualidade e para todos, bem como de outros interesses da classe trabalhadora contra o sistema do capital

Cette recherche propose un éclairage sémiotique européen sur la signification politique de l’altérité analysée pour le cas de la migration nippo-brésilienne à travers les époques et les espaces. Si l’immigration des Japonais au Brésil date de 1908, celle des Brésiliens descendants de Japonais, les nikkeijin ou nikkei-brésiliens, a été officiellement et légalement encouragée par les autorités japonaises depuis 1990. Ces migrants dits dekassegui, des immigrés supposés temporaires, s’y sont pourtant progressivement établis. Ils y occupent principalement des emplois non qualifiés. Notre recherche analyse les modalités d’apparition des immigrés dans l’espace public de chacune des deux sociétés à travers les discours produits sur eux et par eux-mêmes. L’émergence d’un « espace médiatique » des migrants japonais au Brésil puis celle d’un espace médiatique brésilien lusophone au Japon reflètent la nécessité pour les immigrés d’être représentés et témoigne de leur statut au sein de leur société d’immigration. L’existence d’un espace médiatique brésilien au Japon, qui constitue l’un des éléments fondateurs du sentiment communautaire des émigrés brésiliens, fait écho à la manière dont leur présence a longtemps été maintenue invisible dans l’espace public japonais. La mise en perspective des deux mouvements migratoires, du Japon vers le Brésil puis du Brésil vers le Japon, souligne le rôle de l’héritage de l’altérité à travers les générations, dans le temps court et le temps long dans la formation des identités mixtes. L’analyse du statut de cette population nippo-brésilienne révèle les caractéristiques qui fondent l’identité nationale, brésilienne comme japonaise, et montre que, dans le contexte de la globalisation et des migrations internationales contemporaines, la définition de la « culture » est résolument une affaire d’ordre politique. / This research paper proposes a semiotic analysis of migrants' political identity based on the case-study of Japanese-Brazilian migrants. While the Japanese started emigrating to Brazil in 1908, subsequent generations of Japanese-Brazilians, referred to as 'Nikkeijin' or 'Nikkei-Brazilians', were officially and legally encouraged to migrate back to Japan in 1990 to pursue unqualified jobs, primarily in the industrial sector. These 'dekasegi', or temporary migrants, eventually prolonged their stay in Japan. By focusing our attention on public and official speeches about migrants, we can get a sense of the latter's emerging presence in both societies' public spaces. Migrants' ethnic media provide a space for representation in the host society and reflect the evolution of their societal status. Brazilian ethnic media in Japan, in particular, has played a major role in the upbringing of the migrant community, offering dekasegi greater visibility in the Japanese public space, long denied until recently. The comparative analysis of both Japanese emigration to Brazil and Japanese-Brazilians' emigration to Japan reveals what it means to be an immigrant across spaces and generations. In effect, we hope to shed a light on the making process of mixed identities as well as national identities. Examining the status of Japanese-Brazilians makes it obvious that in a context of globalization, the definition of both immigrants’ culture and nationals’ culture, remains a political stake for both the sending and the receiving country.

Les courants migratoires outre-atlantiques à la charnière du XIXe et du XXe siècle consolidèrent la représentation de la nation argentine comme « un pays d’immigration ». Mais, derrière l’assimilation réussie de centaines de milliers d’étrangers se cache un complexe rapport entre la nation et la diversité qui compose sa population. Nous avons placé au coeur de notre recherche l’étude de l’ethnicité en Argentine et son rapport avec la nation et les phénomènes migratoires internes et externes. Les élites du XIXe siècle mirent en place des politiques de population qui visaient l’édification d’une société homogène, blanche et d’origine européenne. Celles-ci provoquèrent un « processus d’effacement » de l’ethnicité argentine qui fut achevé durant le XXe siècle avec l’avènement du péronisme. Ce ne fut qu’au cours des gouvernements de Carlos Menem durant les années 1990 que l’ethnicité subit une nouvelle fois de profondes transformations, notamment à cause de la montée de la xénophobie ciblant les immigrants limitrophes. Notre recherche propose une étude de l’évolution du rapport entre le péronisme et l’ethnicité. Pour ce faire, nous avons choisi de suivre l’approche barthienne de l’ethnicité et de placer au centre de notre analyse le concept de frontière ethnique. Notre recherche s’achève avec l’analyse d’entretiens semi-dirigés effectués lors d’un travail de terrain réalisé auprès de la communauté bolivienne à Buenos Aires. Nous tenterons de montrer que les changements de l’ethnicité durant les années 1990 sont à mettre en rapport avec la désarticulation des identités politiques traditionnelles et le rétrécissement de la citoyenneté qui caractérisèrent cette période. / Migratory movements across the Atlantic at the turn of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries consolidated the representation of the Argentine nation as "a country of immigration". But behind the successful assimilation of hundreds of thousands of foreigners, lies a complex relationship between the nation and the diversity that makes up its population. We have placed at the heart of our research the study of ethnicity in Argentina and its relationship with the nation and internal and external migratory phenomena. The nineteenth-century elites set up population policies aiming at building a homogeneous, white and european origin for the society. These policies provoked a "process of erasing" argentinian ethnicity which was completed during the 20th century with the advent of peronism. It was only during the governments of Carlos Menem during the 1990s that ethnicity underwent profound changes, notably because of the rise of xenophobia targeting neighboring immigrants. Our research proposes a study of the evolution of the relationship between Peronism and ethnicity. To do this, we chose to follow the Barthian approach to ethnicity and to place the concept of ethnic frontier at the center of our analysis. Our research ends with the analysis of semi-directed interviews accomplished during a field work carried out with the Bolivian community in Buenos Aires. We will try to show that the changes in ethnicity during the 1990s are related to the phenomenon of disarticulation of traditional political identities and shrinking citizenship that characterized this period.

[pt] O presente estudo tem como objetivo analisar diferentes representações da comunidade política no Brasil da segunda metade do século XIX, a partir de uma reflexão filosófica acerca da formação das identidades políticas, em especial o povo. A hipótese a ser testada é de que a constituição dos sujeitos políticos exige o manejo de um tipo especial de representação política, que nos propomos chamar originária, a qual confere aos agregados demográficos sentidos e valores que não derivam de sua mera existência natural. Na ausência de um fundamento invariante que sirva de essência imutável a tais identidades, a constituição política do povo passa a nomear um processo permanente, contingente e precário de devir político, no qual diferentes representações do social disputam a hegemonia, numa permanente tensão entre a comunidade enquanto identificação e a agência coletiva enquanto subjetivação. Com base nesse referencial teórico, inicia-se uma investigação histórica acerca de três diferentes representações originárias de um povo brasileiro, desenvolvidas entre o apogeu do Império e a crise da escravidão: a saquarema, representada por José de Alencar; a abolicionista liberal, de Joaquim Nabuco; e a do republicanismo negro, de Luiz Gama. Em comum entre elas, o papel central dos juristas na reflexão sobre a existência ou refundação de uma comunidade política brasileira, e um diálogo permanente do direito com a política, a filosofia e a literatura, que podem contribuir para uma visão mais ampla do que entendemos por história constitucional do Brasil. / [en] The present study aims to analyze different representations of the political community in Brazil in the second half of the 19th century, based on a philosophical reflection on the formation of political identities, especially the people. The hypothesis to be tested is that the constitution of political subjects requires the handling of a special type of political representation, which we propose to call original. That gives the demographic aggregates meanings and values that do not derive from their mere natural existence. In the absence of an invariant foundation that serves as an immutable essence to such identities, the political constitution of the people starts to name a permanent, contingent and precarious process of political becoming, in which different representations of the social dispute hegemony, in a permanent tension between community as identification and collective agency as subjectivation. Based on this theoretical framework, a historical investigation begins about three different representations originating from a Brazilian people, developed between the apogee of the Empire and the crisis of slavery: the Saquarema, represented by José de Alencar; the Liberal Abolitionist, by Joaquim Nabuco; and the Black Republicanism, by Luiz Gama. In common among them, the central role of jurists in the reflection on the existence or refoundation of a Brazilian political community, and a permanent dialogue between law, politics, philosophy and literature, which can contribute to a broader vision of what we understand for the constitutional history of Brazil.

No description available.

Cette recherche examine les pratiques politiques médiatisées des migrants marocains. En mobilisant une double approche diachronique et synchronique, on montre dans un premier temps que ces pratiques ne datent pas d’aujourd’hui mais qu’elles sont concomitantes aux premières vagues migratoires marocaines. A travers l’analyse d’un corpus de « presse militante », on approche la façon dont se manifestent les appartenances, les différentes stratégies de représentation d’un soi collectif ainsi que les formes d’expression des identités politiques de ces migrants, pendant la période coloniale et durant le processus de démocratisation du Maroc. On étudie dans un deuxième temps les pratiques politiques qui se construisent, circulent et se donnent à voir dans différents espaces en ligne pour comprendre comment elles participent à la construction et à la réécriture de la marocanité. Toutes ces pratiques politiques médiatisées ne se déroulent pas dans un vide social. Il est primordial de prendre en compte, pour leur appréhension, du cadre sociopolitique dans lequel elles se déroulent mais aussi de la question de la stratification sociale. Au delà de la question de la technique, c’est l’action symbolique d’écriture de la politique qui réunit l’ensemble des acteurs migrants engagés dans ce type de pratiques depuis les années 1930 et jusqu’à nos jours. Le geste d’écriture, comme action performative promettant d’obtenir une existence et une visibilité, est toujours accompagné par cet espoir de reconquérir une parole confisquée par un pouvoir politique dominant. A travers la médiation de l’écriture, ces pratiques médiatisées sont l’expression d’une volonté d’action de quelques groupes de migrants, déterritorialisés et non investis d’autorité, mais qui veulent prendre la parole pour s’exprimer sur ce qui se passe là-Bas, dans leur pays d’origine. / This research examines the mediatized political practices of Moroccan migrants. By mobilizing a double diachronic and synchronic approaches, this paper shows firstly that these practices are not new but concomitant with the first Moroccan migration waves. Through the analysis of an “activist press” corpus, this research shows how memberships, the different strategies of representation of collective, and political identities of these migrants during the colonial period and during the process of democratization in Morocco, are manifested. Secondly, this paper studied political practices, which circulate in different online spaces, to understand how they contribute to the construction and rewriting of the “Moroccaness”. For a better understanding, it is essential to take into account the socio-Political context in which these mediatized political practices are developed, in addition to issues of social stratification. Beyond the question of technology, it is the symbolic action of writing the policy that gathers all migrant actors who have been engaged in such practices since the 1930s until today. The act of writing as a performative action, which holds the promise of achieving existence and visibility, is always accompanied by the hope of regaining a voice, which has been cloaked by the dominant political power. Through the mediation of writing, these practices are the expression of the action of some migrant groups, who are deterritorialized and not invested with any authority, but who want to take the floor to articulate about what is happening in their homeland.

Au Liban, les identités politiques jouent un rôle important et sont souvent liées aux identités religieuses. Le pays a été le lieu d’un brassage d’une multitude de civilisations et de cultures, et est aussi un espace de tensions politiques et religieuses. D’un point de vue méthodologique, cette thèse se fonde sur la lecture et l’analyse de la presse et des médias, de la littérature d’autres expressions artistiques. Dans une première partie, la thèse se concentre sur le cadre et la problématique de la thèse. On présente les différents partis politiques libanais, leurs idéologies, leur relation au pouvoir et leur histoire, en particulier à la suite des accords de Taëf (1989). Les institutions politiques et les pratiques politiques libanaises, ainsi que les formes d’engagement, sont aussi étudiées. De même, dans cette partie, la thèse étudie le rôle politique important des grandes familles libanaises, et elle s’attache au charisme des acteurs politiques libanais. La deuxième partie concerne le lien entre les identités politiques et les identités religieuses dans l’espace public libanais. Elle étudie les rapports entre la religion et la politique au Liban, ainsi que les implications religieuses des guerres. Enfin, cette partie analyse la répartition géographique de l’ancrage des identités religieuses et politiques dans le pays. Dans un troisième temps, la thèse fait porter l’analyse sur les expressions des identités politiques. Elle propose une approche de la représentation des identités politiques dans les médias, dans la fiction (cinéma, littérature, etc), dans la chanson et dans les arts plastiques.Enfin, la dernière partie se concentre sur la censure, importante au Liban, compte tenu de la multiplicité des pouvoirs, aussi bien politiques que religieux, qui s’exercent sur la communication. D’une part, il s’agit des différents types de censure et des formes qu’elle peut prendre (censure politique, censure religieuse, censure des programmes d’enseignement, censure des pratiques sociales quotidiennes, et autocensure), et d’autre part, il s’agit des processus de décision qui conduisent à la censure. Cette partie présente aussi les formes de résistance à la censure. / The Lebanese political identities have often been linked to the existing religious identities. Lebanon has known in fact a number of civilizations and cultures, and has continuously been a place of political and religious tensions.From a methodological point of view, this thesis is based on readings and analysis of the press and the media, in addition to the literature of different artistic expressions. In the first section, the thesis focuses on the problematic. We present the multiple Lebanese political parties, their ideologies, their relationship with power and their history, especially after the Taef agreement (1989). We also study the political institutions and the political practices in Lebanon, as well as the multiple forms of political engagement. The thesis also tackles the important role of the traditional Lebanese families and the charisma of politicians. In the second section, we study the link between the political identities and the religious identities in the Lebanese public space. It focuses on the different kinds of relations that bound those two identities, in addition to the religious implications of wars. Also, this section analyses the geographical distribution of the political and religious identities in the country.In section number three, the thesis highlights the expressions of the political identities. It suggests an approach to the representation of these political identities in the media, in the fiction (literature, cinema, etc), in the songs and in fine arts. Finally, the last section focuses on the censorship, important concept in Lebanon, in the presence of a number of political and religious powers that influence the process of communication. We will define censorship, and focus on different kinds of censorship (political censorship, religious censorship, invisible censorship). We will also highlight the procedures and laws that lead to censorship, and the different ways followed by journalists and artists to face it.

近幾十年來的台灣，政治舞台上一直是由兩大政黨扮演主角。然而，兩大政黨支持者意識形態的嚴重分歧，導至在政黨政治的發展過程中，蒙上一層情緒化、不理性的陰影。本研究乃選擇了社會認同理論(Social Identity Theory)做為論文的理論依據，企圖探討這些問題。本研究目的是探討國內兩大政黨的支持者，如何形成其政黨認同，以及對政策的判斷是否受認同團體的影響而有所偏差。研究方法的使用，除了設計一問卷，來了解兩大政黨不同的意識形態，並企圖驗證台灣地區人民對於政策好壞的判斷，是否受其政黨支持屬性所左右。另外，在文獻的探討過程中，也對兩團成員的認同發展，做了一些探索與推論。前一部份符合心理學科學實驗的典範，後一部份則檢示歷史的發展，偏重於邏輯的推理。在實徵研究方面，分成兩個部分。研究一是使用一份自編的政黨意識形態問卷，施以大樣本問卷調查，比較兩大政黨支持者所具有的不同意識形態，以及不同的族群自我定義。研究二以一個實驗操弄來驗證內團體偏私現象。研究結果發現，新的族群分類方式正在取代原有的省籍分類，一種抽象的族群自我定義：「台灣人是台灣人」和「台灣人是中國人」的二分法，將台灣地區的人民劃分為兩個新族群。這兩個新族群恰與兩大政黨意識形態相符。另外以本省人和外省人為主的省籍情結並未消失，它只是轉化為上述的兩種抽象定義。因此，省籍的背景，加上個人對中國文化的信仰程度，決定了一個人的政黨認同取向。而一個政黨意識形態較強的人，在對政策的態度上，常常不知不覺的受到己團體意見所左右，而不能客觀地判斷政策的優劣。尤其以民進黨意識形態者所產生的這種內團體偏私較強，國民黨意識形態者的內團體偏私現象則較不明顯。最後，根據本研究的結果，對台灣政治生態發展所做的建議是，唯有將台灣意識或中國意識視為一種文化意識，而非族群意識。台灣地區人民才可能將族群認同與政黨認同分開 ，並發出理性的政黨認同，與團結的國家認同。 / There are two major political parties that play important roles in the scene of Taiwan politics. The KMT have government Taiwan area over fifty years, which came from mainland China. Being a minority group as opposed to the KMT, the natures of the DPP supporters are not as same as the members of the KMT. Their ancestors have lived in Taiwan for hundreds of years. Consequently, the ethno identity and the political identity are confused with each other for most of the people in Taiwan. Someone would choose suort one political group not because their cognition to politics, but because most their ethno background. It is to say, one whose fathers came from mainland china would mostly support the KMT than the DPP. One whose fathers were birth in Taiwan is mostly support the DPP than the KMT.The purpose of research is to find out the difference of ideology between two political groups. Besides I will utilize the real- life intergroup relationship for proving in-group bias. Two methods of research were adopted. One is historical research, and the other is an experimental method. The results reveal that there were different ideology in two groups. The KMT supporters usually have more conservative attitudes about politics. The DPP supporters have more open attitudes with their opinions. The ethno backgrounds usually display the role of accentuation. On the other hand, The in-group bias phenomenon has been partly proved. It means that there is a vivid in-group bias phenomenon in minority group. Someone who supports the DPPave a higher rating with the statement that talked by the DPP member. The conclusion of the research also reveals something. There were two opposed opinions rising to explain someone's identification for their sense of belonging. What opinions someone may choose are usually decided by their political identity. One who supports the KMT choose more likely the opinion "Taiwanese is also a Chinese." One who supports the DPP accept more likely the opinion "Taiwanese is just a Taiwanese." Because the two opinionsre abstract definition, so they are not decided by someone's descent. That is to say the traditional manners of ethno category by dialect are broken. The new manner of ethno category is not imposed by someone's descent. I am not optimistic about the phenomenon. The rise of the new ethno definition does not only completely displace the old system of category but also confused with each other. It must have the Taiwan people divided into more small groups. So I predict in the future, The ethno identity of Taiw people would be more complicated .

本文羅爾斯社會整合理論研究旨在探索羅爾斯整合理論之穩定性及其 整合性格的問題,全文分為社會聯結(social union)與社會整合(social unity)二個場域討論,在縱剖面上,以穩定性的問題為中心貫穿二個場域; 在橫剖面上,以對的優先性(the priority of theright)為支架吸納所欲 討論的子題. 就穩定性的問題來說,在社會聯結中羅爾斯訴諸於道德人的 自律與完序社會的正義感來確保正義制度的穩定性;在社會整合中羅爾斯 修正以各種整全性學說所形成的交疊共識(overlapping consensus)來保 障穩定性的達成 .最重要的是,筆者認為包含式公共理性(inclusive public reason)為促使交疊共識與穩定性達成的最主要力量.而就整合性 格來說,社會聯結純粹是為了避免成為私有社會(private society)的設 計;至於社會整合,筆者認為是羅爾斯面對當代多元主義事實下所欲完成的 政治哲學任務.而筆者特別要強調,雖然羅爾斯一再否認其學說為目的論式 的主張,然而筆者認為其社會聯結與社會整合的設計是有著公共善(public good)的概念,筆者認為羅爾斯的公共善就是一個正義社會的達成,此不僅 僅是公民們所分享的終極目標,亦是羅爾斯社會藍圖的終極理想.