O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar os elementos contraditórios - ou seja, tanto as características aristocráticas quanto as modernizantes - próprios do período de transição em que a sociedade francesa se encontrava na virada do século XVIII para o XIX, presentes nos escritos de Dominique-Vivant Denon (1747-1825), Directeur Général des Musées durante o Consulado e o Império. Buscaremos compreender como uma figura oriunda da nobreza provinciana francesa conseguiu se equilibrar no jogo de forças políticas que se desenrolou na França com o advento da Revolução e como se tornou uma personagem fundamental na constituição de um dos grandes projetos políticos e culturais do período: a reformulação do Museu do Louvre. Em uma perspectiva mais ampla, pretenderemos investigar, através da produção de Vivant Denon, o fenômeno de reapropriação e ressignificação de uma tradição cultural associada ao Antigo Regime na construção do Império Napoleônico. / The object of this research is to study the contradictory elements - both aristocratic features as the modernizing ones - in the transition period from the eighteenth century to the nineteenth, present in the writings of Dominique-Vivant Denon (1747-1825), Directeur Général des Musées during the Consulate and the Empire. We seek to understand how a figure derived from the French provincial nobility managed to balance the game of political forces that unfolded in France with the Revolution and how he became a fundamental character in the consolidation of a major cultural and political projects of the period: the reformulation of Louvre Museum. In a broader perspective, the present study seeks to understand and investigate, through the writings of Vivant Denon, the phenomenon of reinterpretation of a cultural tradition associated with the Old Regime in the construction of the Napoleonic Empire.

Esta tese examina três escritos de Thomas Paine (1737-1809) elaborados durante a Revolução Francesa, os quais representam as reflexões mais radicais de seu pensamento religioso, político e social. Em primeiro lugar, será analisado o panfleto The Age of Reason, expressão máxima de seu radicalismo religioso, que teve sua primeira parte escrita em 1793 e a segunda em 1794. Contrapondo-se, por um lado, às religiões reveladas e, por outro lado, à descristianização do período jacobino, nesse texto o deísmo é apresentado como a face religiosa da democracia vindoura. Em segundo lugar, será analisado o texto Dissertation on the First Principles of Government, redigido e publicado em 1795, a mais acabada exposição da teoria democrática. A um só tempo contrário ao liberalismo termidoriano e crítico do que fora o jacobinismo, nesse texto Paine opõe-se categoricamente àqueles que pensavam a propriedade privada como um direito natural que poderia ser equivalente ou mesmo superior aos direitos naturais de liberdade e a igualdade. Por fim, será analisado o texto Agrarian Justice, expressão máxima de seu radicalismo social, produzido no inverno de 1795-1796 (publicado em 1797). Em reação tanto ao liberalismo irredutível dos termidorianos, quanto às propostas igualitaristas de Graco Babeuf, o texto apresenta-se como uma proposta de erradicação da pobreza sem romper com os princípios do que seria política liberal. Pretende-se captar o sentido do pensamento de Paine no contexto da Revolução Francesa e discutir a validadade da afirmação de Eric Hobsbawm na Era das Revoluções, segundo a qual Paine, radical nos Estados Unidos, seria um moderado girondino na França. Na contramão da maioria das interpretações correntes, a pesquisa objetiva repensar a figura de Paine, mostrando sua relevância como intérprete da Revolução Francesa e como nome fundamental para a história do pensamento político, religioso e social. / This thesis examines three writings of Thomas Paine (1737-1809) elaborated during the French Revolution, which represents the most radical reflections of his religious, political and social thought. In the first place, the pamphlet The Age of Reason will be analyzed, that contains the maximum expression of his religious radicalism, which have had its first part written in 1793 and the second in 1794. Contradicting, on the one hand, to the revealed religions, and, on the other hand, to the dechristianization of the Jacobin period, in this text, deism is presented as the religious face of the coming democracy. Secondly, the text Dissertation on the First Principles of Government will be analyzed, the most complete exposition of his democratic theory, drafted and published in 1795. Contrary to Thermidorian and critical of what Jacobinism was, in this text Paine categorically opposes those who thought private property as a natural right that could be equivalent or even superior to the natural rights of freedom and equality. Finally, the text Agrarian Justice will be analyzed, the maximum expression of its social radicalism, produced in the winter of 1795-1796 (published in 1797). In reaction to both the irreducible liberalism of the Thermidorians and the egalitarian proposals of Graco Babeuf, the text presents itself as a proposal to eradicate poverty without breaking with the principles of what would be liberal politics. This analysis seeks to capture the meaning of Paine\'s thinking in the context of the French Revolution and to discuss the validity of Eric Hobsbawm\'s statement in the Age of Revolutions that Paine, radical in the United States, would be a \"moderate Girondist\" in France. Contrary to current interpretations, this research aims to rethink the figure of Paine, showing his relevance as an interpreter of the French Revolution and as a fundamental name for the history of political, religious and social thought.

Cette thèse porte sur la gestion des routes du département de la Haute-Garonne de 1790 à 1796. Dans ce département né du nouvel ordre territorial et administratif qui s’impose en France en 1790 et formé d’une partie de deux anciennes provinces hétérogènes, la Guyenne et le Languedoc, l’administration locale se voit confier le rôle de maintenir les infrastructures de transport en bon état. Pour ce faire, elle doit faire face aux nombreuses difficultés qui peuvent empêcher localement l’exécution des travaux routiers. Ses compétences à cet égard dépendant étroitement du degré de centralisation de l’administration centrale des ponts et chaussées, composée du ministre de l’Intérieur et du Corps des Ponts et Chaussées. Au cours de la Révolution française, ce jeu de pouvoir entre Paris et le département subit l’influence des contextes national et local, tels que les crises politiques ou la guerre. Le pouvoir local ne peut prendre les mesures qu’il juge nécessaire pour assurer la bonne gestion de son réseau routier que dans les limites de la politique routière imposée par Paris. / This thesis is a study of the management of roads in the “département” of Haute-Garonne between 1790 and 1796. This “département” had been created as a part of the new territorial and administrative order in France established in 1790, and it was made from parts of two former different provinces, Guyenne and Languedoc. In Haute-Garonne the local administration was entrusted with the role of maintaining the infrastructures for transport. To this end the “département” had to face various difficulties that could impede the execution of road works in the locality. Its powers in this respect depended closely on the degree of centralization of the national administration of roads and bridges, an administration composed of the Minister of the Interior and the “Corps des Ponts et Chaussées”. During the French Revolution this power relationship between Paris and Haute-Garonne was dictated by a combination of national and local contexts, including political crises and war. The local authorities could take measures they deemed necessary to ensure the proper management of their road networks only when these were within the limits set by the road policy decided on by the national authorities in Paris.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:21:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Saul Tourinho Leal.pdf: 2352193 bytes, checksum: 5136f8761d9b73c5492870b79beec183 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-08-05 / This thesis has the purpose to investigate whether there are connections between the contemporary constitutionalism and happiness. It addresses the Independence of the United States of America, the French Revolution and the independence of Brazil. After such historical perspective, it describes the utilitarian school, represented initially by Jeremy Bentham and, subsequently, by Stuart Mill. It asserts that utilitarianism, allied to the principle of human dignity, is the theoretical basis of the thesis that allows happiness to be a constitutionally protected right and, moreover, providing the basis for it to appear in legal reasoning developed by the judges as grounds for judicial decisions. Subsequently, this thesis examines a dogmatic part in which it attempts to identify the existence of a right to happiness within the wording of the Constitution of 1988. In this part, it describes a right to happiness dismembered into five biases: (i) broad right to happiness, (ii) the right to the pursuit of happiness, (iii) the right to be provided with happiness (iv) sealing the perverse pleasures, (v) happiness as telos. Addressing the constitutional jurisdiction, it examines the American and European-continental models then shows how the theory of happiness has been used in trials of major national issues in Brazil, like the same-sex unions, policy of quotas, the Marijuana March and crimes trifle. It also discusses the abuses committed by invoking the theory of happiness, illustrating with the example of the Kingdom of Bhutan. Finally, it presents the proposal of hedonic damages. The thesis concludes there is a legally guaranteed right to happiness , but alerts that the theory of happiness is not able to solve all the cases, indicating that, in situations in which there are informational deficits, it is recommended judicial restraint and deference to the Legislature / RESUMO: A tese apresenta a proposta de investigar se há conexões entre o constitucionalismo contemporâneo e a felicidade. Aborda a Independência dos Estados Unidos da América, a Revolução Francesa e a Independência do Brasil. Após essa perspectiva histórica, passa a apresentar a escola utilitarista, inicialmente representada por Jeremy Bentham e, na sequência, por Stuart Mill. Afirma que o utilitarismo, aliado ao princípio da dignidade da pessoa humana, é a base teórica da tese, permitindo que a felicidade seja um bem protegido constitucionalmente e, além disso, propiciando que ela apareça nos raciocínios jurídicos desenvolvidos pelos julgadores como fundamento de decisões judiciais. O trabalho passa, então, a uma parte dogmática na qual tenta identificar a existência de um direito à felicidade por meio da leitura da Constituição Federal de 1988. Nessa parte, afirma haver um direito à felicidade desmembrado em cinco vieses: (i) direito amplo à felicidade; (ii) direito à busca da felicidade; (iii) direito prestacional à felicidade; (iv) vedação a prazeres perversos; (v) felicidade como telos da decisão judicial. Tratando da jurisdição constitucional, apresenta os modelos norteamericano e europeu-continental para, em seguida, mostrar como a teoria da felicidade tem sido utilizada nos julgamentos dos grandes temas nacionais no Brasil, a exemplo das uniões homoafetivas, das políticas das cotas, da Marcha da Maconha e dos crimes de bagatela. Trata ainda dos abusos cometidos por meio da invocação à teoria da felicidade, ilustrando com o exemplo do Reino do Butão. Por fim, apresenta a proposta dos danos hedônicos. A tese conclui haver um direito à felicidade a ser garantido judicialmente, mas adverte que a teoria da felicidade não é capaz de resolver todos os casos, indicando que, em hipóteses nas quais há déficts informacionais, é recomendado moderação judicial e deferência ao Poder Legislativo, por meio da utilização da técnica chamada apelo ao Legislador

O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar os elementos contraditórios - ou seja, tanto as características aristocráticas quanto as modernizantes - próprios do período de transição em que a sociedade francesa se encontrava na virada do século XVIII para o XIX, presentes nos escritos de Dominique-Vivant Denon (1747-1825), Directeur Général des Musées durante o Consulado e o Império. Buscaremos compreender como uma figura oriunda da nobreza provinciana francesa conseguiu se equilibrar no jogo de forças políticas que se desenrolou na França com o advento da Revolução e como se tornou uma personagem fundamental na constituição de um dos grandes projetos políticos e culturais do período: a reformulação do Museu do Louvre. Em uma perspectiva mais ampla, pretenderemos investigar, através da produção de Vivant Denon, o fenômeno de reapropriação e ressignificação de uma tradição cultural associada ao Antigo Regime na construção do Império Napoleônico. / The object of this research is to study the contradictory elements - both aristocratic features as the modernizing ones - in the transition period from the eighteenth century to the nineteenth, present in the writings of Dominique-Vivant Denon (1747-1825), Directeur Général des Musées during the Consulate and the Empire. We seek to understand how a figure derived from the French provincial nobility managed to balance the game of political forces that unfolded in France with the Revolution and how he became a fundamental character in the consolidation of a major cultural and political projects of the period: the reformulation of Louvre Museum. In a broader perspective, the present study seeks to understand and investigate, through the writings of Vivant Denon, the phenomenon of reinterpretation of a cultural tradition associated with the Old Regime in the construction of the Napoleonic Empire.

Esta tese examina três escritos de Thomas Paine (1737-1809) elaborados durante a Revolução Francesa, os quais representam as reflexões mais radicais de seu pensamento religioso, político e social. Em primeiro lugar, será analisado o panfleto The Age of Reason, expressão máxima de seu radicalismo religioso, que teve sua primeira parte escrita em 1793 e a segunda em 1794. Contrapondo-se, por um lado, às religiões reveladas e, por outro lado, à descristianização do período jacobino, nesse texto o deísmo é apresentado como a face religiosa da democracia vindoura. Em segundo lugar, será analisado o texto Dissertation on the First Principles of Government, redigido e publicado em 1795, a mais acabada exposição da teoria democrática. A um só tempo contrário ao liberalismo termidoriano e crítico do que fora o jacobinismo, nesse texto Paine opõe-se categoricamente àqueles que pensavam a propriedade privada como um direito natural que poderia ser equivalente ou mesmo superior aos direitos naturais de liberdade e a igualdade. Por fim, será analisado o texto Agrarian Justice, expressão máxima de seu radicalismo social, produzido no inverno de 1795-1796 (publicado em 1797). Em reação tanto ao liberalismo irredutível dos termidorianos, quanto às propostas igualitaristas de Graco Babeuf, o texto apresenta-se como uma proposta de erradicação da pobreza sem romper com os princípios do que seria política liberal. Pretende-se captar o sentido do pensamento de Paine no contexto da Revolução Francesa e discutir a validadade da afirmação de Eric Hobsbawm na Era das Revoluções, segundo a qual Paine, radical nos Estados Unidos, seria um moderado girondino na França. Na contramão da maioria das interpretações correntes, a pesquisa objetiva repensar a figura de Paine, mostrando sua relevância como intérprete da Revolução Francesa e como nome fundamental para a história do pensamento político, religioso e social. / This thesis examines three writings of Thomas Paine (1737-1809) elaborated during the French Revolution, which represents the most radical reflections of his religious, political and social thought. In the first place, the pamphlet The Age of Reason will be analyzed, that contains the maximum expression of his religious radicalism, which have had its first part written in 1793 and the second in 1794. Contradicting, on the one hand, to the revealed religions, and, on the other hand, to the dechristianization of the Jacobin period, in this text, deism is presented as the religious face of the coming democracy. Secondly, the text Dissertation on the First Principles of Government will be analyzed, the most complete exposition of his democratic theory, drafted and published in 1795. Contrary to Thermidorian and critical of what Jacobinism was, in this text Paine categorically opposes those who thought private property as a natural right that could be equivalent or even superior to the natural rights of freedom and equality. Finally, the text Agrarian Justice will be analyzed, the maximum expression of its social radicalism, produced in the winter of 1795-1796 (published in 1797). In reaction to both the irreducible liberalism of the Thermidorians and the egalitarian proposals of Graco Babeuf, the text presents itself as a proposal to eradicate poverty without breaking with the principles of what would be liberal politics. This analysis seeks to capture the meaning of Paine\'s thinking in the context of the French Revolution and to discuss the validity of Eric Hobsbawm\'s statement in the Age of Revolutions that Paine, radical in the United States, would be a \"moderate Girondist\" in France. Contrary to current interpretations, this research aims to rethink the figure of Paine, showing his relevance as an interpreter of the French Revolution and as a fundamental name for the history of political, religious and social thought.

Au tout début du XXIe siècle, une équipe d’archéologues plonge sur l’épave d’un petit navire de guerre du XVIIIe siècle, au nord de l’actuelle République Dominicaine. Sa coque est de fabrication américaine, ses canons sont écossais et les boutons d’uniformes sont français. Après avoir suivi quelques fausses pistes, la recherche aux Archives nationales permet de résoudre l’énigme : il s’agit de la corvette française Dragon du chevalier de l’Espine, détruite en janvier 1783 à l’issue d’un court combat contre des vaisseaux britanniques assurant le blocus nord de Saint-Domingue. Cette identification sert de catalyseur à une recherche historique dont le chevalier Joseph de L’Espine du Puy (1759-1826) constitue le personnage central. L’enquête révèle le destin de l’officier de la Marine L’Espine, en amont puis en aval de son fait d’armes de janvier 1783. Jeune chevalier de Malte et officier de la Marine de Louis XVI, L’Espine participe à la guerre de l’Indépendance américaine, effectue un passage obligé dans la Marine de Malte, et participe à des missions secrètes françaises de renseignement naval. La Révolution française vient briser ses espérances et l’oblige à l’exil. En Autriche, il gagne la confiance des hautes autorités autrichiennes en s’engageant sans ambiguïté contre les armées de la France à partir de 1795. L’Espine devient rapidement l’un des cerveaux d’une Marine de guerre autrichienne remise en question à chaque traité signé entre la France et l’Autriche. Promu Feldmarschall-Leutnant en 1813, L’Espine décide de ne pas rentrer en France à la Restauration. Nommé Gouverneur de Milan en novembre 1825, il y meurt le 31 décembre 1826. / At the very beginning of the 21st century, a team of archaeologists dived on the wreck of a small 18th century warship in the north of the current Dominican Republic. Its hull is of American manufacture, its guns are Scottish and the buttons of uniforms are French. After having followed some false leads, the research in the National Archives makes it possible to solve this enigma: it concerns the French corvette Dragon of Chevalier de L’Espine, destroyed in January 1783 after a short action against British vessels ensuring the northern blockade of Santo Domingo. This identification serves as a catalyst for a historical research of which Chevalier Joseph de L'Espine du Puy (1759-1826) constitutes the central character. The investigation reveals the fate of the Navy officer L'Espine upstream and downstream of his gallant action in January 1783. Young Knight of Malta and officer of the Navy of Louis XVI, L'Espine participated in the American Revolution, did a mandatory service in the Navy of Malta, and took part in French naval intelligence secret missions. The French Revolution ruined his hopes and forced him into exile. In Austria, he won the confidence of the high Austrian authorities by unambiguously engaging with the armies of France from 1795. L'Espine quickly became one of the brains of an Austrian Navy questioned at each treaty signed between France and Austria. Promoted to Feldmarschall-Leutnant in 1813, L'Espine decided not to return to France at the Restauration. Appointed Governor of Milan in November 1825, he died there on December 31, 1826.

Cette thèse a pour objet la grande énigme scolaire de la Révolution française : l’échec de l’école publique et le succès des écoles privées (cette dichotomie publique-privée ayant été créée par la Révolution). Loin de s’expliquer d’abord par le conservatisme politique et religieux des classes populaires, ainsi que les historiens l’ont affirmé depuis la fin du XIXe siècle, la déroute du projet scolaire républicain, n’est en réalité ni évidente de partout (en ville, l’école publique n’est pas en échec), ni linéaire (elle ne survient pas avant le printemps 1795 dans les campagnes). Pour la comprendre, il importe surtout de l’inscrire dans une histoire au long cours : depuis les années 1760, l’école élémentaire (celle où l’on apprend à lire, écrire et compter) a été appropriée par les communautés villageoises, au point de devenir une véritable « institution de proximité », contrôlée dans les faits par le groupe des co-résidents, malgré toutes les règles édictées par la monarchie et l’Église catholique afin d’en confier la direction aux évêques et aux curés. « Institution de proximité », l’école l’est d’autant plus aisément devenue que les enseignants de la fin de l’Ancien Régime (presque tous laïcs) accomplissaient au village (mais pas en ville) un ensemble de services extra-scolaires essentiels à l’affirmation de cet « esprit de localité » que l’on sait être si prononcé dans les communautés rurales du XVIIIe siècle : ce sont eux qui sonnaient les cloches paroissiales, entretenaient l’horloge communale, arpentaient les terres de la communauté et en dressaient la carte, chantaient la messe lors du culte, assuraient l’entretien de l’église et assuraient les fonctions de secrétaire-greffier de la collectivité locale. Au sein du village, l’enseignement dispensé par le maître d’école était du reste lui même perçu comme un lieu de perpétuation de la « personnalité collective locale » : au cours du second XVIIIe siècle, les pratiques pédagogiques des régents d’école ont en effet fini par intégrer le vaste complexe des « coutumes » locales. À ce titre, les communautés rurales imposaient aux enseignants qu’elles recrutaient (et qu’elles regardaient comme leur « serviteur ») qu’ils se conforment en tous points aux pratiques scolaires traditionnelles du village, freinant ainsi l’introduction dans les campagnes des innovations pédagogiques pensées par la Réforme catholique (La Salle, Démia, etc.) et par les Lumières. Bien avant 1789, les collectivités locales ont donc appris à éviter les prescriptions scolaires extérieures au village pour administrer l’école en fonction de leurs propres attentes.La Révolution, bien plus qu’elle ne contrarie cette emprise du local sur l’école, contribue au contraire à accentuer ce processus au long cours, malgré ses ambitions, tôt affirmées et maintes fois rappelées, d’imposer un « État instructeur » – comme l’avaient réclamé les Lumières depuis l’expulsion des Jésuites. À partir de 1789 et jusqu’en l’an II, alors que disparaissent rapidement les autorités de tutelle traditionnelle des petites écoles (évêques, intendants) et que les communautés rurales sortent parallèlement renforcées par la création des municipalités communales, les villages parviennent enfin pleinement à exercer une autorité souveraine sur l’école et ses enseignants. Tout change à partir du printemps 1795, lorsque deux nouvelles lois scolaires tentent d’arracher l’école publique de la sphère des compétences communales. Les villages se détournent aussitôt de cette dernière, pourtant massivement investie l’année précédente, et ouvrent dans le même temps de nombreuses écoles privées (autorisées par les deux mêmes lois). Au fond, il faut d’abord voir dans ce mouvement un moyen pour les collectivités locales de ne pas être dépossédées de leurs usages coutumiers de l’école. [...] / [No summary]

L’architecte Claude Jean-Baptiste Jallier de Savault est une figure méconnue dont la redécouverte est relativement récente. Né en 1739 à Château-Chinon, il est élevé dans une famille bourgeoise de culture protestante. Au cours des années 1750, il s’installe à Paris et intègre l’agence de Jacques-Germain Soufflot, alors en pleine effervescence. Le cursus académique qu’il mène en parallèle de cette formation pratique, est couronné par deux seconds Prix en 1758 et en 1760. Soutenu par son maître et par Charles-Nicolas Cochin, il obtient un brevet d’élève architecte de l’Académie de France à Rome et séjourne au Palais Mancini en 1762. À son retour, il poursuit son apprentissage auprès d’Ange-Jacques Gabriel avant d’entamer une carrière au service des financiers d’Ancien Régime. Cette clientèle, à majorité protestante, lui offre l’opportunité de réaliser divers projets à Paris, mais également dans le nord-est du royaume, ainsi qu’en Suisse. Les dernières années du règne de Louis XVI, marquées par l’accession de Jacques Necker à la Direction générale des Finances, constituent le moment fort de sa carrière. Les deux succès publics qu’il remporte à cette époque (Place royale de Brest et hôtel de la Caisse d’escompte) ne voient pourtant jamais le jour, du fait des événements qui agitent le royaume. Après une parenthèse politique dans les premiers temps de la Révolution, il est employé par la Commission des travaux publics avant de devenir architecte des bâtiments civils sous le Directoire. Ce poste, qu’il occupe jusqu’à sa mort, en 1806, lui accorde un statut officiel qui constitue finalement l’aboutissement de la quête de légitimité qu’il mène tout au long de sa carrière. / The architect Claude Jean-Baptiste Jallier de Savault is an unsung figure whose rediscovery is relatively recent. Born in 1739 in Château-Chinon, he grew up in the Protestant milieu of a tradesman family. In the 1750s, he moved to Paris and joined the office of Jacques-Germain Soufflot, then at the height of its activity. The academic course he followed in parallel with this practical training was crowned by two second prizes in 1758 and in 1760. Supported by his master and Charles-Nicolas Cochin, he was accorded the status of a student architect of the Academy of France in Rome and resided at the Palais Mancini in 1762. Upon his return, he continued his apprenticeship with Ange-Jacques Gabriel before starting a career in the service of financiers of the Ancien Régime. This mostly Protestant clientele offered him the opportunity to carry out various projects in Paris, in thenorth-east of the kingdom, as well as in Switzerland. The last years of the reign of Louis XVI, marked by the accession of Jacques Necker to the Directorate General of Finance, was a propitious time in his career. Given thekingdom’s worsening political and financial situation, however, his two public commissions from this time (the Royal square of Brest and the Paris headquarters of the Caisse d’Escompte) were never built. After a brief engagement in political life in the early days of the Revolution, he was employed by the Public Works Commissionand subsequently became an architect of civil buildings under the Directory. With this post, which he held until his death in 1806, he finally gained something of the official status and legitimacy that had long eluded him.

Cette thèse s’inscrit dans un mouvement de redécouverte et d’inscription dans l’histoire littéraire des femmes auteurs longtemps considérées comme mineures. Son objectif est d’étudier le statut d’une écrivaine au tournant du XVIIIe et du premier XIXe siècle français à travers la carrière littéraire de Constance de Salm (1767-1845) et l’analyse de celles de ses œuvres qui traitent directement de la condition de la femme écrivain. Nous avons étudié la position de l’écrivaine sur le statut de la femme auteur à travers son traitement d’un sujet antique (Sapho, 1794), sa prise de position face à un débat d’actualité (l’Épître aux femmes, 1797) et finalement à travers le regard qu’elle porte sur sa propre carrière littéraire dans son autoportrait en vers (Mes soixante ans, 1833). Notre but est de montrer les raisons de l’oubli puis de la redécouverte d’une écrivaine chez qui un féminisme précurseur contraste avec des pratiques littéraires qui sont en apparence désuètes, même de son temps. Cette étude nous a révélé l’originalité d’une femme auteur qui voyait et revendiquait les implications politiques de ses idées et de l’acte d’écrire. Par ailleurs, pour éclairer la place qu’occupaient la réflexion et les pratiques de Constance de Salm dans les milieux intellectuels nous avons tenue compte des différents états des textes et de leurs variantes ainsi que des articles et des comptes-rendus que lui a consacrés la presse contemporaine. L’ensemble de ces documents constitue les annexes réunis dans le deuxième volume de notre travail. / This dissertation is part of the rediscovery movement of women writers within literary history, who were long considered insignificant. Its aim is to study the status of a writer in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries in France through the discovery and analysis of the life and career of Constance de Salm (1767-1845) whose works deal directly with the condition of the woman writers. The writer’s position is studied in relations to the status of the woman writers through her analysis of a subject from antiquity: Sappho (1797), the stance she took on a contemporary debate in the Epistle to the Women (1797), and finally the way in which she regards her own literary career in her autobiography in verse, My Sixty Years (1833). The goal is to show the reasons for which this writer was forgotten and then rediscovered, a writer whose avant-garde feminism contrasted with her literary practices that were considered antiquated even at the time. This study has revealed the originality of a woman writer who recognized and accepted the political implications embodied in her ideas and the act of writing. Furthermore, in order to clarify the position that Constance de Salm’s thoughts and actions occupied within intellectual circles of the day, we have reviewed texts in various states and their variants as well as articles and reports that the contemporary press dedicated to her. All these documents are attached as appendices in the second volume of this work.