In this issue we focus on the transfer of problems and ideas from the USA in connection with compliance, in particular from a European perspective (German-speaking countries).

The Austrian Act of Corporate Criminal Liability came into force on January 1, 2006. Since then, associations can be penalized for judicially criminal acts of their decisionmakers and / or employees. A criminal liability of the association presupposes that the offense was committed in favor of the association and, that the criminal offense violates the duties determined by the association (association duties). In the case of a violation against the VbVG, the court will impose an association fine, which depends on the annual yield of the association. In addition, an instruction can be issued for compensation for damage. In 2018 there were counted 341 preliminary investigations against associations, of which only 28 resulted in an indictment. Only in five cases, there was a conviction, and an association fine was imposed.

This comparative study investigates the media representation of YouTube-based news about the #MeToo campaign, feminism, and sexual harassment accounts in three BRICS nations: China, Russia and Brazil. The situation of women in the Global South was at the centre of discussions during the 2018 BRICS summit. While their security remains a persistent issue, officials declared that women should not feel unsafe while participating in economic activity. Although the bloc flagged gender disparities as a significant concern, media outlets perceive Russia, Brazil and China's responses to sexism and gender-based violence as inadequate. Various mechanisms also compromise activism for women's rights. This research focuses on the YouTube representation of conditions which gave rise to the campaign and the process of #MeToo in BRICS. This study considers the level of inclusion of women in economic activity, the procedures established for their safety as well as the extent of media freedom, including tools available for feminist advocacy. In addition to revealing gaps in depiction and proposing solutions for improved media framing, this research is significant because the role and repercussions of this viral campaign must be comprehended better in BRICS economies. Academics focused mainly on the impact of the movement in the West. However, the innovative feminist trend rapidly spread to non-western nations that are dominant emerging economies, showing the gravity of sexual harassment and gender disparities globally. Furthermore, the extent to which #MeToo had influenced localised iterations of anti-assault movements in these emerging countries suggests that the BRICS became sites where sexual abuse and gender inequalities unfold singularly in comparison to other nations. The study presents findings from primary research done on the BRICS, this online social movement #MeToo and related gender dynamics issues. After a presentation of the selected study design, the research provides results from a content analysis of thirty YouTube news reports (October 2017-March 2019).

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Calls to protect Black women have garnered national attention, drawing attention to the axes of racialized and gendered violence that are central to this dissertation project: the intersecting mis/recognition of Black women’s vulnerability and affect within and outside of their own racial communities constrains their possibilities to seek repair and justice for harm. Baltimore community members used social media platforms to call attention to gendered violence, joining movements like Kimberlé Crenshaw’s #SayHerName and Tarana Burke’s #MeToo Movement to address the erasure of violent experiences of Black women and girls; yet the mis/recognition of their affective experiences persists through the societal focus on Black male vulnerability. Through careful ethnographic study with Baltimorean anti-gendered violence activists, Black gendered violence survivors, and Black community healers, this dissertation analyzes how these women and non-binary people mobilize emotions to construct memorial spaces, community-based movements, and their own lives in the midst of pervasive state and interpersonal violence. I investigate the affective and political processes of Black urban place-making, self-making, and memorialization to answer: How do Black women define their own subjectivity at the intersections of antiblack and gendered violence? How does their political mobilization of emotions such as fear and grief transform gendered and racialized understandings of affect? To answer these questions, I use a Black feminist care practice to examine the themes of haunting, violence, home, and care and to conceptualize new analytic tools for writing about violence against Black women. The first chapter of my dissertation undertakes a Black feminist reading of ethnographic interview data, Toni Morrison’s Beloved (1987), and Gayl Jones’s Corregidora (1975), examining themes of reproduction, violence, and slavery’s afterlife that ripple from the novels’ pages to my and my interlocutors’ lives. I locate the haunting inside and outside of the Black female body, and I discuss the particular way that Black trans life illuminates that haunting. In my second chapter, I explore the (im)possibility of gendered Black affect through a Black feminist mapping of the myriad practices Black people use to create home as a transitory, affective, symbolic, and metamorphic place. This chapter employs autoethnography and interlocutor photographs of emotional sites as analytical and methodological tools to answer its driving questions. The third chapter discusses Black gendered memorialization practices for victims of state-sanctioned and interpersonal violence. I develop my conceptualization of imagined (after)life and self power using ethnographic and archival data, using the aftermath of Korryn Gaines’s and Breonna Taylor’s state-sanctioned murders as primary texts. The fourth and final chapter of my dissertation focuses on Black anti-gendered violence activism and its challenges and failures in Baltimore. By examining the lived experiences of Black activist-organizers, I highlight the complexities inherent in the pursuit of Black liberation. Using a Black feminist abolitionist framework, I analyze photographs, art, and poetry from local artist-activists to illustrate how (after)lives of interpersonal violence survivors can be made radical. My analysis of the affective experiences of Black women and nonbinary people in Baltimore and the gendered politics of grievability in Black anti-violence movements ultimately demonstrates how these movements re-entrench white supremacist patriarchal norms that undermine the pursuit of Black liberation. Thus, we must turn to Black feminist abolitionist praxis to achieve liberation for all Black people.

La présente étude propose une analyse des intersections entre les luttes sociales et les films d’horreur issus de la dernière décennie. En premier lieu, elle se penche sur l’émergence des mouvements Black Lives Matter et #MeToo au sein du paysage sociohistorique des années 2010 en présentant des événements précurseurs comme les émeutes de Los Angeles en 1992 et l’élection présidentielle de Donald Trump en 2017 avant de décortiquer les politiques spécifiques aux mouvements. Ensuite, l’étude se penche sur la signifiance des sous-genres de l’horreur cinématographique – notamment les films d’entailles, de viol-revanche et d’horreur Noire – dans le contexte des études culturelles en s’attardant plus particulièrement aux écrits de Carol J. Clover, Kevin Wynter et Robin R. Means Coleman. L’essai revisite finalement les contextes sociohistoriques et la théorie culturelle dans l’analyse des neuf longs-métrages constituant le corpus d’œuvres, soit Get Out (Jordan Peele, 2017), Revenge (Coralie Fargeat, 2017), Cam (Daniel Goldhaber, 2018), The Perfection (Richard Shepard, 2019), His House (Remi Weekes, 2020), Bad Hair (Justin Simien, 2020), Candyman (Nia DaCosta, 2021), Scream (Matt Bettinelli-Olpin et Tyler Gillett, 2022) et Master (Mariama Diallo, 2022), afin de faire ressortir l’influence que les politiques de Black Lives Matter et #MeToo ont eu sur le traitement esthético-narratif des rapports de « race », des agressions sexuelles et de la justice sociale. / This study analyzes the intersections between social struggles and the horror films of the last decade. First, it examines the emergence of the Black Lives Matter and #MeToo movements within the socio-historical landscape of the 2010s, presenting precursor events such as the 1992 Los Angeles riot and Donald Trump's 2017 presidential election before unpacking the movements' specific politics. Next, the study examines the significance of the horror subgenres – most notably the slasher, rape-revenge and Black horror films – in the context of cultural studies, focusing in particular on the writings of Carol J. Clover, Kevin Wynter and Robin R. Means Coleman. The essay then revisits elements of the socio-historical contexts and the cultural study writings in the analysis of the nine feature films making up the corpus, namely Get Out (Jordan Peele, 2017), Revenge (Coralie Fargeat, 2017), Cam (Daniel Goldhaber, 2018), The Perfection (Richard Shepard, 2019), His House (Remi Weekes, 2020), Bad Hair (Justin Simien, 2020), Candyman (Nia DaCosta, 2021), Scream (Matt Bettinelli-Olpin and Tyler Gillett, 2022) and Master (Mariama Diallo, 2022), in order to highlight the influence that the politics of Black Lives Matter and #MeToo have had on the aesthetic and narrative treatment of "race" relations, sexual violence and social justice.

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I den här uppsatsen har jag undersökt argumentationen i Katarina Frostensons K – en skönlitterär bok som skrevs i en tid (hösten 2017 till våren 2018) då #metoo-rörelsen svepte över världen och 18 kvinnor hade vittnat i DN om övergrepp av en känd kulturprofil med nära band till Svenska Akademien. Flera medier namngav mannen som Jean-Claude Arnault, make till akademiledamoten och poeten Katarina Frostenson. Händelserna ledde till en av de största kriserna i Svenska Akademiens historia och K är Frostensons första och enda offentliga yttrande rörande situationen. Boken utkom i maj 2019 och den här undersökningen väljer att tolka den som ett slags försvar mot det Arnault och hon själv har anklagats för. Då samtida retorisk teori visat på vikten av myter i argumentation (Bengtson 2012), och både juridiska och empiriska aspekter talar emot Frostensons retoriska problem, har underökningen utgått från att argumentationen använder sig av emotionella och suggestiva appeller i form av myter. Med hjälp av Brummets närläsningsmetod (2019) och Lindqvists topikteori (2016) har Frostensons argumen-tation delats in i tre övergripande topiker. Dessa har sedan analyserats och identifierat ett antal myter som Frostenson använder sig av för att stärka sin argumentation. En myt som analyseras mer djupgående är exempelvis den antika myten om megäror och kvinnor som hämndlystna monster, vilken Frostenson applicerar på kvinnorna som vittnat i DN. En annan myt handlar om kollektivets behov av syndabockar och att Arnault fått den rollen. En tredje myt hävdar att svenskar är främlingsfientliga eftersom Arnault får ta skulden på grund av sin franska och judiska härkomst. En fjärde myt argumenterar för att åtrå legitimerar våld, vilket hon försöker stärka genom den bibliska berättelsen om kung David och Batseba.  Utöver Bengtsons tolkning av Barthes mytteori (2012) som utgångspunkt har undersökningen bland annat tagit avstamp i kommunikationsprofessorn McFarlands teori om kopplingen mellan myten och det heliga (1989), genusforskaren Tassis teorier om kvinnor och hämnd (2011) samt Richard Kearneys tolkning av René Girards offermekanismer (1995). Vidare har analysen satts i relation till relevant tidigare forskning och kopplats till både historiska och samtida händelser och kontexter. Jag hävdar att min undersökning visar hur viktigt det är att söka efter mer än bara logiska premisser i argumentation. Frostenson har i princip uteslutande myter som bas i sin argumentation, och de är inte alltid helt uppenbara – dolda i suggestiva termer och ett symboliskt språk. Ett av den här uppsatsens syften var att försöka visa hur en mytisk argumentationsanalys kan gå till i praktiken, för att utöka kunskapen kring hur vi kan förstå argumentation i känslomässiga kontexter, så som i debatter om sexuella övergrepp, men också rent generellt. Resultatet som framkommit i undersökningen, det vill säga den mängd myter som identifierats och analyserats, bör inspirera till vidare forskning i ämnet. Jag menar att det finns ett uppdämt behov av just sådana här argumentationsanalyser och att retorikvetenskapen har en viktig roll i detta.Sökord: Katarina Frostenson, K, Jean-Claude Arnault, #metoo, Svenska Akademien, myter, mytisk argumentation, Roland Barthes, Erik Bengtson, Janne Lindqvist, topiker, litteratur, retorik, poesi, poet, skönlitteratur.

After the premiere of Don Giovanni in Prague, Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart and Lorenzo Da Ponte brought their opera to Vienna on May 7, 1788. One point of interest in the Viennese version of the score is the added duet “Per queste tue manine.” In this duet, the enraged Zerlina overpowers the bewildered servant Leporello with a handkerchief, a razor, and passion. She constrains the floundering fool and punishes him for his misconduct. In most modern performances, companies look no further than the Prague version of the score. Additionally, singers often portray Zerlina as either a mischievous temptress or a virginal peasant girl. Since modern opera companies often dismiss the Viennese score of Don Giovanni as insignificant and scholars often deem the role of Zerlina as simplistic, a holistic analysis of the role of Zerlina is needed. Viewing the interpretations of her character by Kristi Brown-Montesano and Wye Jamison Allanbrook through the lens of eighteenth-century gender politics and my own musical and literary interpretations results in a more complete understanding of the peasant girl. Through an analysis of the Viennese version of Zerlina’s character, I contend that Zerlina functions as a mirror-image foil to Don Giovanni. As Zerlina gains autonomy through the control of her own body, the Don loses his power over others and eventually his own life. This multi-dimensional understanding of Zerlina’s character is only possible if “Per queste tue manine” is taken into consideration.