A presente dissertação se propõe a fazer uma análise do contrato de trabalho atual e de como a crise da pós-modernidade e os modos de produção adotados pela sociedade pós-industrial o afetaram. Será realizada uma revisão histórica do contrato de trabalho, bem como, uma investigação das teorias acerca de sua natureza jurídica, dedicando-se especial atenção à teoria comunitário-pessoal da relação de trabalho. O contrato de trabalho e suas características serão objeto de estudo, com especial atenção às críticas atuais ao instituto, a partir das quais será realizada uma comparação entre ele e os contratos civilistas e consumeristas. Analisadas as particularidades dos chamados contratos pós-modernos e a proposta de reconstrução dogmática elaborada por Maria do Rosário Palma Ramalho, será sugerida uma configuração diferente do contrato de trabalho clássico apoiada na boa-fé e a partir das concepções existencial, relacional e fraterna do contrato. A aplicação da boa-fé, sob a ótica da função social, será estudada como forma de viabilizar a noção comunitária do vínculo laboral. Analisar-se-á o conceito e a aplicabilidade das categorias contratuais existenciais e relacionais à relação de trabalho, destacando-se a possibilidade de agregá-las às características clássicas do contrato laboral. A fraternidade será estudada como elemento indispensável à concepção comunitária das relações de trabalho. / This dissertation aims make an analysis of the current labor agreement and how it is affected by the post-modern crisis and the production methods adopted by the post-industrial society. A historical review of the employment contract will be carried out and an investigation of the theories about its legal nature, devoting particular attention to community-personal theory of the employment relationship. The employment contract and its characteristics will be studied, with special attention to the current criticism of the institute, from which will be compared to civil law contract and consumer. Analyzed the characteristics of so-called postmodern contracts and the proposed dogmatic reconstruction drafted by Maria do Rosário Palma Ramalho, will be a suggested different configuration of the standard employment contract with emphasis on good faith and from the existential concepts, relational and fraternal contract. The application of good faith from the perspective of social function, will be studied as a way to enable the community concept of employment. It will analyze the concept and applicability of existential and relational categories contractual employment relationship, especially the ability to aggregate them to the classic characteristics of the labor contract. It will examine the fraternity as an essential element to the community conception of labor relations.

La reprise par Victor Hugo en 1861, sous le titre "Les Misérables", du projet des "Misères" amorcé en 1845 marquait deux étapes de l’énonciation. Nous avons néanmoins choisi de considérer cette oeuvre comme un discours homogène – au sens linguistique du terme – c’est-à-dire comme une suite d’énoncés, pour en analyser le vocabulaire politique et social, considérant que la publication avalisait l’expression. L’énonciation en fait un discours dans le cadre de la communication, discours adressé à un destinataire concerné plus que quiconque, le peuple. Le projet de l’oeuvre lui confère le rôle de testament, bilan d’une expérience et d’une vie. Le facteur politique est primordial pour l’auteur et le rappel des principes républicains l’amène à en étudier les racines dans la Révolution française, particulièrement dans les années 1792-1793, quand Robespierre et le Comité de Salut Public ont dirigé la France. Les héritiers de la République de l’An I sont, dans l’oeuvre, les insurgés de la barricade de la rue de la Chanvrerie en juin 1832, inspirée à Victor Hugo par la barricade historique de Saint-Merry. L’importance donnée à l’Histoire comme élément structurant du récit nous a fait étendre le corpus lexical aux lieux et aux acteurs du récit et de la réalité historique. Le recensement du vocabulaire politique des systèmes, des événements, des formes de gouvernement, des institutions, des catégories et phénomènes sociaux et des valeurs philosophiques et idéologiques fait l’objet de la deuxième partie. Les méthodes des linguistiques distributionnelle et transformationnelle, la notion de « fonction linguistique », empruntée à Roman Jakobson, et de « discours plurivoque », héritée de Julien Greimas, permettent l’analyse des mots dans leur contexte restreint. C’est l’objet de la troisième partie intitulée « Ce que valent les mots ». / Victor Hugo’s resumption in 1861 under the title “Les Misérables” of the project of “Les Misères” started in 1845 characterized two steps of enunciation. Nevertheless, we have chosen to consider this work like a homogeneous discourse – in the linguistic sense of the term – i.e. like a series of utterances in order to analyze its political and social vocabulary considering that the publishing guaranteed the expression. The expression makes of it a discourse in the frame of communication; a discourse directed to a recipient more concerned than anyone else : the people. The project of the work gives it the part of a will. The political factor is most important for the writer and the reminder of republican principles leads him to study the roots of the French Revolution, particularly in the years 1792-1793 when Robespierre and the committee of Public safety led France. The inheritors of the Republic of An I, in the work, are the insurrectionists of the barricade of the street of La Chanvrerie in June 1832 inspired to Victor Hugo by the historical barricade of Saint Merry. The importance given to history as a structuring element of the narrative led us to extend the lexical corpus to the places and characters of the narrative and to the historical veracity. The inventory of the political vocabulary of the systems, events, forms of government, institutions, categories and social phenomena, and ideological and philosophical values is the matter of the second part. The methods of distributional and transformational linguistics, the notion of “linguistic function” borrowed from Roman Jakobson and “multivocal speech” inherited from Julien Greimas, permit the analysis of the words in their restrictive context. This is the topic of the third part entitled “What words mean”.

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[pt] Na sociedade chamada pós-moderna, a questão do individualismo vem se tornando uma realidade problemática, porque, como conseqüência de um longo processo iniciado na Modernidade, está se desenvolvendo, conforme Gilles Lipovetsky, um processo de personalização: sendo o individualismo o fator preponderante, o ser humano assume a imagem mitológica de Narciso tornando-se, assim, mais fechado em si mesmo. E o resultado disso é uma sociedade notadamente individualista, antifraterna e anti-solidária, em que os indivíduos se encaminham para o esvaziamento do sentido da vida. Mas o ser humano, homem e mulher, imagem e semelhança de Deus, é chamado a construir um projeto de fraternidade, contrapondose ao narcisismo, pernicioso à convivência humana. Nesta dissertação, em vista da possibilidade de superação do citado narcisismo, procuramos desvelar o pecado subjacente a ele e propomos o caminho salvífico da abertura à graça de Deus como fundamento teológico do projeto de fraternidade, na fé. Em nossa reflexão, fundamentamo-nos no pensamento de González Faus e, para a realização deste projeto, valemo-nos de mediações, algumas das quais indicamos no presente trabalho. / [en] In the so-called postmodern society, the individualism issue has become a problematic reality, because, in the wake of a long process that started in the Modernity, - according to Gilles Lipovetsky - a personalization process arose, wherein individualism is a preponderant factor, and wherein the human being adopts the mythical image of Narcissus, increasingly becoming closed in itself. From this results a society marked by individualism, anti-fraternity and anti-solidarism, wherein the individuals go to an emptying of sense of life. But the human being, man and woman, image and likeness of God, has been called to work out a project of fraternity, counterpointing with community destroying narcissism. In this dissertation, having in view the possibility to overcome the mentioned narcissism, we try to unveil the underlying sin, and we propose the redemptive way of openness to the grace of God, as the theological basis of the fraternity project, in faith. In our reflection we base ourselves on the thoughts of González Faus and, for the execution of this project, we also make use of some mediations which are indicated in this study.

Pareils à nombre de révolutionnaires français, Robespierre et Condorcet souhaitent rompre avec l'Ancien régime en reconnaissant la souveraineté naturelle du peuple et les droits naturels des hommes. Cependant, en démocrates assumés et conséquents, ils se singularisent en présentant la nécessité du gouvernement représentatif comme une étape provisoire de la réalisation libre et heureuse des hommes et non comme une fin. Convaincus d’une nature humaine perfectible, habilitant l’homme à un devenir libre et heureux, les deux révolutionnaires sont conduits à promouvoir, l’idée d’un droit perfectible et celle d’une constitution transitoire capable d’articuler souveraineté du peuple et gouvernement à la naturalisation progressive des institutions et des hommes. Les progrès de l’autoconstitution du peuple souverain, appuyés par ses représentants provisoires, engagent les conditions d’une autonomisation de la société et ouvrent la voie à celle de l’individu en réconciliant l’État et la société. / Like many French revolutionaries, Robespierre and Condorcet wish to break with the Ancien Régime (Old Regime) by acknowledging the natural sovereignty of the people and the natural rights of men. However, as asserted and consistent democrats, they stand out by presenting the need of a representative government, not as an end, but as a provisional step to men’s achievement of freedom and happiness. Convinced of a perfectible human nature, empowering man to become free and happy, the two revolutionaries are led to promote the idea of a perfectible right and a transitional constitution which can connect sovereignty of the people and government to progressive naturalization of institutions and men. The progress in self-constitution of popular sovereignty, supported by its temporary representatives, sets the conditions of society’s empowerment and paves the way to that of the individual by reconciling the State and the society.

On a l’habitude, concernant Bergson et Popper, de souligner que le second emprunte au premier la notion de « société ouverte » en la détournant de son sens. C’est une erreur : au moment où il met cette notion au centre de La société ouverte et ses ennemis, Popper est persuadé d’être l’inventeur de la notion. Lorsqu’il apprend que Bergson en a fait usage avant lui, il marque la différence entre les deux sociétés ouvertes tout en reconnaissant une similitude entre les deux sociétés closes. Mais comment, si la société close s’oppose, par définition, à la société ouverte, et si les deux notions de « société close » sont similaires, les deux notions de « société ouverte » pourraient-elles être fondamentalement dissemblables ? Nous nous demandons, dans une première partie, jusqu’où les deux sociétés closes peuvent être considérées comme similaires et s’il est possible d’en construire une conception unifiée. Nous cherchons d’abord à montrer comment Bergson et Popper, en partant de problèmes différents, finissent par se rejoindre sur la notion d’une morale naturelle close. Nous montrons ensuite que ces deux modalités du clos — exclusivisme guerrier et holisme conservateur — se trouvent chez les deux auteurs, sans qu’ils ne leur accordent la même importance : un certain nombre de différences souterraines annoncent les oppositions à venir sur la société ouverte. Ces différences n’empêchent toutefois pas l’élaboration d’une conception unifiée de la société close. Nous suivons Bergson pour articuler les deux modalités du clos en considérant que la cohésion sociale trouve en partie sa source dans l’hostilité à l’égard des ennemis. Notre deuxième partie se demande si ce qui apparaît au premier abord comme contradictoire entre les deux sociétés ouvertes ne pourrait pas plutôt être considéré comme des tensions au sein d’une même société ouverte. Nous insistons d’abord sur ce qui peut apparaître comme contradictoire en montrant que l’ouverture n’a pas le même sens chez Bergson et chez Popper : passage de la cité à une société comprenant l’humanité pour le premier, passage à une cité où sont libérés les pouvoirs critiques de l’homme pour le second. La société ouverte de Popper est close pour Bergson, la société ouverte de Bergson relève pour Popper d’une nostalgie pour la société close. Mais la contradiction vient du fait qu’on compare la modalité de l’ouvert que chacun privilégie et qui n’est pas la même. Il faut, pour avoir une vision plus juste, comparer la modalité rationaliste de l’ouverture chez les deux auteurs, et la modalité mystique de l’ouverture chez l’un et chez l’autre. En procédant à cette comparaison, on peut montrer que ces deux modalités sont l’une et l’autre une façon, pour une société, de transcender la nature, d’être créatrice. En ce qui concerne la modalité rationaliste de l’ouverture, c’est Popper qui parvient à en montrer le caractère créateur, sur le plan théorique comme sur le plan pratique — Bergson en étant empêché par sa conception de l’intelligence ; pour ce qui est de la modalité mystique, c’est Bergson qui montre comment elle permet à une société de transcender, au moins partiellement, la nature — Popper en étant empêché par sa conception de l’amour. A partir de là, il ne semble pas impossible d’élaborer une conception unifiée de la société ouverte articulant ces deux modalités : la modalité rationaliste de l’ouverture repose sur la foi en la fraternité humaine, laquelle ne peut trouver son plein élan que dans la modalité mystique. Il est vrai qu’il y a tension entre ces deux modalités de l’ouvert, mais leur équilibre est nécessaire à la société qui s’ouvre : la présence de la modalité mystique évite à la modalité rationaliste, qui permet le conflit, une dégénérescence guerrière ; la présence de la modalité rationaliste évite à la modalité mystique, qui transcende les conflits dans l’enthousiasme, de dégénérer en « nationalisme mystique ». / It is usually said, when talking about Bergson and Popper, that the former borrows the notion of “open society” to the latter and diverts its meaning. It is a mistake: when he puts this notion in the center of The open society and its enemies, Popper is convinced that he is the one who came up with the notion. When he learns that Bergson used it before him, he underlines the differences between both open societies, while admitting a similarity between both closed societies. But how, if the closed society opposes, by definition, the open society, and if both notions of “closed society” are similar, could both notions of “open society” be fundamentally dissimilar?We are wondering, in our first part, to what degree the two closed societies can be considered similar, and if it is possible to build a unified conception of both of them. We are first seeking to show how Bergson and Popper, while starting from different issues, end up reuniting on the notion of a closed natural morality. We are then showing that these two modalities of the closed – warrior exclusivism and conservative holism – are found in both authors, although they don’t give it the same degree of importance: a number of underlying differences are announcing the upcoming oppositions on the open society. These differences, however, do not prevent the elaboration of a unified conception for the closed society. We are following Bergson to articulate both modalities of the closed while considering that social cohesion comes partly from hostility towards enemies. Our second part questions if what first shows up as a contradiction between both open societies could not be considered rather as tensions among one same open society. We first insist on what can appear as contradictory by showing that openness doesn’t have the same meaning for Bergson it does for Popper: for the former, it’s stepping from the city to a society containing humanity. For the latter, it’s stepping to a city where man’s critical powers are liberated. Popper’s open society is closed to Bergson, and Bergson’s open society is, to Popper, an expression of the longing for the unity of the closed society. But the contradiction comes from comparing each author’s preferred modality for openness, which differs. It is necessary, to have a better vision, to compare the rationalist modality of openness for both authors, as well as the mystical modality of openness for one and the other.By proceeding to this comparison, we can show that these two modalities are both a way for a society to transcend nature, for it to be inventive or creative. When it comes to the rationalist modality of openness, Popper is the one who manages to show its creative aspect, in both theory and practice – Bergson being restrained to do so by his conception of intelligence; when it comes to the mystical modality, it is Bergson who shows how it allows a society to transcend, at least partially, nature – Popper being restrained to do so by his conception of love.From this point, it doesn’t seem impossible to elaborate a unified conception for the open society articulating both of these modalities: the rationalist modality of openness is based on faith in human fraternity, which can only reach its fullest with the mystical modality. It is true that there is tension between these two modalities of openness, but their balance is necessary for a society that opens up: the mystical modality’s presence prevents the rationalist modality, that allows conflict, to fall into warrior degeneracy; the rationalist modality’s presence prevents the mystical modality, that transcends conflicts in enthusiasm, to degenerate into “mystical nationalism”.

Au sein de l’économie libérale, est né un modèle d’entreprise conjuguant altruisme et recherche du profit : l’Économie de Communion. À travers sa responsabilité sociale, cette entreprise adopte des stratégies particulières de gestion qui tentent de replacer l’homme au centre de l’activité de l’entreprise. L’objectif du mémoire est de présenter l’Économie de Communion, son but et les différents axes qui la soutiennent, ainsi que sa compréhension de l’interaction du monde des affaires avec l’éthique, la morale et le droit. À la lumière des expériences vécues par 811 entreprises, cet agir économique rend compte de l’efficacité de son mode de gestion au niveau de l’optimisation de la performance entrepreneuriale. L’Économie de Communion met en exergue notamment une approche où la dynamique économique repose sur la solidarité et la fraternité. / Within the liberal economy, a business model was born combining altruism and profit-seeking: the Economy of Communion. Through its social responsibility, this model adopts specific management strategies that try to put people at the center of the firm's activities. The aim of the paper is to present the Economy of Communion, its purpose and the various axes that support it, as well as its understanding of the interaction of the business world with ethics, values and law. In the light of the experience of 811 firms, the Economic of Communion acknowledges the efficiency of its management mode in terms of optimizing entrepreneurial performance. It emphasizes in particular an approach where economic dynamics are based on solidarity and fraternity.

This dissertation study was conducted in order to examine and gain an insight on two topics that are considered to be highly under researched: American historically black fraternities and sororities and colorism within the back American community. The purpose of the study was to examine the impact that colorism has had on black American collegiate Greek letter organizations. Using the qualitative phenomenological approach, 18 graduate or alumni members, two from each of the nine historically black Greek letter organizations that make up the National Pan-Hellanic Council were interviewed using open ended questions to see what impact (if any) colorism has had on historically black fraternities and sororities. During the interviews the following five major themes emerged: discriminatory practices between black Americans, stereotyping black Greek letter organizations, stereotyping skin tones, colorism as a part of American history, and colorism as being permanently a part of the black American community. The following theories were also explored during the study: Social Identity Theory, Double Consciousness, Primary Identification Theory, and Conflict Caused by Colorism, to further see what impact colorism had on historically black fraternities and sororities. Through these five themes and theories, it was found that colorism has had and continues to have a significant impact on not only members of historically black fraternities and sororities, but also that of members of the black American community as a whole.

<p> </p> <p>Traditional kinship systems involve the organization of individuals who are biologically connected. However, such systems have evolved beyond bloodlines to incorporate individuals that are biologically unassociated but operate in familial-like roles due to shared spaces and/or experiences. Historically, kinship systems or cultural networks have functioned as the cornerstone of survival for those of the Black lived experience. From the days of legalized human chattel slavery to present-day movements seeking justice for the minoritized, the foundation of kinship was typically built through the local church, the assumed maternal positions by Black women, Black secret societies and more. They each served, and continue to serve, as a means for survival and success against a systemically oppressive society. This study explores the notion and existence of kinship systems at historically Black colleges and universities (HBCUs). It specifically examines how fictive kinships through the lens of faculty-student dynamics, religion, and social activities, potentially influences the academic experience of Black students at HBCUs that currently have an above average retention rate. As America’s educational institution has lacked diversity, inclusion, justice, and equity for Black people for countless years, the primary mission of this study was to amplify Black student voices which have traditionally been suppressed. A supplemental goal of this study was to offer Black students tools for introspection that will aid them in navigating possible barriers to (post) educational success. In turn, this study gives insight to predominantly white institutions of higher learning on how to positively enhance the experience and retention of Black students, and the overall structure of diversity and inclusion on campus.</p>