- About
-
The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers
to find electronic theses and dissertations. This service is
provided by the
Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations.
Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
Search results
Showing 161 to 168 of 168 (0.092 seconds)Spelling suggestions: "subject:"then french devolution"" "subject:"then french bevolution""
| 161 |
La genèse de la propriété industrielle en France / The genesis of the right of industrial propertyGobert, Perle 13 November 2015 (has links)
Le droit de la propriété industrielle peut apparaître comme un droit assez récent dans le pay-sage juridique français, mais ce présupposé n’est qu’un leurre. Sa présence est attestée dès le commencement des pratiques artistiques et artisanales pendant l’Antiquité. La prise de conscience de son existence et de son utilité au sein de la société a toutefois été exacerbée au XVIIIe siècle, notamment lors de la révolution française de 1789, moment de sa construc-tion et de sa reconnaissance juridiques.Le droit de la propriété industrielle, à partir des événements révolutionnaires devient en effet l’enjeu d’une élaboration aussi bien intellectuelle que juridique. De nombreux débats de la part des créateurs et inventeurs font rage auprès des institutions politiques afin que ce droit soit reconnu et normalisé. L’aboutissement de ces combats intellectuels, grâce aux multiples ré-flexions de la doctrine et de la jurisprudence transforme le droit de la propriété industriel en un droit normatif s’inscrivant dans l’ordonnancement juridique.Au-delà de cette organisation législative, le droit de la propriété industrielle est également le sujet de nombreuses interrogations quant aux circonstances politiques et économiques qui ont permis son éclosion. Le droit de la propriété industrielle se module selon l’ensemble des lois, des jurisprudences, de la doctrine, de la politique et de l’économie qui tente de lui donner des structures juridiques stables. Il s’affirme comme un droit protéiforme, dont la portée na-tionale relative aux inventeurs et aux créateurs dans la reconnaissance de leur droit, prend une dimension internationale, aspirant à organiser et harmoniser les relations économiques des Nations. / : The right of the industrial property seems like a recent right in the French legal landscape, but this assumption is wrong. Its presence was confirmed as of the beginning of the artistic and artisanal practices during the Antiquity. The awakening of its existence and its utility wi-thin the company however was intensified at the XVIIIth century, in particular at the time of the French revolution of 1789, during the moment of its legal construction and its recognition.The right of the industrial property, starting from the revolutionary events became the chal-lenge of an intellectual development as well as a legal development. Many debates on behalf of the creators and inventors show rage regarding the political institutions, so that this right is acknowledged and standardized. The result of these intellectual combats, thanks to the mul-tiple reflections of the doctrines and jurisprudence transforms the patent right into a normative right falling under legal scheduling.Next to this legislative organization, the right of the industrial property is also the subject of many interrogations as for the political and economic circumstances, which allowed it's blos-soming. The right of the industrial property modulated according to the whole set of laws; ju-risprudences; the doctrines; politics and economics, tries to give him stable legal structures. He affirms himself as a protean right, whose national range relating to the inventors and the creators in the recognition of their right, takes an international dimension, trying to organize and harmonize the economic relations of the Nations.
|
| 162 |
La vente des biens nationaux dans le Vendômois (1789-1850) / The sale of "Biens nationaux" in Vendômois 1789-1850Daviot, Marie-Françoise 24 September 2013 (has links)
Entre Beauce et Sologne, le Vendômois est en 1789, une région pauvre, souffrant de la disette, situation à laquelle l’administration révolutionnaire n’a pas su remédier. La vente des biens nationaux en augmentant la propriété foncière des notables qui ont déjà la mainmise sur les trois quarts du sol de la région et contrôlent désormais les institutions politiques et administratives, va asseoir leur influence sur les populations.Si sur le plan de l’agriculture, le système paternaliste disparaît, il n’en laisse pas pour autant place à une économie capitaliste florissante. Le retard dans ce domaine et dans ceux de l’industrie et du commerce, restera important au XIXème siècle. Le bilan des ventes nationales montre la disparition presque totale de la propriété ecclésiastique et la division par trois de la propriété noble. Le transfert de propriété aux paysans, qui peut paraître réel lors des premières ventes, est fortement atténué par le phénomène des reventes qui s’étalent sur les cinquante années suivantes. Le point remarquable, qui apparaît également dans cette étude, est la relative modération de la population vendômoise et des hommes politiques, quand elle a pu les désigner pour l’administrer localement. Attachée aux traditions, la population bien qu’elle ait participé aux acquisitions des biens dits nationaux, a su montrer de la résistance face aux comportements extrêmes des hommes politiques parisiens et blésois. Contrairement à beaucoup d’autres régions françaises plus urbaines, les persécutions et les destructions, qui ont marqué la période des ventes nationales, n’ont pas été systématiques en Vendômois, et c’est tout à son honneur. / In 1789, the traditional area of the Vendômois, bordered by the Beauce and Sologne regions, is poor and the revolutionary authorities have not succeeded in addressing the prevailing food shortage. By growing the landed property of the upper classes,who already had a stronghold on three quarters of the region’s real estate and who would now control the political and administrative system, the sale of “biensnationaux” would reinforce their influence over the population. Although the paternalistic system in the field of agriculture came to an end, it not made way for a flourishing capitalistic system. The lack of development in industry and agriculture will remain important throughout the XIXth century. The outcome of the sale has been an almost complete disappearance of church property whileownership by the nobility was divided by three. The transfer of ownership to the peasantry which might have seemed real at the times of the first sales was greatly diminished by the subsequent resales over the next fifty years. Another noteworthy point which emerges from this study is the sense of moderation of “vendômoise”population, and of those political leaders, when it was able to appoint to administer locally. Although the local population, which had a strong attachment to tradition, did take part in the acquisition of national lands, it resisted to extreme behaviour of the political leaders from Paris and Blois. Unlike what happened in many other more urban french regions, persecutions and destructions which characterized the period of the national sales were not systematic in the Vendômois, much to its credit.
|
| 163 |
Transférer à Paris « tout ce qu'il y a de beau en Italie » : conquêtes matérielles au service de l'édification nationale (1796-1798)Reinhardt, Chanelle 08 1900 (has links)
Lors de la victorieuse campagne d’Italie (1796-1797), qui a lieu dans le cadre des guerres révolutionnaires françaises (1792-1802), un nombre important d’objets précieux est saisi pour être transporté à Paris, nouvel épicentre autoproclamé de la culture et du savoir européens. La liste des objets à déplacer est longue, variée et prestigieuse. Des outils d’agriculture, des minéraux, des livres rares, des traités de science, des semences, des partitions de musique, des spécimens végétaux et, surtout, des monuments de l’Antiquité et des tableaux de la Renaissance, sont appelés à garnir les institutions de la capitale française. Ce grand coup de filet est souligné par la tenue d’une fête à Paris les 9 et 10 thermidor an VI (27 et 28 juillet 1798), nommée l’Entrée triomphale des objets de sciences et d’arts recueillis en Italie.
Pour atteindre leur nouvelle destination, les objets saisis sont soumis à la contingence du voyage. Ils traversent des montagnes, des routes, des ports, des mers, des fleuves, des canaux, des rues et des boulevards. Le trajet se fait sur des chariots, dans la paille ; les objets d’art sont enfouis à l’intérieur de caisses goudronnées, scellées et marquées du sceau officiel de la République. Même s’ils sont cachés et hors de lieux traditionnellement étudiés par l’histoire de l’art, les objets d’Italie jouissent, durant cet intervalle, d’une grande visibilité par le biais des journaux qui suivent avidement les aventures des convois qui traversent des lieux instables et des territoires accidentés. Qui plus est, le déplacement s’effectue sur un fond d’instabilité sociale et de crises politiques, alors que le régime du Directoire (1795-1799) peine à asseoir sa légitimité et que la Contre-Révolution se manifeste dans le résultat des élections législatives.
En puisant dans un cadre théorique croisant les mobility studies, les material studies, les études sur le nationalisme et l’histoire des émotions, cette thèse démontre que le transit entre Rome et Paris devient une épopée mettant en récit les contours d’une identité française en quête d’unité. En effet, le transfert des objets d’Italie est un levier d’édification nationale qui mobilise des thèmes au fondement du sentiment patriotique, comme la supériorité civilisationnelle, le savoir-faire technique et l’ascendance morale. Trois grands moments sont à l’étude : le moment des saisies, le moment du transport et le moment de la célébration. / During the victorious Italian Campaign (1796-1797) that took place during the French Revolutionary Wars (1792-1802), a significant number of precious objects were seized and transported to Paris, the new self-proclaimed epicentre of European culture and knowledge. The list of objects was long, varied, and prestigious. Agricultural tools, minerals, rare books, scientific treatises, seeds, musical scores, plant specimens, and above all, monuments from antiquity and Renaissance paintings, were amassed for the purpose of gracing the institutions of the French capital. On 9 and 10 Thermidor year VI (27th and 28th of July, 1798), the convoy was paraded through the streets of Paris in a celebration titled l’Entrée triomphale des objets de sciences et d’arts recueillis en Italie (the triumphal entry of objects of the sciences and arts collected in Italy).
En route to their new destination, the precious objects were subjected to the contingencies of the voyage. Buried in sealed and tarred crates marked with the official seal of the Republic and piled onto straw-filled carts, they journeyed over mountains, on roads, through ports, across seas, and down rivers, canals, streets and boulevards. Although the objects were hidden and kept far from areas traditionally studied by art history, they received wide coverage in newspapers that avidly chronicled the convoy’s adventures through volatile areas and rugged terrain. What is more, the journey took place against a backdrop of great social unrest and political crises, while the regime of the Directory (1795-1799) struggled to establish its legitimacy and the Counter-Revolution rose in the wake of the legislative elections.
Drawing on a theoretical framework bridging mobility studies, material studies, nationalism studies, and the history of emotions, this dissertation demonstrates that the transit between Rome and Paris became a narrative epic that outlined a French identity in search of unity. In fact, the objects’ transit from Italy became a lever of national edification that mobilized the themes that are the basis of patriotic sentiment, such as civilizational superiority, technical knowledge, and moral ascendancy. Three major moments will be studied: the seizure of the objects, their transportation, and the moment of celebration.
|
| 164 |
Collective Security and Coalition: British Grand Strategy, 1783-1797Jarrett, Nathaniel 05 1900 (has links)
On 1 February 1793, the National Convention of Revolutionary France declared war on Great Britain and the Netherlands, expanding the list of France's enemies in the War of the First Coalition. Although British Prime Minister William Pitt the Younger had predicted fifteen years of peace one year earlier, the French declaration of war initiated nearly a quarter century of war between Britain and France with only a brief respite during the Peace of Amiens. Britain entered the war amid both a nadir in British diplomacy and internal political divisions over the direction of British foreign policy. After becoming prime minister in 1783 in the aftermath of the War of American Independence, Pitt pursued financial and naval reform to recover British strength and cautious interventionism to end Britain's diplomatic isolation in Europe. He hoped to create a collective security system based on the principles of the territorial status quo, trade agreements, neutral rights, and resolution of diplomatic disputes through mediation - armed mediation if necessary. While his domestic measures largely met with success, Pitt's foreign policy suffered from a paucity of like-minded allies, contradictions between traditional hostility to France and emergent opposition to Russian expansion, Britain's limited ability to project power on the continent, and the even more limited will of Parliament to support such interventionism. Nevertheless, Pitt's collective security goal continued to shape British strategy in the War of the First Coalition, and the same challenges continued to plague the British war effort. This led to failure in the war and left the British fighting on alone after the Treaty of Campo Formio secured peace between France and its last continental foe, Austria, on 18 October 1797.
|
| 165 |
[en] NO MAN CAN REIGN INNOCENTLY: SAINT-JUST AND THE TRIAL OF LOUIS XVI / [pt] NÃO SE PODE REINAR INOCENTEMENTE: SAINT-JUST E O JULGAMENTO DE LUÍS XVI / [fr] ON NE PEUT POINT RÉGNER INNOCEMMENT: SAINT-JUST ET LE PROCÈS DE LOUIS XVIMARIA CECILIA LESSA DA ROCHA 14 December 2023 (has links)
[pt] Mais de duzentos anos se passaram desde o início da Revolução francesa, será
que já se falou demais sobre ela? Creio que não. Por ser um dos eventos fundantes
das sociedades modernas, sua história é continuamente disputada. A sua
complexidade vai além da simples categoria de revolução burguesa e autoriza ver
neste evento um verdadeiro laboratório de experiências, não modelos, já que não se
prestam a serem imitados, mas podem inspirar o presente para imaginar – e
construir – o futuro. Assim, o presente trabalho se debruça sobre um período
específico da Revolução francesa: o julgamento de Luís XVI; nesta cena, um
personagem é principal, não Luís, mas o jovem revolucionário Saint-Just. Sendo o
mais jovem membro da Convenção nacional, sobe à tribuna da assembleia e afirma
de maneira contundente: Para mim, não vejo meio-termo, este homem deve reinar
ou morrer. Segundo Saint-Just, um rei é um inimigo, deve ser combatido e não
julgado. Para explorar esse corte em meio aos debates de quem e como julgar Luís
XVI, apresento o seguinte trajeto: na primeira parte, investigo a biografia desse
jovem revolucionário, os caminhos de sua formação e obras anteriores a seu début
na carreira parlamentar. Na segunda parte, traço um breve histórico dos
acontecimentos que precipitaram o fim da monarquia constitucional na França, para
em seguida mergulhar na cena principal, o julgamento de Luís XVI. Apresento as
teses jurídicas em questão, pró e contra a acusação e condenação no ex-monarca,
as questões constitucionais, e busco mostrar a radical ruptura introduzida pela fala
de Saint-Just, tendo em conta suas obras teóricas que nos foram legadas como
fragmentos o Da natureza, do estado civil e da cidadania ou Regras da
independência de Governo e o Instituições Republicanas. / [en] More than two hundred years have passed since the beginning of the French
Revolution, have we talked too much about it? I think not. As one of the founding
events of modern societies, its history is continually disputed. Its complexity goes
beyond the simple category of bourgeois revolution and allows to see in this event
a real laboratory of experiments, not models, since they do not lend themselves to
be imitated, but can inspire the present to imagine - and build - the future. Thus, the
present work focuses on a specific period of the French Revolution: the trial of
Louis XVI; in this scene, the main character is the young revolutionary Saint-Just.
Being the youngest member of the National Convention, he stands in the tribune of
the assembly, and he sharply states: For myself, I can see no mean, this man must
reign or die. According to Saint-Just, a king is an ennemi that must be fought, not
tried. To explore this cut amid the debates of who and how to judge Louis XVI, I
present the following route. In the first part, I investigate the biography of this
young revolutionary, the paths of his formation and works before the beginning of
his parliamentary career. In the second part, I trace a brief history of the events that
precipitate the end of the constitutional monarchy in France, and then dive into the
main scene, the trial of Louis XVI. I present the legal theses in question, pro and
against the accusation and conviction in the former king, the constitutional issues,
and I seek to show the radical rupture introduced by the speech of Saint-Just,
keeping an eyes in his works De la nature, de l état civil et de la cité ou les règles
d indépendance du gouvernement and Institutions républicaines. / [fr] Plus de deux cents ans se sont écoulés depuis le début de la Révolution française, en a-t-on déjà trop parlé? Je crois que non. Étant l un des événements fondateurs des sociétés modernes, son histoire est continuellement contestée. Sa complexité va au-delà d une simple catégorie de révolution bourgeoise et autorise à voir dans cet événement un véritable laboratoire d expériences, non pas desmodèles, car ils ne se prêtent pas à être imités, mais ils peuvent inspirer le présentpour imaginer – et construire – l avenir. Ainsi, le présent travail se penche sur unepériode spécifique de la Révolution française : le jugement de Louis XVI; dans cette scène, un personnage est principal, non pas Louis, mais le jeune révolutionnaireSaint-Just. Étant le plus jeune membre de la Convention nationale, il monte à la tribune de l Assemblée et affirme de manière tranchante : Pour moi, je ne vois point de milieu, cet homme doit régner ou mourir. Selon Saint-Just un roi est un ennemi et doit être combattu et non pas jugé. Pour explorer cette coupe au milieu des débats de qui et comment juger Louis XVI, je présente le chemin suivant : dans la première partie, j étudie la biographie de ce jeune révolutionnaire, les voies de sa formation et les œuvres antérieures à son début dans la carrière parlementaire. Dans la deuxième partie, je trace un bref historique des événements qui précipitent la fin de la monarchie constitutionnelle en France, pour ensuite plonger dans la scène principale, le procès de Louis XVI. Je présente les thèses juridiques en question,pour et contre l accusation et la condamnation dans le ci-devant monarque, les questions constitutionnelles, et cherche à montrer la rupture radicale introduite par le discours de Saint-Just, en prenant compte de ses œuvres De la nature, de l état civil et de la cité ou les règles d indépendance du gouvernement et Institutions républicaines.
|
| 166 |
國族的肚臍：一項關於國族建構的哲學性闡釋李國維 Unknown Date (has links)
國族是什麼？國族主義又是什麼？
面對許許多多歧異又紛雜的關於國族與國族主義的論述，本論文嘗試另闢蹊徑，從哲學層面來闡釋這一問題。本文區分國族之形成的主觀條件與客觀條件，認為國族不同於國家與民族，不能單純以客觀條件作為依據，而是必須以主觀條件作為依據。本文又進一步區分形式條件與實質條件，認為主觀條件中必須同時包括形式條件與實質條件，也就是說，一群人若要組成一個國族共同體，這些人必須是出於各自之自由意志，決定共同組成一個不同於其他之團體的共同體，而且要尋找並形成某種歸屬核心，當做共同體之根本質素，使之成為維繫共同體之長久存續的道德基礎。
本文以羅爾斯的政治自由主義與民族觀點作為論述根基，由此開展一種新的國族觀點，一種特殊的、只在自由主義式的民主政治體制中存在的政治共同體。並認為，人類理性必然要求人類朝這樣的政治共同體邁進，使每個人的自由都夠有最合理的、最和諧的發展，而不致釀成戰爭衝突。 / What is “nation”? And what is “nationalism”? There are many diverse and conflicting theories about nations and nationalism. We look into these theories and then abandon them because there are too many definitions. We believe that the nation is a special and unique political community and it accrues only in the liberal constitutional democracy of the modern period. There are two kinds of conditions for the construction of a nation: the subjective condition and the objective conditions. The former is an inner characteristic, while the later are external features. Unlike a state or a people, a nation must be founded the subjective condition as much as the objective conditions. In other words, the subjective condition, human beings’ free will, is the essential bedrock for the construction of a nation. In this perspective, we further distinguish the formal condition from the substantive condition. The formal condition has no content; its only function is pure decision-making. If a group of people is willing to associate together and form a community, it’s necessary for them not only to make a decision but also to decide what community they want to be. Furthermore, they have to search for and fashion their own defining core as the underlying element of the community as well as the moral foundation for the continuance of the community.
Based on John Rawls’ political liberalism and his views about peoples, this paper evolves a new viewpoint of the nation as a unique political community that exists only in the liberal democracy. We also assume it is required by human reason that mankind should move forward to such a political community, enabling everyone to develop his or her liberty in the most reasonable and harmonious way without leading to wars and conflicts.
|
| 167 |
Political Atheism vs. The Divine Right of Kings: Understanding 'The Fairy of the Lake' (1801)Post, Andy 30 April 2014 (has links)
In 'Political Atheism vs. The Divine Right of Kings,' I build on Thompson and Scrivener’s work analysing John Thelwall’s play 'The Fairy of the Lake' as a political allegory, arguing all religious symbolism in 'FL' to advance the traditionally Revolutionary thesis that “the King is not a God.”
My first chapter contextualises Thelwall’s revival of 17th century radicalism during the French Revolution and its failure. My second chapter examines how Thelwall’s use of fire as a symbol discrediting the Saxons’ pagan notion of divine monarchy, also emphasises the idolatrous apotheosis of King Arthur. My third chapter deconstructs the Fairy of the Lake’s water and characterisation, and concludes her sole purpose to be to justify a Revolution beyond moral reproach. My fourth chapter traces how beer satirises Communion wine, among both pagans and Christians, in order to undermine any religion that could reinforce either divinity or the Divine Right of Kings. / A close reading of an all-but-forgotten Arthurian play as an allegory against the Divine Right of Kings.
|
| 168 |
Taken from lifeKornmeier, Uta 12 October 2006 (has links)
Wachsfigurenkabinette waren nicht immer die billigen Sensationsmaschinen, als die sie heute verstanden werden. Vor der Erfindung und Verbreitung von Photographie und illustrierten Zeitschriften waren sie Bildmedien, die der Vermittlung von visuellen Informationen dienten. Kein anderes Medium konnte die Protagonisten der Weltgeschichte so unmittelbar darstellen wie die Sammlungen lebensgroßer Wachsfiguren. Das Material Wachs trug wesentlich zu ihrem Erfolg bei, denn es ermöglichte die täuschend echten und bis dahin realistischsten Darstellungen von bekannten Persönlichkeiten. Die Operationsweise dieses Mediums wird am Beispiel von Madame Tussauds Wachsfigurenkabinett genauer untersucht. Dazu wurde, soweit möglich, die Reiseroute, der Aufbau und die “Besetzung” der Ausstellung rekonstruiert, sowie die soziale Herkunft der Besucher in der ersten Hälfte des 19. Jh.s ermittelt. Es wird deutlich, daß Marie Tussaud eine talentierte Portraitkünstlerin und ambitionierte Schaustellerin war, deren sorgfältig gestaltete Ausstellung vor allem Besucher der aufstrebenden Mittelschicht mit Interesse an Menschenkenntnis anzog. Das Wachsfigurenkabinett fiel damit in die Kategorie der “nützliche Unterhaltung”, die der Wissens- und Charakterbildung diente. Madame Tussaud ist vielleicht die bekannteste Betreiberin eines Wachsfigurenkabinetts – keinesfalls aber die erste. Die Geschichte der kommerziellen Ausstellung lebensgroßer Wachsfiguren reicht ins beginnende 17. Jh. zurück, wobei sich das Konzept der Kabinette im Laufe der Jahrhunderte stark gewandelt hat. In dieser Arbeit werden drei Ausstellungsformen unterschieden: a) das barocke Figurengruppen-Kabinett, das programmatische oder allegorische Geschichten erzählt, b) die aufklärerische Portraitgalerie (wie z.B. Madame Tussauds), in der Persönlichkeiten als charakteristische Individuen vorgestellt werden, c) das moderne Tableau-Kabinett, wo alltägliche oder außergewöhnliche Ereignisse auf bis dahin unübertroffen realistische Weise wiedergegeben werden. Als Nachrichtenkanal und als Medium für realistische Wirklichkeitswiedergabe sind Wachsfigurenkabinette seit den 1920er Jahren überholt. Als Spiel mit der menschlichen Sinneswahrnehmung bleiben sie jedoch vorerst aktuell. / Waxworks were not always the cheap sensation spinners as which we perceive them today. Before the invention and wide-spread use of photography and illustrated magazines they were an important medium for distributing visual information. No other form of communication could offer such immediate representations the protagonists of world history. Perhaps the greatest part in their success took the material wax which allowed the creation of deceptively lifelike and hitherto most realistic depictions of celebrated individuals. In this thesis, Madame Tussaud’s serves as a prime example for examining the mode of operation of a waxwork exhibition. As far as the sources allow, the itinerary, the ‘cast’ and display of the exhibition is reconstructed, as well as the number and the social background of its visitors during the first half of the 19th century. It emerges that Marie Tussaud was a talented portrait artist and a show woman of ambition whose carefully constructed exhibition attracted mainly middle-class visitors with an interest in human classification. Thus, the waxworks was a ‘rational entertainment’ that was thought to further the development of knowledge and character in its visitors. While Madame Tussaud’s was perhaps the most famous waxworks, it was not the first one. The history of commercial exhibition of life-sized wax figures goes back to the 17th century. Their concept, however, changed significantly over the centuries. Three forms of waxworks are differentiated here: a) the baroque waxworks of groups of figures narrating programmatic and allegorical stories, b) the enlightened portrait gallery – such as Madame Tussaud’s – where celebrities are presented as individual characters, c) the modern tableau waxworks, that represents extraordinary as well as everyday events in a realistic way that was hitherto unprecedented. As a channel for the distribution of news and as a medium for representing reality waxworks have become outdated. As a tickle for the senses, however, they will yet remain effective.
|
Page generated in 0.1058 seconds