La recherche porte sur les relations entre les acteurs politiques et l’art subversif et leur positionnement face à des thèmes récurrents tels l’antisémitisme, l’oubli du passé, la condition de la femme, l’écologie. Partant des théories existantes sur les rapports entre l’art engagé et le politique, il s’agit d’étudier les œuvres de quatre artistes représentatifs à la fois de l’évolution des positions politiques et des techniques nouvelles à travers l’histoire de 1945 à nos jours, dans la IIe République d’Autriche : le sculpteur Alfred Hrdlicka, le peintre et architecte Friedensreich Hundertwasser, l’actionniste viennois Günter Brus, la féministe Valie Export. Ces artistes bousculent l’ordre établi à travers leur art agressif et leurs écrits. Le but est de définir la nature et le degré de leur protestation et de déterminer dans quelle mesure ils ont participé au débat démocratique et à la modernisation de la société autrichienne ainsi qu’à la construction identitaire de l’Autriche après 1945. / The research relates to the relation between the political actors and subversive art and their respective position on dominant themes such as anti-Semitism, the denial of the Nazi past, the status of women, ecology. From existing theories on relations between engaged art and politics, it is a question of studying the works of art of four artists representative on both policy statements and newer technologies through history from 1945 up to now, in the Second Republic of Austria : the sculptor Alfred Hrdlicka, the painter and architect Friedensreich Hundertwasser, the Viennese actionist Günter Brus, the feminist Valie Export. Each one, in his own way, shakes up the established order through his aggressive art and writings. The aim is to specify the type and level of protest of these artists and to assess to what extent they have participated in the democratic debate and modernisation within Austrian society as well as in the identity building of Austria after 1945.

O interesse desta tese reside na persistência da questão da \"arte brasileira\" na crítica de Frederico Morais (Belo Horizonte, 1936) em três períodos distintos de sua produção, os quais nomeio, de acordo com o comportamento de seu discurso: \"Contestação\" (1966-1973), \"Dúvidas\" (1974-1984) e \"Conciliação\" (1985-2012). Parte-se do fato de que a formulação de um debate em torno da definição do que seria uma \"arte brasileira\" surgiu ainda no século XIX - embora já tivesse se delineado em termos literários no século anterior - e foi se transformando com o passar do tempo, mantendo-se vivo, porque ainda em discussão, durante o século seguinte. Nesse contexto, procurou-se identificar, na produção de Frederico Morais, a sobrevivência da questão do nacional e, ainda, mostrar de que maneira ele se utiliza de uma prática constante de revisão da história - por meio de textos publicados na imprensa, mas também manuais, cronologias e \"enciclopédias\" - para manter essa discussão em pauta. No Capítulo 1 (\"Contestação\") analiso o primeiro período de sua crítica de arte, caracterizado pela adoção de um discurso assertivo e militante, em defesa de uma \"arte brasileira\" como um espaço privilegiado para a experimentação e a resistência. Nessa época, ele apoia incondicionalmente a \"vanguarda brasileira\", movimento que, segundo o autor, estaria sediado no Rio de Janeiro, expandindose a partir da antiga capital para o restante do país. No Capítulo 2 (\"Dúvidas\") trato de sua fase de transição, em que se revela certo desencanto com a situação da vanguarda no Brasil. No Capítulo 3 (\"Conciliação\") abordo o segundo período do crítico, quando se consolida o processo em que Frederico Morais abdica da defesa do \"novo\" enquanto principal saída para a \"arte brasileira\", passando a revisar tanto suas posições como parte significativa da história da arte brasileira. Nesse percurso, seus vai adotando posturas mais conciliatórias, menos intransigentes para o que entende como possibilidades de uma produção artística de caráter brasileiro. Esta tese procurou demonstrar que é possível encontrar ecos do desejo por uma arte nacional em críticas, ensaios e artigos que atravessam as três fases do percurso de Morais. Buscou ainda apontar as contradições e fragilidades que surgiram entre duas posturas distintas do crítico em relação à produção artística do período no país: uma, a escolha pelo que seria \"genuinamente nacional\", aproximando-se de algo que singularizasse a arte produzida no Brasil em relação àquela que se apresentava assertivamente como internacional; outra, colocandose contra o risco do isolamento, do atraso e do descompasso em relação ao mundo, adotava a opção por se deixar levar pelas correntes artísticas que vinham dos Estados Unidos e Europa. / The interest of this thesis lies in the persistence of the question of Brazilian art in the criticism produced by Frederico Morais (Belo Horizonte, 1936) in three distinct periods of his production, which I have named, according to the behavior of his discourse, as \"Contestation\" (1966-1973), \"Doubts\" (1974-1984) and \"Conciliation\" (1985-2012). The starting point resides in the debate formulated around the definition of what Brazilian art is, which emerged in the nineteenth century -- although it had already been delineated in literary terms in the previous century --, a debate that changed over time, kept alive in discussion throughout the following century. In this context, the thesis aims to identify the survival of this question of the national in Morais\' production. It also proposes to show -- through texts published in the press, but also in chronologies, manuals and \"encyclopedias\" -- how he makes constant use of historical revision to keep the discussion relative to Brazilian art on the agenda of public debate. In Chapter 1, I analyze his first period, characterized by the assertive and militant discourse adopted in defense of Brazilian art as a privileged space for experimentation, resistance and, above all, for the avant-garde. In his view, this movement was based in Rio de Janeiro, expanding from the former capital to the rest of the country. In Chapter 2, I deal with his transitional period, which reveals a certain disenchantment with the situation of the avant-garde in Brazilian art. In Chapter 3, I address the critic\'s second period, which consolidates the process in which Morais abdicates the defense of the \"new\" as the principal \"way ahead\" for Brazilian art, and comes to revise not only his positions, but a significant part of the history of the Brazilian art as well. Over the course of time, Morais gradually adopts positions that are less intransigent and more conciliatory regarding what he understands as possibilities for an artistic production with Brazilian character. This thesis has attempted to demonstrate the possibility of finding echoes of this desire for a national art in criticism, essays and articles that intersect the three phases in the trajectory of Frederico Morais. It has also sought to indicate the contradictions and fragilities that emerged between two distinct stances adopted by the critic in relation to the period\'s artistic production: the option for what could be considered \"genuinely national\", making advances in the direction of something that would singularize it in relation to an art that presents itself assertively as international; or the option to counter the danger of isolation, backwardness and being out-of-step with the world, by choosing to be carried along by the artistic currents imported from the United States and Europe.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-12-08T16:52:07Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Eder.pdf: 38290 bytes, checksum: 425bd9981240596ba378a95444691241 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-09-02 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This paper aims to compose an overview of the history of Ruth Escobar s theatrical productions between 1959-1981, during which the actress/producer held the largest number of shows, and produced three international theater festivals. The text shows how the presence of Ruth Escobar in Brazilian Theatre contributed significantly to boost production scenic and theatrical aesthetics, either by making bold stage productions, is to promote exchanges with international directors. In the first part discusses the construction of Ruth Escobar s persona, the challenges faced by the Portuguese in their travels around the world and their strategies to turn adversity into achievement, a practice that has used throughout his career as a producer. This thesis addresses the first theatrical experiences of the actress and businesswoman in São Paulo, and describes the design and execution of theater projects, such as the National Popular Theater and the construction of its own theater, performed in a sociopolitical context of authoritarian military dictatorship. The second part of this research reflects on the difficulties they faced as Ruth Escobar theatrical producer to promote the three theater festivals in São Paulo in the decades of 1970/1980, which were important events for the national scene. The paper presents information on shows and festivals presented in this material relates to the monitoring of critical. Finally, the essay reflects on the inclusion of Ruth Escobar and his artistic practice and policy as part of renewal of the national scene / O presente trabalho tem como objetivo compor um panorama sobre a trajetória das produções teatrais de Ruth Escobar entre 1959-1981, período no qual a atriz/produtora realizou a maior quantidade de espetáculos, além de produzir três festivais internacionais de teatro. O texto aponta como a presença de Ruth Escobar no Teatro Brasileiro contribuiu significativamente para alavancar a produção cênica e oxigenar a estética teatral, seja através da realização de arrojados espetáculos, seja com a promoção de intercâmbios com encenadores internacionais. Na primeira parte deste se discute a construção da persona Ruth Escobar, os desafios enfrentados pela portuguesa em suas viagens pelo mundo e suas estratégias para converter situações adversas em conquistas, prática que utilizou ao longo de sua carreira como produtora. Essa dissertação aborda as primeiras experiências teatrais da atriz e empresária em São Paulo, e descreve a concepção e a execução de projetos teatrais, tais como o Teatro Popular Nacional, e a construção de seu próprio teatro, realizados em um contexto sociopolítico autoritário da ditadura militar. A segunda parte dessa pesquisa reflete sobre as dificuldades que Ruth Escobar enfrentou como produtora teatral para promover os três festivais de teatro na cidade de São Paulo nas décadas de 1970/1980, que constituíram importantes eventos para a cena nacional. O texto apresenta informações sobre os espetáculos apresentados nos festivais e relaciona esse material com o acompanhamento da crítica. Finalmente, a dissertação reflete sobre a inserção de Ruth Escobar e de sua prática artística e política como elemento de renovação da cena nacional

O trabalho investiga a feição dos versos que dão vida à peça Gota dágua de Chico Buarque e Paulo Pontes, escrita e encenada em 1975. Procura desvendar a maneira como os versos se compõem na formação da estrutura dramática da peça e os efeitos que produz no leitor ou no espectador. Como a peça dialoga intensamente com o momento cultural e político dos anos 1970, há uma busca do ponto de encontro entre a realização estética concebida e os projetos culturais ou outras motivações extra-textuais que tenham influenciado a sua composição. O estudo abrange a realização sonora que se dá (ou que se imagina) no palco, os aspectos poéticos, lírico-musicais da peça, sua característica dramático-épica e os temas e idéias que permeiam o plano de conteúdo da obra. A análise foi feita em grande parte contrapondo Gota dágua com a obra que pretende recriar: a Medeia de Eurípides. Os diversos elementos manipulados no trabalho ora se complementam, ora se chocam, criando uma mescla significativa e de apreciação controversa, sobre a qual artistas e pesquisadores têm se debruçado no questionamento da produção teatral brasileira. Tais elementos são a absorção do popular e do erudito, da identificação catártica e do distanciamento crítico, da experiência totalizante do mito e daquela que é comum, socialmente demarcada por delineamentos temporais e espaciais, dentre outros exemplos. / This paper goes into the production process of the poetic lines which give life to Chico Buarque and Paulo Pontes´s play Gota dágua, published and performed in 1975. It aims to understand how they are put together to compose its drama structure as well as the effects they cause on the reader and audience. Since the play is deeply engaged in the cultural and political scenario of the 1970s, this analysis also seeks to examine the connections between its esthetics and the cultural projects or any other points of influence that may have motivated its form. The study involves the plays sounds listened to (or imagined) on stage such as the play´s poetic, musical-lyric aspects, its epic-drama characteristics and many of the themes and ideas that constitute the works content. The analysis frequently contrasts Gota dágua and the play it intends to recreate: Medea by Euripides. The various elements dealt with in Gota dágua are sometimes complementary, sometimes clashing, accounting for a meaningful mix and giving rise to controversial appraisal upon which researchers and artists have given a lot of thought when pondering about the Brazilian contemporary drama experience. Such contrasts bring together the resource to the popular and the scholarly, the use of cathartic identification and critical distance, the mythical and the anonymous ordinary human trajectory, among other examples.

O objetivo central desta tese é estudar o percurso artístico e intelectual de Leon Hirszman a partir dos filmes Que país é este? (1976-77), ABC da greve (1979- 90) e Eles não usam black-tie (1981). Discutindo as relações entre cinema e História, a pesquisa se concentra nas práticas culturais, estéticas e ideológicas do realizador, procurando analisar as interpretações que ele mobilizou em torno do Brasil durante a vigência do regime militar. A despeito de Hirszman ter consolidado a sua trajetória como integrante do Cinema Novo, questão que percorre as páginas deste doutorado, propõe-se também uma aproximação entre a sua obra e o projeto dramatúrgico construído por autores oriundos do Teatro de Arena. Na década de 1970, face à crise que se instalou no campo cultural da esquerda, em especial o colapso da crença revolucionária anterior a 1964 e o refluxo da leitura do povo como vanguarda heroica para uma transformação do mundo, o cineasta se aproximaria do revisionismo artístico proposto, principalmente, por Gianfrancesco Guarnieri, Paulo Pontes e Vianinha. Mantendo em seus filmes uma abordagem politizada da classe popular, sem abdicar da figura do intelectual como mediador de denúncias contra a ditadura, o diretor se voltaria para uma produção em sintonia com o viés comunista de engajamento, em diálogo com a tradição do realismo crítico e disposta a elaborar narrativas e registros documentais em confronto ao autoritarismo dos militares. Nesse sentido, mesmo sem partilhar do ideário do novo sindicalismo surgido sobretudo entre os metalúrgicos da cidade paulista de São Bernardo do Campo, Hirszman deslocaria a figura do operário para o centro do processo criativo de ABC da greve e de Black-tie, representando-o em uma chave próxima à resistência articulada pelo Partido Comunista Brasileiro (PCB), na qual o trabalhador seria visto como parte de uma ampla frente organizada para superar a ditadura e atuar em prol da redemocratização. Uma obra realizada com o intuito de responder aos dilemas sociais de seu contexto histórico, a propor uma abordagem particular sobre a classe popular e a militância antiautoritária, a partir de leituras e experiências estéticas construídas em meio aos impasses que percorreram a esquerda política e cultural na segunda metade dos anos 1970. / The main goal of this thesis is to study Leon Hirszman\'s artistic and intellectual trajectory through the films Que país é este? (1976-77), ABC da greve (1979-90) and They don\'t wear black-tie (1981). Discussing the relation between film and History, the research concentrates itself on the cultural, aesthetic and ideological practices of the director, aiming to analyze his interpretations about Brazil during its military dictatorship. Despite Hirszman\'s consolidated career as a member of the Cinema Novo movement, issue that is described during this doctoral thesis, it also proposes an approach of his work with the dramaturgical project originated by authors from the Teatro de Arena. On the 1970\'s, in virtue of the crisis installed in the left wing\'s cultural sphere, specially the collapse of the revolutionary belief preceding 1964 and the retrocession of the interpretation placing the people as the heroic vanguard leading a structural transformation, the filmmaker would court the artistic revisionism proposed by Gianfrancesco Guarnieri, Paulo Pontes and Vianinha. Maintaining a politicized approach about the popular class on his films, without abdicating the image of the intellectual as a mediator of denounces against the dictatorship, the director would proceed to a production in tune with the communist\'s active participation project, establishing a dialogue with the tradition of critical realism, willing to elaborate narratives and documental registers confronting with the authoritarian way of the military. In this sense, even without sharing the ideology originated from the newly born trade unionism, especially among the steelworkers from São Bernardo do Campo\'s city, Hirszman shifted the figure of the worker, making it the core of the creative process of ABC da greve and Black-tie. In these movies, it was represented as a key-piece close to the resistance articulated by the Brazilian Communist Party (PCB), in which it was seen as part of a large front, organized to overcome the military regime and act in favor of the country\'s redemocratization. A work realized with the intention of responding to the social dilemmas of its time, proposing a singular approach about the popular class and the anti-authoritarian militancy, originating interpretations and aesthetic experiences constructed among conflicts that filled the left-wing politic and cultural manifestations on the second half of the seventies.

Jean-Baptiste Isabey (1767-1855) connaît une carrière exceptionnellement longue qui s’étend de la Révolution au Second Empire. Après avoir exposé ses premières œuvres au Salon de 1791, cet élève de Jacques-Louis David s’impose sur la scène artistique du Directoire comme le premier dessinateur et miniaturiste de son temps. En s'inscrivant dans un contexte favorable à la diffusion de portraits de moindre coût et de moindre format, sa réussite peu commune rend compte de l'évolution des critères de la reconnaissance artistique à la fin du XVIIIe. Elle témoigne également de la promotion du statut social de l'artiste autour de 1800. Lié aux proches du clan Bonaparte sous la Consulat, Isabey est un des portraitistes de la période les mieux introduits auprès des élites. Son habileté à exploiter des sujets qui répondent aux goûts de ses contemporains permets de mesurer l'importance des relations mondaines dans la naissance et la diffusion des réputations artistiques au tournant du XIXe siècle. Entre 1800 et 1805, Isabey est l'auteur de plusieurs grands dessins de propagande qui scandent les principales étapes de la consolidation du nouveau pouvoir. Familier de la noblesse impériale, l'artiste accumule honneurs et commandes officielles au lendemain du Sacre. Sa réputation est associée aux portraits miniatures de l’Empereur destinés à la caisse des présents diplomatiques et à quelques-unes des plus célèbres représentations officielles de Marie-Louise et du roi de Rome. Ses responsabilités sont extrêmement variées et sa production considérable : il est à la fois peintre des relations extérieures, dessinateur du cabinet et des cérémonies et décorateur en chef de l'Opéra. L'étude de ce parcours pluridisciplinaire offre un champ d'étude remarquable, qui nous fournit bien des clefs pour comprendre la carrière et le statut des artistes de cour sous l'Empire. Après Waterloo, Isabey est mis à l’écart du pouvoir en raison de ses engagements bonapartistes. L'artiste exécute alors plusieurs caricatures et portraits qui le montrent prompt à critiquer la monarchie restaurée. L'analyse des effets de la résistance au régime royaliste dans le monde des arts entre 1815 et 1820 aide à saisir le sens de son engagement dans l'opposition. La période qui s’ouvre au lendemain des Cent-Jours est également fondamentale pour comprendre le parcours artistique d'Isabey et pour apprécier la place que lui assignèrent ses contemporains dans l’art de la première partie du XIXe siècle. Son abondante production, qui se décline en miniatures sur vélin, dessins, lithographies, aquarelles et peintures à l’huile le montre soucieux de l'évolution du goût. Elle met aussi en lumière la difficulté qu'il éprouve à conserver sa réputation de portraitiste après 1820. Cette thèse fournit pour la première fois un catalogue de l’œuvre d'Isabey / Jean-Baptiste Isabey (1767-1855) had an exceptionally long career that spanned from the French Revolution until the Second French Empire. After his early works' exhibition at the Salon of 1791, this student of Jacques-Louis David rapidly became, on the art scene of the French Directory, the finest artist and miniaturist of his time. In a context that made the dissemination of low-cost and small-sized portraits easier, his unusual success reflects the change of artistic recognition criteria in the late eighteenth century. It also reflects the improvement of the social status of artists around 1800. Linked to people that were close to Bonaparte under the French Consulate, Isabey is one of the period's best introduced portraitists. His cleverness in using themes that meet his contemporaries' tastes clearly shows how important social relationships can be in the making and spreading of artistic reputations at the turn of the nineteenth century. Between 1800 and 1805, Isabey is the author of several large propaganda drawings that punctuate the main steps of the new power's consolidation. Familiar with the imperial nobility, the artist collects honours and official commissions in the wake of the Coronation. His reputation is associated with miniature portraits of the Emperor made for the fund of diplomatic presents and with some of the most famous official representations of Marie-Louise and of the King of Rome. His responsibilities are manifold and he produces a lot: he is the official painter for external relations, designer of the Cabinet, designer of Ceremonies and chief decorator of the Opera. The study of this multidisciplinary career gives many keys to a better understanding of the career and status of court artists under the Empire. After Waterloo, Isabey is sidelined because of his bonapartist commitments. At this time the artist performs several caricatures and portraits where he clearly criticizes the freshly restored monarchy. Analysing the effects of this resistance to the royalist regime in the world of arts between 1815 and 1820 helps in understanding his commitment to the opposition. The period opening in the aftermath of the Hundred Days is also fundamental to understanding Isabey's artistic career and to appreciate the place he was assigned by his contemporaries in the art of the first part of the nineteenth century. His prolific output, which comes in miniature on vellum, drawings, lithographs, watercolours and oil paintings shows his constant concern about changing tastes. It also highlights the difficulty he has to maintain his reputation as a portraitist after 1820.This thesis provides for the first time a catalogue of Isabey's works

Cette thèse se propose de décomposer le spectre des commentaires critiques, historiques ou littéraires qui se sont projetés sur l'œuvre d'Édouard Manet dans la première moitié du XXe siècle, en regard de multiples contrepoints visuels. Cet «exercice de style méthodologique total» que permet Manet, selon les mots de Pierre Bourdieu, vise à rendre compte d'une réception mythique, monumentale et pourtant méconnue, tout en procédant en permanence à l'analyse réflexive de ses propres outils d'investigation. Par le prisme de ces présences posthumes très hétérogènes, souvent d'une grande violence, le but est de retracer la généalogie du concept narratif de «modernité» qui s'est déployé à partir d'Édouard Manet, en Europe et aux États-Unis, alors que son œuvre était simultanément défigurée en incarnation du classicisme national. Plus qu'une origine, Manet peut alors se définir comme un «carrefour» : un embranchement, à la puissance spéculaire considérable, d'idéologies, d'historicités et de projections fantasmagoriques. Ces analyses ont pour objet des réseaux très denses d'attraction, de répulsion, et de contamination entre différents systèmes d' énonciation dissonants, envisagés en regard des procédés déployés par Manet lui-même, dans le mouvement d'une œuvre à la fois profondément relationnelle et d'une radicale altérité. La problématique récurrente du fractionnement - dans la multiplicité de ses enjeux et de ses déterminations schizoïdes, du dualisme au fétichisme - forme le fil directeur de cet effort d'exhumation intellectuelle : est ici retracée en détail l'impossible tentative d'en finir avec un peintre qui ne cesse d'inquiéter une modernité constituée sur son nom. / The purpose of this dissertation is to decompose the spectrum of commentary, historical and literary, along with the multiple visual counterpoints, that were generated from the work of Édouard Manet in the first half of the 20th century. Manet allows for this « total methodological exercise », in Pierre Bourdieu's words, which endeavours to reckon with a mythical, monumental, yet mostly unknown reception, while continually conducting a reflexive analysis of its own investigative tools. Through the scope of these posthumous, heterogeneous and often extremely violent occurrences, the goal is to retrace the genealogy of the narrative concept of« modernity » which was uncoiled from the figure of Édouard Manet, in Europe and the United States, during a time when his work was simultaneously being distorted as an incarnation of national classicism. More than a point of origin, Manet can be defined as a « crossroad » : a powerful specular junction of ideologies, historicities and phantasmagorical projections. The abject of these analyses is the dense network of attraction, repulsion, and contamination that has been woven between the various and discordant systems of enunciation, studied in the light of processes set up by Manet himself, through a body of work both profoundly relational, yet radically alien. The recurrent question of fractioning, in its multiple issues and schizoid determinations - from dualism to fetishism - make up the guiding principle of this effort of intellectual exhumation; here are retraced in detail the impossible attempts that were made to do away with a painter who has time and again proven to be cause for concern to an idea of modernity created under his name.

Entre 1954 et 1962, la guerre d’indépendance ou d’Algérie, selon que l’on se place du côté de la victoire ou de la défaite, marque durablement plusieurs générations d’artistes internationaux, tout en traversant et bousculant des questionnements esthétiques quant à la représentation de l’innommable. Cette thèse, qui récolte les traces de cette déchirure franco-algérienne au travers du prisme de l’art, révèle l’importance d’un sujet historique, ignoré par l’histoire de l’art, dont les répercussions sur la politique contemporaine de la France sont encore perceptibles. Terreau d’une génération d’artistes en devenir, qui confortera son engagement social et artistique dans les évènements de Mai 68, mais aussi d’artistes de l’hybridité postcoloniale, qui revendiquent une modernité non hiérarchisée et l’écriture d’une histoire du non dit, la guerre d’Algérie revêt des enjeux fondamentaux dans la construction contemporaine de la scène artistique française et algérienne. Or, alors que la prescription historique d’une cinquantaine d’années est maintenant révolue, il semble que les conflits mémoriaux inhérents à cette défaite française continuent à entraver l’écriture et l’exposition sereines d’une séquence historique, qui apparaît pourtant matricielle dans la construction de la France contemporaine. Aussi, cette étude se propose de porter un regard critique sur la place des représentations de cette « non-histoire » dans les institutions muséales françaises et tente alors de mesurer l’impact d’une histoire encore non consensuelle dans la création artistique actuelle, aujourd’hui percutée par des enjeux de mémoire et politique, et qui de fait interroge la notion même d’identité(s). / From 1954 to 1962, the Independence War or Algerian War — depending on whether the story is narrated from the perspective of the victors or the defeated — touched many generations of international artist, while also penetrating and pushing aesthetic questions about representations of the unspeakable. By tracing the scar of this break between France and Algeria through the prism of art, this thesis reveals the importance of a crucial historical moment, hitherto unexamined by art history, which continues to bear upon contemporary politics in France. Offering exploratory themes not only to a generation of budding artists who affirmed their social and artistic commitments during the events of Mai 68, but also to artists from postcolonial world who proclaimed a modernity without hierarchy and the writing of unsaid histories, the Algerian War produced some of the fundamental issues underpinning the contemporary French and Algerian art worlds. With the historic prescription of a fifty years’ deferral now being over, the conflicted memories of the French defeat continue to trouble the undisturbed writing and exhibition of this sequence of historical events, formative key to construction of contemporary France. Consequently, this study proposes a critical examination of the representation of this “non history” in the French museum. In so doing, it estimates the impact of a “non-consensual” history on contemporary artistic practice touched by issues of memory and politics, and which interrogate notions of identity(ies).

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O objetivo central desta tese é estudar o percurso artístico e intelectual de Leon Hirszman a partir dos filmes Que país é este? (1976-77), ABC da greve (1979- 90) e Eles não usam black-tie (1981). Discutindo as relações entre cinema e História, a pesquisa se concentra nas práticas culturais, estéticas e ideológicas do realizador, procurando analisar as interpretações que ele mobilizou em torno do Brasil durante a vigência do regime militar. A despeito de Hirszman ter consolidado a sua trajetória como integrante do Cinema Novo, questão que percorre as páginas deste doutorado, propõe-se também uma aproximação entre a sua obra e o projeto dramatúrgico construído por autores oriundos do Teatro de Arena. Na década de 1970, face à crise que se instalou no campo cultural da esquerda, em especial o colapso da crença revolucionária anterior a 1964 e o refluxo da leitura do povo como vanguarda heroica para uma transformação do mundo, o cineasta se aproximaria do revisionismo artístico proposto, principalmente, por Gianfrancesco Guarnieri, Paulo Pontes e Vianinha. Mantendo em seus filmes uma abordagem politizada da classe popular, sem abdicar da figura do intelectual como mediador de denúncias contra a ditadura, o diretor se voltaria para uma produção em sintonia com o viés comunista de engajamento, em diálogo com a tradição do realismo crítico e disposta a elaborar narrativas e registros documentais em confronto ao autoritarismo dos militares. Nesse sentido, mesmo sem partilhar do ideário do novo sindicalismo surgido sobretudo entre os metalúrgicos da cidade paulista de São Bernardo do Campo, Hirszman deslocaria a figura do operário para o centro do processo criativo de ABC da greve e de Black-tie, representando-o em uma chave próxima à resistência articulada pelo Partido Comunista Brasileiro (PCB), na qual o trabalhador seria visto como parte de uma ampla frente organizada para superar a ditadura e atuar em prol da redemocratização. Uma obra realizada com o intuito de responder aos dilemas sociais de seu contexto histórico, a propor uma abordagem particular sobre a classe popular e a militância antiautoritária, a partir de leituras e experiências estéticas construídas em meio aos impasses que percorreram a esquerda política e cultural na segunda metade dos anos 1970. / The main goal of this thesis is to study Leon Hirszman\'s artistic and intellectual trajectory through the films Que país é este? (1976-77), ABC da greve (1979-90) and They don\'t wear black-tie (1981). Discussing the relation between film and History, the research concentrates itself on the cultural, aesthetic and ideological practices of the director, aiming to analyze his interpretations about Brazil during its military dictatorship. Despite Hirszman\'s consolidated career as a member of the Cinema Novo movement, issue that is described during this doctoral thesis, it also proposes an approach of his work with the dramaturgical project originated by authors from the Teatro de Arena. On the 1970\'s, in virtue of the crisis installed in the left wing\'s cultural sphere, specially the collapse of the revolutionary belief preceding 1964 and the retrocession of the interpretation placing the people as the heroic vanguard leading a structural transformation, the filmmaker would court the artistic revisionism proposed by Gianfrancesco Guarnieri, Paulo Pontes and Vianinha. Maintaining a politicized approach about the popular class on his films, without abdicating the image of the intellectual as a mediator of denounces against the dictatorship, the director would proceed to a production in tune with the communist\'s active participation project, establishing a dialogue with the tradition of critical realism, willing to elaborate narratives and documental registers confronting with the authoritarian way of the military. In this sense, even without sharing the ideology originated from the newly born trade unionism, especially among the steelworkers from São Bernardo do Campo\'s city, Hirszman shifted the figure of the worker, making it the core of the creative process of ABC da greve and Black-tie. In these movies, it was represented as a key-piece close to the resistance articulated by the Brazilian Communist Party (PCB), in which it was seen as part of a large front, organized to overcome the military regime and act in favor of the country\'s redemocratization. A work realized with the intention of responding to the social dilemmas of its time, proposing a singular approach about the popular class and the anti-authoritarian militancy, originating interpretations and aesthetic experiences constructed among conflicts that filled the left-wing politic and cultural manifestations on the second half of the seventies.