本文主旨是要說明：就《道德形上學》的論述而言，康德在何種意義上能夠被視為一個契約論思想家。本文將從兩條線索出發來理解康德所提出的契約論，這兩條線索分別是：康德的財產權理論、以及契約論中處理政治權威正當性時所必須面對的統一性問題。 本文認為：康德所提出的作為理念的原初契約，是一種提供給已處身在政治社會之下的個人，去設想當下所面對的法律強制力之正當性的方式。藉由康德在《純粹理性批判》之中對於「理念」的界定，可以將賦予原初契約一個確實的契約作用：人民的同意。儘管是一個被想像的同意，但康德賦予它積極的意義即形塑公民為一個自主、自律的主體，因此，在這個面向上，本文認為康德提出了儘管與霍布斯、洛克、盧梭迥異但卻仍然極富意義的契約論。 / The purpose of this thesis is that Kant should be seen as a theorist of the social contract theory in the discourse of the Metaphysics of Morals. This thesis will perceive the social contract theory provided by Kant in accordance to two clues, including the theory of property and the problem of unity. The main point of the thesis is that the original social contract as an idea of reason is the method providing for the individual existing in the civil society of constructing the legitimacy of the political authority. By definition of “Idea” in Critique of Pure reason, Kant gives the original social contract a meaningful function: the consent of people. Though the consent is a concept imagined by the people, Kant gives it a positive meaning of forming the people to the independent subject in politics. In conclusion, this thesis claims that Kant provided a meaningful social contract theory different from other theorists in the social contract tradition, such as Hobbes, Locke and Rousseau.

In this thesis I have retrieved the modern language of the law of nature between the period 1625--1672. I have reconstructed this language as a response to the seventeenth century breakdown of society in Europe. / In Chapters 1, 2 and 3, I lay out Hugo Grotius' moral and political theory grounded in three irreducible principles of self-preservation, the primacy of society and consent. These principles lead Grotius to develop a rich and pluralistic theory. / Thomas Hobbes's theory calls into question the complex Grotian social and political arrangement and in its place provides an absolutist and homogeneous conception of the state. This is treated in Chapter 4. / In Chapters 5 and 6, I lay out Samuel Pufendorf's moral and political theory. Pufendorf accepts Grotius's and Hobbes' initial premises but argues for a 'regular' or homogeneous state. / The retrieval of the law of nature proposed in this thesis is important, for it radically calls into question the conventional manner in which we understand the seventeenth century. Among other things, this work illuminates the common foundation shared by contemporary liberals, communitarians and more radical theories.

Nous examinons d'abord les aspects de la souveraineté politique sur la scène shakespearienne. À la lumière des analyses consacrées par Walter Benjamin au drame baroque, en 1928, et de la réaction de Carl Schmitt dans Hamlet ou Hécube (1956), nous montrons que Shakespeare met en scène la mortalité des corps politiques et la souveraineté nouvelle de l'intrigant dans le temps terrestre. Sommé de maîtriser l'art et le tempo de l'intrigue, le Prince est néanmoins impuissant à empêcher la décomposition de l'État. En prenant appui sur le drame élisabéthain, notamment sur le vertige mélancolique et sceptique d'Hamlet, nous interrogeons alors l'effort contemporain en vue de l'ordre et de la synchronisation dans la cité. La théorie hobbesienne de la représentation politique et juridique moderne rompt avec la conception mystique de l'unité politique et toute écriture inspirée des lois, tandis que la scène civile y est dédiée à la paix du commerce entre les individus afin de garantir les conditions d'une autonomie réelle dans la sphère privée. Réciproquement, cette autonomie doit pérenniser les solutions à la mélancolie et au scepticisme conceptualisées dans Léviathan. Tout en entérinant la tragédie de l'existence humaine et de tout savoir déjà mise en scène par Shakespeare, Léviathan évite d'emblée l'exaltation schmittienne ainsi que la violence " pure " logée, selon Benjamin, dans l'état d'exception de la subjectivité. À travers les spectres qui, chez Hobbes, n'ont plus droit de cité, la scène shakespearienne défait cependant les mécanismes de l'ordre et de la synchronisation continus, cela sans congédier le droit ni le projet de l'autonomie.

The Anglo-Dutch philosopher Bernard Mandeville (1670-1733) was among the most controversial figures writing in English in the eighteenth century. His satirical exploration of the nature of human sociability and economic prosperity infuriated his contemporary critics and deeply influenced the ideas of later Enlightenment philosophes. One of the most persistent questions about Mandeville's work concerns the sincerity of his declarations of Christian piety. Mandeville is commonly identified as a deist. This thesis explores the possibility that he was an atheist. The question is examined through an analysis of Mandeville’s major influences, most notably French Jansenism, Epicureanism, Scepticism, erudite libertinism, and Dutch republicanism. Key figures that Mandeville engaged with in his writings include Pierre Bayle, René Descartes, Shaftesbury, Thomas Hobbes, Pierre Nicole, and Pierre Gassendi. In the process of discussing Mandeville’s putative atheism, the methodological problem of researching and identifying atheism in early-modern Europe is explored. / Graduate

This thesis explores the disciplinary relationship between natural philosophy (the study of nature or body) and theology (the study of the divine) in seventeenth-century England. Early modern disciplines had two essential functions. First, they set the rules and boundaries of argument – knowledge was therefore legitimised and made intelligible within disciplinary contexts. And second, disciplines structured pedagogy, parcelling knowledge so it could be studied and taught. This dual role meant disciplines were epistemic and social structures. They were composed of various elements, and consequently, they related to one another in a variety of complex ways. As such, the contestability of early modern knowledge was reflected in contestability of disciplines – their content and boundaries. Francis Bacon, Thomas White, Henry More and John Locke are the focus of the four chapters respectively, with Joseph Glanvill, Thomas Hobbes, other Cambridge divines, and a variety of medieval scholastic authors providing context, comparison and reinforcement. These case studies offer a cross-section of seventeenth-century thought and belief; they embody different professional and institutional interests, and represent an array of philosophical, theological and religious positions. Nevertheless, each of them, in different ways, and to different effect, put the relationship between natural philosophy and theology at the heart of their intellectual endeavours. Together, they demonstrate that, in seventeenth-century England, natural philosophy and theology were in flux, and that their disciplinary relationship was complex, entailing degrees of overlap and alienation. Primarily, natural philosophy and theology investigated the nature and constitution of the world, and, together, determined the relationship between its constituent parts – natural and divine. However, they also reflected the scope of man’s cognitive faculties, establishing which bits of the world were knowable, and outlining the grounds for, and appropriate degrees of, certainty and belief. Thus, both disciplines, and their relationship with one another, contributed to broad discussions about, truth, certainty and opinion. This, in turn, established normative guidelines. To some extent, the rightness or wrongness of belief and behaviour was determined by particular definitions of, and relationship between, natural philosophy and theology. Consequently, man’s place in the world – his relationship with nature, God and his fellow man – was triangulated through these disciplines.

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Orientador: Jose Oscar de Almeida Marques / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-06T22:28:41Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Barnabe_GabrielRibeiro_M.pdf: 2707008 bytes, checksum: a7e84f9b9072afe3b22c10544cf5cf3e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006 / Resumo: O realismo e o racionalismo são dois paradigmas que refletem os eixos que orientam as relações internacionais; a cooperação e o conflito. O pensamento de Hobbes, que se aproxima do realismo, entende o cenário internacional como predominante de conflito devido aos Estados buscarem a acumulação indefinida de poder e possuírem o direito natural sobre todas as coisas. Os pensamentos de Locke e Grotius se aproximam do paradigma do racionalismo, pois acreditam que os Estados podem ser racionalmente induzidos à cooperação. Para Locke, o cenário internacional é de paz enquanto a lei natural for cumprida. A violação da lei natural autoriza uma guerra justa. De acordo com Grotius, o homem possui naturalmente o desejo de viver em sociedade ordenada segundo sua reta razão. Grotius conjuga realistas e racionalistas ao argumentar pelo estabelecimento de regras mínimas para o mínimo de sociabilidade. A violação dessas regras mínimas autoriza uma guerra justa. Concluiremos que os pensamentos dos três filósofos são complementares para uma visão unificada dos fenômenos internacionais / Abstract: Realism and rationalism are two paradigms which reflect the main lines guiding international relations: cooperation and conflict. Hobbes' ideas, which approach realism, envision the international scene as predominantly conflictuous due to a quest of States to reach indefinite accumulation of power and to possess the natural right over all things. The thoughts of Locke and Grotius approach the paradigm of rationalism, for their belief in that the States can rationally be induced into cooperation. For Locke, the international scene is of peace as long as there is a fulfillment of natural law - the breaking of which would authorize a fair war. According to Grotius, man naturally possesses the desire of living in a society ordained according to his right reason. Grotius conjugates realists and rationalists when arguing for the establishment of a minimum of rules for a minimum of sociability. The breaking of these minimum rules authorizes a fair war. We shall conclude that the thoughts of the three philosophers are complementary for a unified vision of the international phenomena / Mestrado / Mestre em Filosofia

Over the course of four sections this PhD examines the ways in which the Aristotelian, Stoic and Epicurean philosophers portray bodily activity. In particular, it argues that their claims regarding bodies' natural tendency to preserve themselves, and seek out the goods capable of promoting their well-being, came to influence Hobbes's and Spinoza's later accounts of natural, animal and social behaviour. The first section presents the ancient accounts of natural and animal bodily tendencies and explores the specific ways in which the Aristotelian, Stoic and Epicurean views on animal desires came to complement and diverge from each other. After investigating the perceived links between natural philosophy, psychology and ethics, the section proceeds to consider how the ancients used this 'unified' view of nature to guide their accounts of the soul's primary appetites and desires. Also examined is the extent to which civil society is portrayed as a means of securing the individual against others, and how Aristotelian philia, Theophrastian oikeiotês and Stoic oikeiōsis came to stand in opposition to the fear-driven and compact-based accounts of social formation favoured by the Epicureans. The second section considers how the ancient accounts of impulsive behaviour and social formation were received and diffused via new editions of ancient texts, eclectic readings of Aristotle, and the attempts of Neostoic and Neoepicurean authors to update and systematise those philosophies from the late sixteenth century onwards. The particular treatments of Hellenistic thought by authors such as Justus Lipsius, Hugo Grotius and Pierre Gassendi are considered in detail and are placed within the context of the growing trend to use Stoic and Epicurean thought to replace the authority of Aristotle in the areas of science, psychology, and politics. The final two sections are devoted respectively to considering the ways in which Hobbes and Spinoza encountered the Hellenistic accounts of bodies and demonstrating how these earlier accounts came to feature in each of their own discussions of bodily tendencies. Engaging with a wide range of their texts, each section develops the many nuances and contours that emerged as both writers developed and fine-tuned their accounts of bodily actions. This reveals the many ways in which the ancient accounts of self-preservation helped to unify large aspects of Hobbes's and Spinoza's own philosophical corpus, while equally showing how a well-developed account of bodily tendencies might challenge the scholastic worldview and expand further the boundaries of the so-called 'New Science'.

Cette thèse vise à cerner les raisons historiques, intellectuelles et affectives de l’importance que reçoit le problème de la vulnérabilité individuelle dans la culture politique des sociétés modernes. Il s’agit de tenter de comprendre pourquoi et par le concours de quelles transformations normatives et structurelles nous en sommes venus, comme citoyens, à attendre de l’État qu’il nous protège des affres de l’existence. L’oeuvre philosophique de Thomas Hobbes, fondée sur une anthropologie individualiste où l’homme apparaît mû par deux affects, le désir et la crainte, nous paraît être la première formulation théorique de ce problème de la vulnérabilité, et à ce titre, nous posons qu’elle a été déterminante pour l’institutionnalisation d’une rationalité politique proprement moderne. De manière à saisir quelles ont pu être les conditions de possibilité de la philosophie de Hobbes, de même que son influence sur l’imaginaire politique occidental, il nous faut tenter de comprendre non seulement pourquoi l’affectivité humaine a pu se trouver ainsi posée comme enjeu du gouvernement, mais comment elle est aussi liée, de manière générale, au fonctionnement des institutions sociales, lequel est historiquement contingent. Il en va ainsi d’une interrogation, que nous poursuivrons dans un relevé des principaux concepts à l’aide desquels Sigmund Freud, Norbert Elias, Max Weber et Michel Foucault ont pensé les modalités du façonnement social et historique de la subjectivité, et par le biais de laquelle nous espérons expliquer pourquoi le « type d’homme » sur lequel s’appuie le régime libéral moderne implique le vécu d’une expérience affective marquée par un rapport tendu entre le désir et le sentiment de la vulnérabilité.