L'étranger a toujours eu un statut particulier en France. Déjà, sous l'Ancien Régime, celui-ci est soumis à une réglementation différente jusqu'à la Révolution française qui, malgré un vent nouveau ayant entraîné l'application d'un grand nombre d'idées novatrices et la création de droits importants, ne permet pourtant pas à ce dernier d'être considéré comme un citoyen. Il ne cesse alors de faire l'objet d'exclusion, tant au niveau social que politique. Cette situation se perpétuera jusque sous la III° République avant de s'accentuer sous le régime de Vichy. Après la guerre, le Préambule de la constitution du 27 octobre 1946 consacre de nouveaux droits constitutionnels économiques et sociaux. Pourtant, en dehors de l'alinéa 4 du Préambule sur le droit d'asile, aucun article ne vise spécifiquement l'étranger. Il en est, par exemple, ainsi du droit à la protection sociale qui n'est devenu effectif que bien après son affirmation, ce qui n'a pas manqué de poser quelques difficultés. Il faut, de plus, attendre l'adoption du Traité de Maastricht en 1992 pour voir émerger un statut supplémentaire de l'étranger, avec l'apparition de la notion de citoyenneté européenne. Ce nouveau statut confère aux ressortissants communautaires un droit de vote et d'éligibilité à certaines élections. Ainsi, une problématique principale se dégage du sujet. La question qui se pose est donc de savoir comment un droit historiquement contesté a finalement pu être progressivement affirmé. Cela soulève dès lors la question de savoir si, de la même manière, des droits actuellement contestés, comme le droit de vote local des étrangers, pourront un jour être affirmés. / The foreigner has always had a special status in France. Under the Old Regime, he is subject to different regulations, until the French Revolution which, despite having a wind driven implementation of many innovative ideas and the creation of important rights does not allow him to be considered as a citizen yet. He doesn't cease to be the subject of exclusion, at both social and political levels. This situation has been perpetuated under the Third Republic before being widened under the Vichy regime. After the World War, the Preamble of the 27 October 1946's Constitution dedicates new economic and social constitutional rights. Yet, except paragraph 4 of the Preamble on the political asylum, no article specifically targets the foreigner. If political rights are actually denied to him, it is the same for social rights, because of the economic and financial consequences. It is, for example, the right to social protection that has become effective after its statement, which caused some difficulties. Moreover, it is the adoption of the Maastricht Treaty in 1992 that gives other status to the foreigner, with the emergence of the concept of European citizenship. This new status gives EU citizens the right to vote and stand in some elections. Thus, a main problem emerges from the subject. The question is how a historically disputed right was finally declared. This therefore raises the question of whether, in the same way, human rights now denied, as the foreigners' local voting rights, may one day be affirmed.

The rights may be required when they were violated or infringed. The rights are provided for in national laws and international standards such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the covenants on human rights in 1966, among others, to demand them, can use both national justice system as international. This chargeability occurs both in the political sphere (through social mobilization and action by public authorities), as in the legal field (national judiciary and international courts). In the latter case, it is when he is called justiciability. The Universal human rights system established access to justice as a guarantee of social rights. This means ensuring effective judicial protection for the duties of States. Our research of the idea that to understand organizational phenomena of society, which are correlated to the right, a method is necessary in this case, the comparative legal method The current problems that have the realization of the fundamental right to education (restricted and almost privileged access at all levels, uncertain and conditional adaptability, etc.) are dormant. The issue of justiciability of the right to education is dealt with in a right perspective compared between Brazil and Colombia, and is understood as the power of the holders of this fundamental right to require states to respect and protection, making it effective; in other words: it is the obligation of States to provide judicial remedies for such purposes. The justiciability is a way to enforce the rights before the courts, both at the national, regional and international levels, and analyzed in our thesis / Os direitos podem ser exigidos quando foram violados ou infringidos. Como os direitos estão previstos nas leis nacionais e normas internacionais, como a Declaração Universal dos direitos humanos e os pactos sobre direitos humanos de 1966, entre outros, para exigi-los, pode usar tanto sistema de justiça nacional como o internacional. Esta exigibilidade ocorre tanto na esfera política (através de mobilização social e ação pelas autoridades públicas), como no campo jurídico (poder judiciário nacional e tribunais internacionais). Neste último caso, é quando ele é chamado de justiciabilidade. O Sistema Universal de direitos humanos estabeleceu o acesso à justiça como garantia dos direitos sociais. Isso significa a garantia de tutela jurisdicional efetiva para o cumprimento dos deveres dos Estados. A nossa investigação parte da ideia de que para compreender fenômenos organizacionais da sociedade, que estão correlacionados com o direito, é necessário um método, neste caso, o método juridico comparativo Os atuais problemas que têm a efetivação do direito fundamental à educação (acesso restrito e quase privilegiado em todos os níveis, incerta e condicional adaptabilidade, etc) são latentes. A questão da justiciabilidade do direito à educação é tratado dentro de uma perspectiva de direito comparado entre Brasil e Colômbia, e é entendida como o poder dos titulares deste direito fundamental para exigir aos Estados o respeito e proteção, tornando-o efetivo; em outras palavras: é a obrigação dos Estados para fornecer recursos judiciais para tais fins. A justiciabilidade é uma maneira de fazer valer os direitos diante dos tribunais, tanto em nível nacional, regional e internacional, sendo analisada na nossa dissertação.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-01T18:17:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 dissertacao_taciana_rocha.pdf: 1127356 bytes, checksum: 6713e21f076e27e087a1e3eed9330ef8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-08-01 / Nowadays there is much talk of the (in)efficiency of the judicial process in ensuring the consummation of fundamental rights incumbent on the State, such as the right to education, defined in the republic s constitution as a public subjective right at the level of basic education. Actual practice, as a result of the action of the Department for the Defence of Education of the Capital (Public Prosecution Service of Pernambuco), has shown that a civil public action, a judicial instrument for the protection of diffuse and collective rights, has not made possible the actual implementation of the fundamental right to education (provision of regular basic education by the State), as provided for in Brazil s juridical order. The fact is that the provision of regular basic education presupposes not only satisfying the demand for places in the public school system (quantitative aspect), but also the guarantee of minimum standards of quality of teaching (qualitative aspect), which involves the State making available the goods and services indispensable for meeting the educational needs and, as a result, the outlay of public resources. The judicial decision obtained in a civil public action (compelling the Treasury to comply with its obligation to provide regular basic education) does not satisfy the educational needs formally set out in Brazil s constitution by virtue of the political constraint on executing a such a decision against the Treasury, only executable in the form of a cash payment and, in addition, by virtue of the legal linkage of the appropriations to special funds established in law. Such a judicial decision is monetized, being the result of a cash payment execution, whereas the educational provision, intended to meet the educational needs, only satisfied by means of concrete provisions (educational goods and services), and therefore not linked to the judicial system, but to the economic one, in the setting of which the administration of scarce resources for the purpose of satisfying the needs to be met with public funds requires that the proposed expenditure be included in the State s budget. The failure to execute the constitutional right to education is the subject of this study, the problem being addressed by means of the dialectic hermeneutical method, which permits an understanding of the connection between the judicial and the economic systems, thereby making feasible the proposition of an efficiency route to the implementation of the fundamental right to education / Nos dias atuais muito se tem falado sobre a [in]eficiência do processo judicial para assegurar a realização de direitos fundamentais devidos pelo Poder Público como o direito à educação, definido na Constituição da República como direito subjetivo público em nível de ensino fundamental. A prática decorrente da atuação na Promotoria de Defesa da Educação da Capital [Ministério Público de Pernambuco] vem mostrando que a ação civil pública [instrumento processual de tutela dos direitos difusos e coletivos], não tem possibilitado a efetiva concretização do direito prestacional à educação [ensino fundamental regular ofertado pelo Poder Público] na forma prevista no ordenamento pátrio. Isto porque a oferta regular de ensino fundamental pressupõe não somente o atendimento à demanda por vagas na rede pública de ensino [aspecto quantitativo], mas também a garantia de padrões mínimos de qualidade de ensino [aspecto qualitativo], o que envolve disponibilização de bens e serviços pelo Poder Público para satisfação de necessidades educacionais e resulta, em conseqüência, no gasto de recursos públicos. O provimento judicial obtido em ação civil pública [condenação da Fazenda Pública à obrigação de ofertar ensino fundamental regular] não satisfaz as necessidades educacionais formalmente consagradas na Constituição Federal, em razão da limitação política à execução contra a Fazenda Pública [admissível apenas na forma de quantia certa] e, ainda, por força da vinculação das verbas condenatórias a fundos especiais previstos em lei. Tal provimento judicial é monetarizado, obtido em execução por quantia certa, enquanto o provimento educacional, objeto de satisfação de necessidades educacionais, somente é satisfeito por meio de provimentos concretos [bens e serviços educacionais] e, portanto, não vinculados ao sistema jurídico, mas ao econômico, no qual a administração de recursos escassos impõe que os gastos públicos para satisfação de necessidades sejam incluídos em orçamento [previsão orçamentária]. A inexequibilidade do direito prestacional à educação é o problema enfrentado na pesquisa mediante método dialético-hermenêutico, que permite a compreensão da conexão do sistema jurídico com o econômico, tornando, assim, possível a proposição de uma via de eficiência para o direito prestacional à educação

Considerando a atual situação do Direito à Educação em Direitos Humanos no Brasil e no mundo e a importância de se inserir nos sistemas educacionais a proposta da gestão de um plano em Direitos Humanos, balizada por interculturalidade e interacionismo, a presente pesquisa tem como objetivo institucionalizar a promoção do acesso aos conhecimentos multiculturalistas, inerentes à afirmação histórica dos Direitos Humanos. Entendemos que tanto os alunos quanto os educadores são sujeitos dos direitos históricos da humanidade. Assim, diagnosticamos a necessidade de uma intervenção pedagógica humanista nas escolas a ser institucionalizada por uma cultura em educação alternativa contida no projeto-piloto, ora anexado. / Considering the actual state of the Right to Human Rights Education in Brazil, its global present context and the importance to insert its proposals in the educational systems as a political action of a Human Rights plan, oriented by interculturality and interactionism, in this research the main objective has been to institutionalize the promotion of access to multicultural knowledge, associated to the historical affirmation of Human Rights, and to view the students and the educators as mankinds historical rights subjects. It has also been diagnosticated the urgency of a humanistic pedagogical intervention in schools yet to be institutionalized by an alternative educational culture, included in the attached pilot project.

Cette étude traite de la répartition de la richesse nationale en Turquie vis-à-vis des principes démocratiques. La richesse nationale peut être formulée à des fins d'utilisation dans le domaine juridique comme le total du patrimoine des ménages et des personnes morales de droit public de l’année précédente additionné au produit national net de l'année donnée. La démocratie exprime la possibilité pour chacun de participer à la politique (la participation) avec ses différences (dans ses intérêts- selon son revenu, son âge, son état de santé et des états similaires- et son idéologie) et d’avoir ainsi une influence en politique à travers ses différences (le pluralisme). Cette étude se base sur l'idée que doit être analysée avant tout la manière dont est répartie la richesse du peuple pour savoir si l'Etat revêt un caractère démocratique. En effet, l’attente de chacun d’une organisation comme l’Etat ne peut être qu’une meilleure vie et cette dernière satisfaisant tous les besoins des hommes tels que l’hébergement, la santé, l’enseignement, la liberté, la culture, les espaces verts a une contrepartie monétaire. / This study deals with the distribution of the national wealth in Turkey according to the principles of democracy. National wealth can be formulated for use in the legal field as the sum of the previous year’s household assets and the assets of legal persons governed by public law added to the net national product of the current year. Democracy is the possibility for everyone to participate in politics (participation) with his or her differences (in his or her interests based on income, age, state of health and similar conditions and his or her ideology) and thus to have an influence in politics through his or her differences (pluralism). This study is based on the idea that the way which the national wealth is distributed must be brought up before anything else, in order to find out whether a state has a democratic nature or not. Indeed, everyone expects a better life from an organization like the state, and such a life satisfying all human needs such as housing, health, education, freedom, culture, green spaces has a monetary consideration.

A culture of accommodation and tolerance is a necessary part of establishing and preserving a functional multi-national and multi-ethnic European Union. Civil society organizations and their associated social capital have been shown to foster civic capacity and achievement of public policy goals. However, social capital that is based on group identity can also contribute to a sense of intolerance towards out-groups, undermining the stated tolerance objectives of the social pillar of the European Union. States with a strong presence alongside civil society are expected to be curb the development of the exclusionary bonding form of social capital in favor of bridging social capital which will improve progress toward policy goals. This study tests the link between government capacity, social capital and tolerance using data from the 1990-2009 waves of the World Values Survey and European Values Study. Using path analysis and multi-level models of the relationships between political capacity, social capital and intolerance, the model establishes that government capacity enhances bridging social capital and which increases social tolerance. The study fills a gap in understanding how government capacity and policy can result in improved social capital even with greater diversity. A proposed relationship between political capacity and bonding forms of social capital was not supported.

Le Québec reçoit chaque année un nombre croissant de travailleurs agricoles temporaires, à travers deux programmes : le Programme des travailleurs agricoles saisonniers (principalement Mexicains) et le Programme des travailleurs peu qualifiés (pour l’instant Guatémaltèques). Une de leurs caractéristiques communes est le lien fixe à l’employeur imposé aux travailleurs. Cette recherche analyse la conformité de cette disposition avec l’article 46 de la Charte québécoise qui garantit le droit à des conditions de travail justes et raisonnables. Un examen des effets du lien fixe démontre que celui-ci établit une dépendance forte des travailleurs envers leur employeur, aux niveaux légal (du fait de la possibilité du rapatriement anticipé en cas de problèmes liés au travail ou au comportement), financier (dû à la nomination des travailleurs année après année et au dépôt de sécurité imposé aux travailleurs guatémaltèques) et psychologique (soumission, crainte). L’interprétation de l’article 46 à la lumière du droit international des droits de la personne met en évidence la non conformité du lien fixe avec cette disposition. Or si l’objectif de cette mesure est de retenir la main-d’oeuvre dans le secteur agricole, il serait plus juste et raisonnable d’améliorer les conditions de travail de cette main-d’oeuvre plutôt que de l’asservir. / Each year the province of Quebec receives an increasing number of temporary farm workers through two programs: the Seasonal Agricultural Workers Program (mainly Mexican workers) and the Low-Skill Temporary Workers Program (with Guatemalan workers). These programs share a common characteristic: the workers’ permits are tied to an employer. This research analyses the compliance of the bonded-work permit with article 46 of the Quebec Charter, which guarantees the right to just and reasonable working conditions. An analysis of the effects of the work-tied permit shows that it creates a huge dependence of the workers vis-à-vis their employers – legally (due to the possibility of anticipated repatriation for work or behaviour related problems), financially (among other things because of the naming practise) and mentally (submission, fear). The interpretation of article 46 in light of international human rights law shows that tied-work permits violate that provision. If the objective of the bonded characteristic of the work permit is to retain a labour force, it would be much more just and reasonable to improve working conditions rather than to enslave workers.

The UN Migrant Workers Convention (CMW) that provides for fundamental human rights for migrant workers and members of their families has been adopted in 1990. Until today, none of the EU Member States has signed or ratified it. The EU Member States argue that there is no need for them to accede to the CMW, as, inter alia, the rights contained in it are already secured by other international human rights instruments and in the EU legal instruments. Additionally to the claim of the CMW redundancy for the current EU legal framework, the Member States have several times repeated the fear that the ratification of the CMW could give irregular migrants more rights and increase irregular migration to the EU. Inspired by these two in fact contradictory arguments, this research aims to explore the scope of irregular migrants related human rights protection under international and European law and verify the basis of the EU Member states claims by comparing the scope of rights of irregular migrant workers in the EU with the standards embedded in the CMW. The main research questions posed are What human rights are the irregular migrants entitled to in the EU, based on international and European legal instruments? Is the CMW indeed redundant and unnecessary in the legislative framework of the European Union or is it...

A tese tem a intenção de promover um estudo sobre a efetivação do mínimo existencial pelas normas que regulam a atividade financeira do Estado, mediante uma articulação entre os fundamentos e objetivos fundamentais da república, os direitos fundamentais sociais e os subsistemas financeiro e tributário na Constituição Federal de 1988. A ideia principal é explorar os instrumentos fiscais e financeiros aptos a garantir a efetivação dos direitos sociais individuais (dimensão do mínimo existencial), o que é considerado vital para a superação do subdesenvolvimento brasileiro (relação entre direitos sociais e atividade financeira do Estado). Partindo da constatação de que o Brasil apresenta índices de desenvolvimento humano baixos em comparação à sua riqueza, a tese refutará importações acríticas das concepções de Estado atualmente praticadas em países desenvolvidos, para analisar a função que os direitos sociais previstos na Constituição Federal têm na realidade brasileira atual, bem como qual é o grau de efetividade desses direitos que é exigido pela Constituição. Com base nisso, a tese fará uma ligação entre direitos sociais e a atividade financeira do Estado, de modo a detectar pontos de intersecção entre esses subdomínios e entender de que forma as normas fiscais e financeiras podem dar efetividade ao mínimo existencial. Para tanto, no decorrer do trabalho será feita uma releitura dos diversos instrumentos tributários e financeiros aptos a dar efetividade a direitos sociais, tais como: (a) a competência tributária, (b) os princípios constitucionais tributários (capacidade contributiva, seletividade e não-confisco) e (c) os limites constitucionais orçamentários (orçamento da seguridade social, despesas mínimas com educação e saúde e fundos constitucionais), em nível constitucional, e (d) as desonerações fiscais e (e) as leis orçamentárias em nível infraconstitucional. Por fim, será feita uma crítica se o Estado brasileiro vem ou não manejando corretamente esses instrumentos. / The thesis draws upon the effectiveness of the fundamental rights related to the social minimum through the rules that regulate the financial activity of the Brazilian State, considering both tax and budgetary legislation. The study will be based on a joint interpretation of the foundations and fundamental objectives of the republic, the social fundamental rights and the budgetary and tax systems of the Brazilian Federal Constitution. The main idea is to exploit the tax and budgetary instruments able to ensure the fulfillment of social individual rights (social minimum dimension), which is considered vital to overcome the Brazilian underdevelopment status (relation between social rights and financial activity of the State). Starting from the fact that Brazil has low human development indices in comparison to its wealth (Gross Domestic Product), the thesis will refuse of uncritical importation of conceptions of State currently applied in developed countries, in order to examine the role that social rights currently have before the Brazilian social reality, as well as the degree of effectiveness of such rights that is required by the Constitution. Based on this, the thesis will establish a connection between social rights and financial activity of the State, in order to detect the intersectional points between these areas and understand how the tax and budgetary laws could bring effectiveness to the social minimum. To achieve that, this work will try to reinterpret tax and budgetary instruments that could be able to give effect to social rights, such as: (a) the power to tax, (b) tax principles (ability to pay, selectivity and non-confiscation) and (c) the constitutional budget limitations (social security budget, minimum expenditures on education and health and constitutional funds), in constitutional level, and (d) the tax exemptions and (e) the budgetary laws. Finally, this work will launch a critic on the way that the Brazilian Government has been using such tools in order to achieve its social responsibility before the people.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:20:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Thais Maria Riedel de Resende Zuba.pdf: 1201574 bytes, checksum: 631553012e6a483c69523f13f0c24a99 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-10-24 / This dissertation talks about the application of the principle of non-retroactivity in the native social security right. This subject is related to the principle of the legal security regarding the ban on a subsequent law to extinguish or restrict rights or guarantees, especially social ones, which could promote retrocession, ab-olishing a right established by the Constitution. The historic-legislative development of the society culminated with the es-tablishment of the social rights and, under the distinction of the fundamental human rights, it was up to the modern Estates to respect them in accordance with their own set of laws. The social security right is defined as a social right, mentioned as the sixth article of the Federal Constitution of 1988, in the chapter "Social Rights" and inserted under the title "Fundamental Rights and G uarantees". However, the social security system - instrument of protection of the socie-ty regarding the social risk established by the constituents - has been target of re-strictive reforms of rights, what appears as an insult to the very principle that is being reviewed by this paper / A presente dissertação versa sobre a aplicação do princípio da vedação do retrocesso no direito previdenciário pátrio. Esse objetivo relaciona-se com o prin-cípio da segurança jurídica no que diz respeito à proibição de uma lei posterior ex-tinguir ou restringir um direito ou garantia, especialmente de cunho social, sob pena de promover retrocesso, abolindo um direito fundado na Constituição. O desenvolvimento histórico-legislativo da sociedade culminou na consti-tucionalização dos direitos sociais e, sob o primado dos direitos humanos fundamen-tais, coube aos Estados modernos respeitá-los em seus ordenamentos internos. O direito previdenciário é caracterizado como direito social, incluso no ar-tigo 6º da Constituição Federal de 1988, dentro do capítulo Dos Direitos Sociais e inserido no título relativo aos Direitos e Garantias Fundamentais . No entanto, o Sistema de Seguridade Social, instrumento de proteção da sociedade quanto ao risco social, previsto pelo constituinte, vem sendo alvo de re-formas restritivas de direitos, o que se insurge como afronta ao princípio objeto do estudo