Esta pesquisa pretende examinar o problema teológico-político da soberania, a partir da ideia de que concepções teológicas de uma época se conectam intrinsecamente com o sentido das instituições políticas. A principal literatura sobre Teologia Política foi produzida na Alemanha do século XX e é ainda pouco debatida no Brasil. A reflexão sobre o lugar da Teologia Política no quadro da Ciência ou da Religião sobre o seu uso como ferramenta hermenêutica de conceitos históricos serve como glossário para as definições gerais e dos autores sobre « Teologia », « Política », « Ciência » e « Religião ». Em Teologia Política (1922), Carl Schmitt escreve sobre o conceito de soberania e seus desdobramentos implícitos na tese da secularização servem de ponto de partida para as discussões posteriores com Erik Peterson sobre a « liquidação » teológica de toda Teologia Política. A soberania em Schmitt é concebida como uma categoria sociológica não-positivista e contrarrevolucionária, na analogia estrutural do estado de exceção como milagre e no paralelo de Deus como o Estado. O levantamento biográfico dos dois autores, bem como a correspondência entre eles, revela detalhes importantes sobre a mudança de interpretação de certos conceitos em seu tempo. Na década de 1930, os tratados teológicos de Peterson não se destinavam apenas às teses teológico-políticas de seu amigo (e rival intelectual), mas representavam um estudo erudito para compreender e refutar a situação excepcional de seu tempo. Apenas muitos anos depois da publicação desses textos de Peterson, Schmitt, em Teologia Política II (1970), tentou rebater os argumentos de Peterson, que já tinha falecido. A tarefa desta investigação é reconstruir esse diálogo, apontando as principais conclusões desses autores e seus pontos de convergência e divergência, com destaque para a relevância dos estudos da Teologia Política como fonte de estímulo intelectual para pensar o presente e, se possível, se precaver dos reveses do futuro. / This research aims to examine the theological-political problem of sovereignty, from the idea that theological conceptions of an era are intrinsically connected with the meaning of political institutions. The main literature on Political Theology was produced in Germany in the 20th century and it is still underestimated in Brazil. The thoughts on the place of Political Theology in the framework of Science or Religion - on its use as a hermeneutic tool of historical concepts - serve as a glossary for the general concepts and author\'s definitions of \"Theology\", \"Politics\", \"Science\" and \"Religion\". In Political Theology (1922), Carl Schmitt writes about the concept of sovereignty - and its implicit ramifications in the thesis of secularization is usefull as a starting point for further discussions with Erik Peterson on the theological \"liquidation\" of all Political Theology. Sovereignty in Schmitt is conceived as a non-positivist and counter-revolutionary sociological category, in the structural analogy of the state of exception as a miracle and in the parallel between God and the State. The biographical survey of the two authors, as well as the correspondence between them, reveals important details about the change of interpretation of certain concepts in their time. In the 1930s, Peterson\'s theological treatises were not only aimed at the theological-political theses of his friend (and intellectual rival), but represented an scholarly study to understand and refute the exceptional situation of his time. Only many years after the publication of these texts by Peterson, in Political Theology II (1970), Schmitt tried to refute Peterson\'s arguments, who though was already dead. The task of this investigation is to reconstruct this dialogue, showing the main conclusions of these authors and their points of convergence and divergence, highlighting the relevance of the studies of Political Theology as a source of intellectual stimulus to think about the present and, if possible, to prevent against the setbacks of the future.

This thesis has dealt with the thought of the German legal and political theorist Carl Schmitt and with the reception of his work by the intellectual Left. The main goals of the thesis were to find out which aspects of Schmitt's work are the most popular among left-wing authors and to search for the causes of this inspiration. Thus, it was necessary to reconstruct the historical context in which such a conservative thinker becomes a frequently quoted author within various branches of leftist thought. In Carl Schmitt's case, because of his shift towards Nazism in the 1930s, there is also a methodological problem of the possible separation of his work from his career and personality, the separation of a particular theoretical approach from the motives which led to this approach. Therefore, the attempt to use Schmitt's thought for progressive left-wing goals is not easily compatible with strictly contextual reading of his work. Schmitt's work itself is described and analyzed especially in the first half of this thesis. The first chapter describes, in the historical context, some basic concepts which Schmitt deals with. The chapter is structured according to main targets of his critique: legal positivism; liberal democracy; quantitative total state, which is able to intervene in every part of society,...

Cette enquête est partie du constat de la déshérence du nom de guerre lors des bombardements de l’OTAN contre la Serbie pour s’affirmer lors des guerres contre l’Afghanistan (2001) et l’Irak (2003). En effet, depuis la Serbie, des locutions telles que « maintien de l’ordre international », « militarisation de l’Empire », « guerre comme ordre permanent » se proposent comme les termes analytiques de ce que, ici, on persiste à appeler guerre. Ces locutions sont néanmoins à la base de thèses contradictoires : celle de la démultiplication de la guerre (tout est guerre), et celle de son abolition pour le terrorisme ou les violences civiles. Ces deux thèses présentent un point commun : l’impossibilité de singulariser la guerre pour elle-même et une entente sur la fin de son assignation étatique. Notre réponse aux thèses de la déshérence est de deux ordres. Le premier réside dans la décision de maintenir le nom de guerre, convaincue que l’élucidation du contemporain politique et guerrier passe par sa nomination et sa qualification. Ce maintien constitue la condition d’une enquête nous permettant de connaître, selon les occurrences, ce que le mot de guerre recouvre. Pour ce faire, c’est le second aspect de notre réponse, nous avions besoin d’un dispositif d’enquête : ce sera la démarche en termes de modes politiques de guerre nous permettant de qualifier différentes occurrences de pensées de la guerre en regard des conceptions singulières de la politique qui s’y déploient. Nous avons mis en œuvre cette démarche pour les pensées de Clausewitz, de Carl Schmitt, de Mao Zedong et de l’Administration Bush (2001-2003). / The present investigation...

This dissertation’s aim is to evaluate the Hegelian and Catholic foundations of Carl Schmitt’s National Socialist theory of law. In 1934 Schmitt called his theory “concrete order thinking,” in contrast to both normative and decisionist theories of law. On the one hand, Schmitt positively described Hegel’s state as a “concrete order of orders” where corporations mediated between state and civil society. Despite the incompatibility of the National Socialist concepts of the Führer principle and racial identity with Hegel’s theory, Schmitt saw in the National Socialist triadic structure (State, Movement, People) a common Hegelian heritage that overcomes the dualistic principles of state vs. civil society found in liberalism. On the other hand, going beyond this Hegelian heritage, Schmitt affirmed that a defense of concrete orders requires maintaining the proper distinction between a pluralism of concrete orders and a universalist divine order. After examining the Hegelian National Socialist jurist Karl Larenz’ view that Schmitt’s concrete order theory is made more coherent by rejecting an eternal divine order, I entertain the alternative hypothesis that the Catholic perspective makes concrete order theory more coherent. Under this hypothesis, I explore the political theology in Schmitt’s earlier writings and those of his Catholic contemporaries, where appeal is made to an analogy of proportionality between church and state as “perfect societies” to uphold the distinction between divine order and plural human “concrete orders.” I argue that this appeal excessively separates divine and concrete orders and fails to see them as united through an analogy of image and archetype. At this juncture I turn to corrective supplements by Schmitt’s contemporaries who explicitly emphasized the need to conjoin church and state more intrinsically. The most promising such avenue emphasizes the paradigm of Christ as a model for the relation of church and state. Once this Christological framework is affirmed, the immanence of the Führer principle and Hegelian state personality, as well as the separation entailed in analogy of proportionality, must fall away as incompatible with concrete order thinking. To some extent Schmitt recognizes this framework himself, but it is, I argue, insufficiently articulated and leaves his thought incomplete.

In the 1932 essay The Concept of the Political, German legal philosopher Carl Schmitt (1888– 1985) raises the question: what is the modern state? In his answer Schmitt indivisibly links state and politics by stating that the concept of the state presupposes the concept of the political. The modern state is subsequently characterised as the political unity of a people. In the following thesis, I investigate the meaning of this designation by examining Schmitt’s state theory. Firstly, I set out to analyse his understanding of the political as a realm of conflict (chapter 2). On that basis, I scrutinise his views on the nature of the state as a political form of organisation (chapter 3). The thesis argues that given Schmitt’s understanding of the political as basically antagonistic, the raison d’être of the state is to relativise domestic tensions and conflicts in such a way as to facilitate the maintenance of order, peace and stability in a territorially enclosed configuration. Furthermore, the thesis contends that the ultimate purpose of the state, according to Schmitt, is to ensure a strong sense of political unity within the population and to promote the common goods a flourishing political community requires. In light of this, the thesis concludes that Schmitt’s state theory is essentially teleological in the sense that the political unity constituting the state is not merely an empirical phenomenon but rather a standard every real state should endeavour to realise.

[pt] Esta tese de doutorado é um estudo sobre a política internacional de banimento, uma política internacional de criminalização e proscrição. A partir da leitura de alguns dos memorandos norte-americanos da Guerra contra o Terror, e influenciado pelo quase-conceito de rastro de Jacques Derrida, bem como pelo insight de Carl Schmitt sobre o dualismo exceção/regra, este trabalho segue certos rastros constitutivos daqueles documentos e, sobretudo, do status de combatente ilegal daqueles prisioneiros determinado ali. A partir destes rastros constitutivos da categoria de combatente ilegal, identificam-se os rastros da categoria de pirata na arquitetura político-jurídica da ordem internacional, e, a partir destes, os de uma alteridade excepcional que Schmitt identificou como a de um inimigo fora-da-lei, ou fora-da-lei da humanidade. Nesse sentido, destacam-se a alteridade e o espaço-tempo excepcionais do pirata, comentando-se seu ambíguo status político-jurídico – de fora-da-lei internacional e inimigo da humanidade (hostis humani generis) –, bem como seu banimento do espaço-tempo do sistema internacional moderno e da humanidade. A partir daí, e influenciado pelos estudos mais recentes de R. B. J. Walker sobre o fora constitutivo e as práticas soberanas de exclusão do sistema internacional moderno, identificam-se e comentam-se os rastros, sobretudo contemporâneos, da política internacional de criminalização e proscrição. E então, influenciado por aquele quase-conceito de rastro de Derrida, conclui-se este trabalho posicionando-o em relação a esta política internacional de banimento; ou seja, rastreando o Fora-da-lei da Humanidade. / [en] This PhD dissertation is a study on the international politics of outlawing, an international politics of criminalization and proscription. Starting from the reading of some of the US Memos on the War on Terror, and influenced by Jacques Derrida s quasi-concept of trace, as well as by Carl Schmitt s insight on the exception/rule dualism, this work follows certain traces which are constitutive of those documents and, most importantly, of the unlawful combatant status of those detainees as determined therein. Thus, from these constitutive traces of the category of unlawful combatant, this work identifies the traces of the category of the pirate within the political-legal architecture of the international order, and, from them, those of an exceptional alterity which Schmitt has identified as one of an outlaw enemy, or an outlaw of humanity. In this regard, it focuses on the exceptional alterity and space-time of the pirate, analyzing his ambiguous political-legal status – as both an international outlaw and an enemy of humankind (hostis humani generis) –, as well as his outlawry from the space-time of the modern international system and of humanity. From this analysis, then, and influenced by R. B. J. Walker s most recent studies on the constitutive outside and the exclusionary sovereign practices of the modern international system, it identifies and comments on the traces, most especially on the contemporary traces, of the international politics of criminalization and proscription. And then, influenced by that Derridian quasi-concept of trace, this PhD work concludes positioning itself in relation to this international politics of outlawing; that is, tracing the Outlaw of Humanity.

[pt] A presente pesquisa alinha-se com os estudos que investigam as transformações constitucionais e o pensamento constitucional contemporâneo. Tomando por ponto de partida a teoria de Günter Frankenberg, propõe-se uma adaptação do programa clássico da teoria da constituição a uma gramática normativa complexa, capaz de compreender outros pontos de vista, não só na esfera das relações intersubjetivas, como na esfera transnacional. A pesquisa, de caráter descritivo e prospectivo, teve a finalidade de propor a reabilitação do conflito, definido a partir do conceito de político, elaborado por Carl Schmitt em sua famosa obra de 1932. Assim, tomou-se por recorte deste estudo a janela de tempo que se inicia na República de Weimar e vai até os dias atuais. A premissa adotada é a de que a teoria da constituição se coloca de forma limitada ao não enxergar a continuidade no processo constituinte ao qual se vincula e pretende descrever. Embora a maior parte das ideias deste trabalho investigativo tenha sido originada em um ambiente jurídico e sociopolítico diferente, o intercâmbio destas reflexões e sua harmonização com o contexto brasileiro é, sem dúvida, de grande importância para o desenvolvimento do pensamento constitucional no Brasil. O constitucionalismo contemporâneo vive hoje o impasse do consenso: negar as divergências e buscar um único ideal de vida boa não permite realizar o devido arranjo dos conflitos no seio da sociedade. A tensa relação entre Direito, Política e Constituição encontra-se sobrecarregada com a demanda por integração de uma pluralidade de sociedades e culturas. O objetivo do presente trabalho é verificar se uma configuração contemporaneamente adequada desta relação pode passar pela reabilitação de uma teoria do conflito. / [en] This research aligns with studies investigating the constitutional changes and contemporary constitutional thought. Taking as a starting point Günter Frankenberg’s theory of constitution, we propose an adaptation of the classic program of the theory of constitution of a complex normative grammar, able to understand other points of view, not only in the sphere of interpersonal relations, as in the transnational sphere. The research, descriptive and prospective, aimed to propose the rehabilitation of the conflict, defined from the concept of politics, written by Carl Schmitt in his famous work of 1932. The premise adopted is that the theory of the constitution is placed in a limited way to not see the continuity in the constitutional process to which it links and is intended to describe. Although most of the ideas in this research work have been originated in a different sociopolitical and legal environment, the exchange of ideas and their harmonization with the Brazilian context is undoubtedly of great importance for the development of constitutional thought in Brazil. The contemporary constitutionalism is now living the breakthrough of consensus: to deny the differences and aim a single ideal of good life is incompatible with the conflicts within society. The tense relationship between law, politics and the Constitution is overwhelmed by the demand for integration that comes form a plurality of societies and cultures. The objective of this study is to verify that an adequate contemporary setting of this relationship can go through the rehabilitation of a theory of conflict.

Évènement exceptionnel, les attentats du 11 septembre ont marqué l'entrée de la politique mondiale dans l'ère de la crise du jihadisme international. Si l'apparition de la menace jihadiste est antérieure à 2001, l'attaque qaidiste perpétrée à l'encontre des États-Unis a en effet représenté un saut qualitatif d'envergure, en ce qu'elle a été synonyme d'agression commise par des acteurs privés aucœur de l'hyperpuissance d'après-Guerre froide, et en ce qu'elle a constitué le point de départ d'un essor considérable du péril jihadiste. De la destruction du World Trade Center aux attentats du 13 novembre, en passant par le rapt des lycéennes de Chibok ou l'érection de l'État islamique, le jihadisme en est ainsi arrivé à représenter un défi protéiforme et véritablement global. Ciblesprivilégiées des forces jihadistes, les démocraties libérales occidentales ont dès lors répondu à ce challenge en s'engageant dans une « guerre contre le terrorisme » aux facettes multiples (interventions armées, mesures antiterroristes, etc.). Si plusieurs intellectuels d'extrême gauche, inscrits dans une perspective de critique du libéralisme politique, ont considéré, en s'inspirant de la réflexion de Carl Schmitt, que les États occidentaux contemporains sont plongés dans un étatd'exception permanent, dont la lutte contre le jihadisme a constitué soit le déclencheur, soit le révélateur, nous estimons pour notre part, que cette thèse ne permet tout simplement pas de se faire une idée exacte des retombées juridico-politiques de l'anti-jihadisme post-11 septembre. D'où la nécessité de la discuter en procédant à l'étude approfondie des éléments contextuels et principiels auxquels elle renvoie. / Outstanding event, September 11 attacks marked the entrance of the world politics to the era of the threat of the international jihadism. If the appearance of this threat is previous in 2001, the qaidiste attack committed against the United States indeed represented a large-scale qualitative jump, in the fact that it was synonymic of aggression committed by private actors at the heart of the cold postwar hyperpower, and in the fact that it constitued the starting point of a considerable development of the jihadist danger. From the spectacular destruction of the World Trade Center to the attacks of November 13th, via the kidnapping of the high school students of Chibok or the erection of the Islamic State, the jihadism came to represent a really global challenge, in the forms as diverse asvaried. Privileged targets of the Jihadist strengths, the western liberal democracies have then answered this challenge by making a commitment in a multifaceted ''war against the terrorism'' (military interventions, antiterrorist measures, etc.). If several extreme left-wing intellectuals, registered in a perspective of critic of the political liberalism, considered, by being inspired by Carl Schmitt's reflection, that the contemporary western States are plunged into a permanent state of exception, which the fight against the jihadism constitued either the trigger, or the revelation, we consider for our part, that this thesis does not simply allow to be made an exact idea of the legal and political effects of the post-September 11's anti-jihadism. Where from the necessity of discussing it by proceeding to the in-depth study of the context and the principles to which refers.

Submitted by Biblioteca Central (biblioteca@unicap.br) on 2017-10-11T22:07:03Z No. of bitstreams: 1 dissertacao_carmem_lucia_brito_tavares_barreto.pdf: 903660 bytes, checksum: 3ec8821b3b8abdaa36976406e4a41230 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-10-11T22:07:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 dissertacao_carmem_lucia_brito_tavares_barreto.pdf: 903660 bytes, checksum: 3ec8821b3b8abdaa36976406e4a41230 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2002-01-30 / Departing from clinical experience, this study aims to comprehend the contemporary uneasiness. It shows the author's true testimony not only as a researcher, but also as a psychotherapist and supervisor. This research is based on disruptive clinical experiences by taking into account, as object for theoretical reflection, within the Person-Centered Approach, the Client-Centered Therapy. It makes a critical overview of the Client-Centered Therapy theory by analyzing Carl Rogers' concept of science as well as his conceptual path. Such analysis points to an insufficiency of the Actualizing Tendency and Anguish concepts toward sheltering and, at the same time, to promote a passage for the contemporary uneasiness. Thus, it indicates the need of another way to access and comprehend the fundamental and original human condition. Finally, this study presents Heidegger's anguish concept as a possible contribution to fertilize and re-signify the clinical praxis. As a result of such path, the author reveals her transitional moment of theoretical reflection, directing herself toward a psychological conception of clinic as "care" (Sorge), linked to a human existence theory conceived as an ethics of finitude acceptance, of transivity and conflicts. Such a theory demands a clinical praxis by conceiving a creation act as an opening to shelter something unknown, plenty of availability to carry forward onweself towards the "being-there” complexity. The author manifests that, in spite to have found some possible answers to her dislodged inquietude experience that motivated this actual work, its approached thematic, by its own complexity and dynamic involved, implies in an always present openness that instigate new sights and reflections, thus deserving further re-readings. / Este estudo tem como objetivo compreender o mal-estar contemporâneo partindo da experiência clínica. Traduz um verdadeiro testemunho da autora enquanto pesquisadora, psicoterapeuta e supervisora. Parte de inquietações desalojadoras experienciadas na clínica e utiliza como objeto de reflexão teórica a Abordagem Centrada na Pessoa, mais especificamente, a Terapia Centrada no Cliente. Realiza uma leitura crítica da teoria da Terapia Centrada no Cliente, analisando a concepção de ciência e a trajetória conceitual empreendida por Carl Rogers. Partindo dessa analise, aponta para a insuficiência dos conceitos de Tendência Atualizante e Angústia para acolher e dar passagem ao mal-estar contemporâneo, indicando a necessidade de uma outra via de acesso que apreenda a condição fundamental e originária do homem. Por fim, apresenta o conceito de angústia de Heidegger enquanto possível contribuição para fecundar e re-significar a prática clínica. Como resultado do percurso empreendido, a autora revela o momento de trânsito em que se encontra, encaminhando-se para uma clínica psicológica enquanto cuidar (Sorge), vinculada a uma teoria do existir humano que pode ser lida como uma ética de aceitação da finitude, da transitoriedade, e dos conflitos. Tal teoria enseja uma prática clínica, que envolva um ato de criação, como abertura de acolhimento para algo que não se conhece, com disponibilidade para se lançar nas complexidades do ser-aí. Aponta que, apesar de ter encontrado algumas respostas para as inquietações desalojadoras que motivaram o presente estudo, a temática abordada, pela sua complexidade e dinâmica própria, esteve e estará sempre aberta a novos olhares e leituras.

Phénoménologie de l'espace politique est une étude à la fois généalogique et phénoménologique d'un sujet auquel la philosophie ne se confronte que rarement, à savoir l'espace politique. Les principaux acteurs en sont Maurice Merleau-Ponty et Jan Patočka. Il s'agit donc d'une thèse de philosophie contemporaine, pour ce qui concerne les auteurs étudiés, tandis que l'objet de notre recherche est politique - comme en témoigne le fait que même l'expression «espace politique» n'est pas utilisée dans le domaine philosophique. Puisque notre objectif est de conduire une recherche à la fois politique et phénoménologique sur l'espace politique, il sera essentiel de l'aborder simultanément de ces deux points de vue. Il s'agira en effet de tracer une généalogie de l'espace politique, précédée par une étude phénoménologique du concept d'espace et de celle de mouvement. Nous en tirerons l'idée centrale de la partie plus proprement politique, à savoir l'opposition, dans la pensée politique moderne, entre apparition et représentation, ou en d'autres termes, entre immédiateté et médiation, que l'on peut trouver respectivement chez Machiavel et Hobbes et chez les auteurs qui, au XXe siècle, ont étudié leurs œuvres, notamment Maurice Merleau-Ponty, Jan Patočka et Carl Schmitt. C'est à partir de ces concepts d'apparition et de représentation, et de leur opposition, que nous allons développer une analyse à la fois phénoménologique et politologique de l'espace politique. / Phenomenology of Political Space is an attempt to provide both a genealogical and a phenomenological account of a subject that philosophy rarely confronts, namely political space. Our analysis thus encompasses all the dimensions of political space - political, historical, geographical, and juridical - without dismissing any of them. It aims at showing the intrinsic connection between phenomenology and modern and contemporary political thought. It does so by identifying the two opposing models of political space, respectively shaped by Machiavelli and Hobbes, which we claim correspond to two opposing systems of visibility: a logic of appearance versus a logic of representation. It then moves to the contemporary phenomenological approach and gives both a phenomenology of movement and a phenomenology of political space. The central idea is the opposition, in modern and contemporary political thought, between appearance and representation, or in other words, between immediacy and mediation, as the terms are used respectively by Machiavelli and Hobbes, as well as by other authors who, in the twentieth century, studied their works (Maurice Merleau-Ponty, Jan Patočka, Carl Schmitt). Our current research focuses on both their conceptions of movement, desire and fear; and on their interpretation of political space.