The aim of this bachelor thesis is to examine what Swedish parliamentarians thinks about the library as an institution. To achieve this aim we use discourse analysis. By analyzing parliament motions from four decades we found nine discourses that represents a wide variety of thoughts and opinions of what the library is, what it should contain and what it should provide. The discourses that we identified are: the culture discourse, the multi-cultural discourse, the reading discourse, the technical discourse, the information discourse, the democratic discourse, the book discourse, the quality discourse and the learning discourse. These discourses can furthermore be divided in three branches that expresses continuous thoughts about the library. Those are that the library is for everyone, that the library is a carrier of something and that the library is an intermediary of something. The opinions differ between the left wing and the right wing as well as between the individual parties. The changes that can be seen over time is mostly due to the societal and technology development.

The purpose of the study is to investigate the Western Sahara policy within the Swedish Parliament and Government, as well as how the policy has changed since. The study will help to get a broader understanding of how Sweden's foreign policy works and how the various international relations are covered. The theory of the study encompasses small state pragmatism as well as neutrality policy from Sweden's perspective. Sweden's policy on Western Sahara has changed in line with the aforementioned time periods: cold war, relaxation and terrorism. These periods of time have put in concrete work there you get an understanding of how the policies and Sweden have adapted during the different periods.

I denna uppsats undersöker jag hur och i vilken utsträckning den svenska utbildningspolitiska diskursen i riksdagen präglas av neoliberalismen åren 2008-2012. Neoliberalismen konceputaliseras utifrån den franska sociologen Pierre Bourdieus begrepp doxa och hans teorier om neoliberalismen som en doxa samt tidigare forskning om neoliberalismen. Det materialet som undersöks för att analysera den svenska utbildningspolitiska diskursen är utbildningsposten i de årliga budgetdebatterna åren 2008, 2010 och 2012. För att ordna analysen av materialet använder jag mig av diskursanalysen som metod; i analysen undersöks specifikt två diskurser som dominerar i det undersöka materialet. Dels diskursen om kunskapsmätningar, där PISA-undersökningen dominerar, samt diskursen om skolans ökade segregering. Resultatet av analysen visar att den svenska utbildningspolitiska diskursen starkt präglas av den neoliberala doxan i båda undersökta diskurser.

Swedens exports arms to Pakistan despite the existence of laws and conventions on what specific countries must achieve in order to meet the criteria for being exported to. In a realpolitik perspective, this study will deepen and investigate how the Swdish government can approve an arms export to Pakistan and how human rights are violated in Pakistan. In 2018, a munitions law was added and come into force. The law would include an impediment to exports to countries with a dubious democratic status or where human rights are violated. A determination has made that i conditions are given for the Swedish state to grant a permit for arms to exports to Pakistan that seriously violates human rights, a complete assessment has made and decisions made with meaning that the political interests priorities are valued higher than the interests of human rights.

Uppsatsen är en komparativ studie om försvarsbeslut 1925 och försvarsbeslut 2004. Jag testar två teorier mot dessa två försvarsbeslut, det är realismen och liberalismen. Det jag vill få fram genom uppsatsen är att se likheterna och skillnaderna i de båda besluten inom ett säkerhetspolitiskt perspektiv. / The essay is a comparative study of the defence decision 1925 and the defence decision 2004. I will test two theories of these two defence decisions, it is realism and liberalism. What I want to get through this essay is to identify the similarities and differences in the two decisions in a security policy perspective.

The purpose of this study was to investigate which kind of arguments that were used during the debate before the law of sexual services was introduced in Sweden. The study refers to the debate which was in the Swedish parliament The study has been structured the arguments in different categories.  The study has not found other researchers about the debate in the Swedish parliament. The study has just found several studies about the prostitution problem in general. The method for this study has been idea centered content analysis. The results were analyzed through an analyze diagram with arguments against the law of sexual services and arguments for the law of sexual service. On each side in the debate the analyze diagram has had eleven different categories of arguments. The results of the study showed that the juridical arguments were the most common in the debate.

Diss. Umeå : University, 2004. / S. 296-314: Bibliografi.

This thesis aims at studying the development of the party cohesion in the Swedish national parliament, riksdagen, after the introduction of preference voting in the election of 1998. The party cohesion has been measured during parliamentary sessions before and after the reform. The result of the cohesion during each of the sessions has then been compared towards each other. The cohesion was measured between the members of parliament viewed as a whole, and within the party groups during the different sessions. The research method being used has been a quantified statistical voting analysis, making the comparisons of party cohesion during the different parliamentary sessions as easy as possible. The main findings show an increment of the cohesion after 1998, both among the parliamentary members as a whole, and within the political parties. The result rejected the originally stated hypothesis, saying the party cohesion would decrease after the implementation of preference voting to the Swedish parliament.

Using two reports from the The Riksdag’s Social Affairs Committee, this essay has examined and analyzed discourses that are expressed in how the Riksdag describes the social services. The material has been analyzed using critical discourse analysis and Foucalts terms Power/knowledge to see what can be said about how the social services are described and constructed.   The dicourses I could identify in the material was a legal discourse where the social service is defined based on legislation where the words used to describe the goal of the social services is not being discussed. Knowledge-based discourse where the social service is mainly described in terms of a flawed organization and where the solution is more knowledge, a discourse I chose to call unity where a consensus is manifested regarding the social services and finally the formalized discourse where there is indications of a discursive change towards a higher level of formalized language-use that affects how the Riksdag constructs the social services.     This essay also discusses the importance of examining how the Riksdag constructs the social services through the use of language and that how they use the language affects how the social services is understood which impacts the social work. Lastly I argue that an examination of how power/knowledge is expressed is needed to, among other things, make it possible to introduce alternative and new discourses. / Den här uppsatsen har genom två betänkanden från riksdagens socialutskott undersökt och analyserat de diskurser som kommer till uttryck i hur riksdagen framställer socialtjänsten. Genom kritisk diskursanalys och Foucaults begrepp makt/kunskap har materialet analyserats för att se vad Foucaults begrepp kan säga oss om hur socialtjänsten framställs.     Diskurser jag kunde identifiera i materialet var en juridisk diskurs där socialtjänsten definieras utifrån lagstiftning där betydelsen av begrepp som beskriver socialtjänsten inte diskuteras. En kunskapsdiskurs där socialtjänsten främst beskrivs i termer av en organisation som brister och vars lösning är mer kunskap, en diskurs jag valt att kalla enighetsdiskursen där det manifesteras en enighet och där konflikter inte synliggörs, och till sist formaliseringsdiskursen som indikerar en diskursiv förändring mot ett mer formaliserat språkbruk kring bland annat socialtjänsten som påverkar hur riksdagen yttrar sig angående socialtjänsten.     Vidare diskuteras vikten av att rikta fokus mot hur riksdagen använder språk för att konstruera socialtjänsten och hur det påverkar förståelsen av socialtjänsten samt hur det i sin tur påverkar det sociala arbetet. Dessutom menar jag att processer kring hur makt/kunskap utövas behöver synliggöras, bland annat för att möjliggöra introduktionen av nya och alternativa diskurser.

The overall purpose of this paper is to investigate how the concept of democracy was used in Swedish parliamentary debates before the great franchise reform 1919-1921. To use conceptual history to study parliamentary debates is a relatively recent phenomenon and when it comes to Sweden it has mostly been about the period around and after the mentioned great reform. This paper therefore takes a step back and concentrates on the years 1902, 1907 and 1912 when bills and motions were presented that advocated more inclusive voting rights. It is not only a period that has been less researched but an inquiry into these years also complete and enhance the understanding of the later great reform. Since the concept of democracy rarely appears in the parliamentary debates during the first years studied the paper also investigates the context in which the concept was used with a special focus on who were to be allowed to take part in an enlarged franchise. The final analysis shows that the concept of democracy went through substantial change during the period in question. Not only did it become used more frequently in the debates, but most politicians also accepted the future-oriented quality of the concept. The context of the debates shifted during the period but most importantly the view of who among the people were supposed to be included in a democratic society changed. Some of the uses of the concept of democracy that was to reverberate during the debates leading up to the great franchise reform 1919-1921 can also be found during the period here studied.