Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal / Pour respecter les droits d'auteur, la version électronique de cette thèse ou ce mémoire a été dépouillée, le cas échéant, de ses documents visuels et audio-visuels. La version intégrale de la thèse ou du mémoire a été déposée au Service de la gestion des documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.

[pt] Através de possíveis entrecruzamentos proporcionados pela relação entre memória e história, a presente tese pretende investigar a cultura política da geração de filhos de militantes brasileiros do período da Ditadura Militar, a partir de depoimentos recolhidos em entrevistas realizadas. As entrevistas proporcionaram uma análise sobre como se relaciona essa geração com o universo do político, e quais heranças políticas foram transmitidas pela geração dos seus pais, ex-militantes do quadro da esquerda brasileira. A respeito das heranças, coube uma avaliação sobre aceitamentos e rejeições de elementos respectivos ao núcleo geracional dos pais, militantes dos anos sessenta e setenta contra o regime militar. São temas estruturais deste trabalho os domínios da memória e seu diálogo com a história, o conceito de geração e sua relação com a noção de cultura política, assim como as heranças políticas herdadas e rejeitadas por uma geração, situada no tempo e no espaço entre continuidades e rupturas históricas referentes a transições entre processos políticos. / [en] Through possible crossovers provided by the relationship between memory and history, this thesis aims to investigate the political culture of the generation of Brazilian children of militants of the period of military dictatorship, based on statements taken from interviews. The interviews provided an analysis of how this generation relates to the universe of politics, and which policy legacies were transmitted by their parents generation, formers militants of the Brazilian left wing. Regarding inheritance, an assessment was made about accepting and rejecting the core elements of their parents generation, activists of the sixties and seventies against the military regime. Structural issues of this work are areas of memory and its dialogue with history area, the concept of generation and its relationship with the notion of political culture, as well as the political legacies inherited and rejected by a generation, situated in time and space between continuities and historical breakthroughs related to transitions among political processes.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-12-08T16:59:52Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Juliana.pdf: 2135596 bytes, checksum: 931a7e487655920e528ef616fb9e0eed (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-04-13 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This research discusses from the biographical narrative of ClotildesLalau, how the populations of African origin were organized in Criciúma/SC, the spaces occupied by men and women inside the Black Movement of the city.The performance of Clotildes as a militant, fighting against the racism, conferences organized by she and other groups in the Black Movement, the texts and writings she wrote articles aimed at combating discrimination, the importance that theAssociação da EtniaNegra de Tradição e Cultura, and the SociedadeRecreativaUniãoOperária had in its history.We analyze the action played by Clotildes in the process of insertion African descent in the discourse about ethnicity and ethnic groups that dominated in Criciúma in the celebrations of the centenary of the city and in the organization of the I Festa da EtniaNegra. Her performance as an educator, her commitment to generate educational opportunities for people of African origin, the preparation of women of African descent to serve the post of teachers, the feminization of mastership, the meanings of to be teacher, the schoolarization process of popular classes and the importance of education as an instrument of social mobility for people of African origin / Este trabalho busca discutir, a partir da narrativa biográfica de Clotildes Lalau, como as populações de origem africana se organizavam em Criciúma/SC, os espaços ocupados por homens e mulheres no interior do Movimento Negro de Criciúma. A atuação de Clotildes como militante, o combate ao racismo, os congressos organizados por ela e outros grupos do Movimento Negro, os textos e artigos por ela escritos voltados ao combate à discriminação, a importância que a Associação da Etnia Negra de Tradição e Cultura e a Sociedade Recreativa União Operária tiveram em sua trajetória. Analisamos o papel desempenhado por Clotildes Lalau no processo de inserção dos/as afrodescendentes nos discursos sobre etnia e grupos étnicos que dominaram Criciúma nas comemorações do Centenário da cidade e na organização da I Festa da Etnia Negra. A sua atuação como educadora, seu empenho em proporcionar oportunidades de estudo para as populações de origem africana, a preparação de mulheres afrodescendentes para exercerem o cargo de professoras normalistas, a feminização do magistério, os significados de ser professora normalista, o processo de escolarização das classes populares e a importância da educação enquanto instrumento de ascensão social para as populações de origem africana

Dès la fin du dix-huitième siècle, des voix s’élèvent pour défendre la cause des femmes et dénoncer les inégalités dont elles sont victimes par rapport aux hommes au sein de la société britannique. On peut songer, notamment, à Mary Wollstonecraft dont le célèbre pamphlet, très controversé intitulé : A Vindication of the Rights of Woman est publié en 1792. Néanmoins, si les arguments avancés par Mary Wollstonecraft ont eu une influence certaine, on ne saurait parler à la fin du dix-huitième siècle, de naissance du mouvement féministe en Grande-Bretagne. Ainsi, ce n’est que vers les années 1850-1860, dans le contexte de la Révolution Industrielle et des bouleversements qu’elle engendre au niveau de la société, que se constitue, progressivement le mouvement féministe, en tant que tel. Cette thèse a pour objet de retracer et d’analyser le cheminement qui a conduit à l’émergence du mouvement féministe en Grande-Bretagne sachant que le terme féministe appliqué à cette période pose un certain nombre de problèmes. Il s’agira également de mettre en lumière certains aspects du mouvement féministe auxquels la recherche s’est souvent moins intéressée et notamment, la contribution active de certains hommes au combat mené par les féministes pour la reconnaissance des droits des femmes en matière de droit de propriété pour les femmes mariées et de droit de vote, la question de la filiation entre la première génération de militantes féministes et les suffragettes sera aussi l'objet d'une étude approfondie. / In the eighteenth century, certain women took their pen and resolved to expose the inequalities they were confronted with as women, within British society. The most famous one is probably Mary Wollstonecraft whose controversial pamphlet entitled : A Vindication of the Rights of Woman was published in 1792. However, this new awareness did not result at least in the eighteenth century, in the emergence of an organized feminist movement. How did feminist consciousnesss gradually give rise to concrete actions, leading to the emergence of an organized feminist movement? In fact, it was only around 1850-1860, within the context of the Industrial Revolution, and its consequences on British society as a whole, that an organized feminist movement gradually took shape in Great-Britain. We should nevertheless bear in mind the problematic nature of the term feminist as applied to this period.The object of this dissertation will be to identify and examine the various stages that led to the emergence of an organized feminist movement, while enhancing some of its specific aspects such as, partnership between men and women or the issue of the links between suffragists and suffragettes in terms of continuity and discontinuity.

CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeiÃoamento de Pessoal de NÃvel Superior / O presente estudoÂse debruÃaÂsobre a trajetÃria militante do anarquista Pedro Augusto Motta, cuja vidaÂÃ marcada por significativa atuaÃÃo sociopolÃtica no Brasil das primeiras dÃcadas do sÃculo XX. Ao estudar as dimensÃes de sua vida militante, discute-se, de forma articulada, o movimento operÃrio, o anarquismo e a militÃncia libertÃria, particularmente nas cidades de Fortaleza e SÃo Paulo. Analisando a trajetÃria do personagem em diÃlogo com as experiÃncias militantes de seu tempo, no Ãmbito das prÃticas e sociabilidades anarquistas, em um perÃodo compreendido entre o ano de 1894 e 1927, o trabalho discute a circulaÃÃo das ideias novas, situando o tipÃgrafo Pedro Augusto Motta em relaÃÃo a uma geraÃÃo de jovens militantes e trabalhadores de ofÃcios vÃrios, em Fortaleza, bem como, sua adesÃo ao sindicalismo de resistÃncia, a escrita militante na imprensa libertÃria e a propaganda do anarquismo e do sindicalismo revolucionÃrio. Em destaque,Âa militÃncia do libertÃrio cearense em SÃo Paulo, onde se torna membro do grupo editor dâA Plebe e do Centro LibertÃrio Terra Livre. O estudo aborda tambÃm, no contexto de intensa repressÃo dos inÃcios dos anos 1920, a prisÃo e o desterro de Pedro Augusto Motta no campo de concentraÃÃo da ClevelÃndia do Norte, no Oiapoque. / The present research covers the militant trajectory of the anarchist Pedro Augusto Motta, whose life is marked by significant sociopolitical acting in Brazil during the first decades of the 20th century. On studying the dimensions of his militant life, it is discussed the labor movement, the anarchism and its militancy articulately, particularly in the cities Fortaleza and SÃo Paulo. Analyzing the trajectory of such a character and his dialogue with the militant experiences in his time, within the ambit of the anarchist practices and sociabilities over a span between 1894 and 1927, this work discusses the circulation of new ideas which situated the typographer Pedro Augusto Motta in relation to a generation of young militant and workers of various crafts, in Fortaleza, as well as his adherence to resistance syndicalism, militant writing on anarchist press and anarchist and revolutionary syndicalism propaganda. It also highlights his militancy in SÃo Paulo, where he became member of Centro LibertÃrio Terra Livre and part of the editor group of A Plebe newspaper. Considering the context of intense repression in the early twenties, the study also deals with the prison and deportation of Pedro Augusto Motta to a concentration camp in ClevelÃndia do Norte, Oyapoque, Amazon forest.

Se o exercício comparativo desta pesquisa iniciou seu percurso recorrendo a breves elementos comuns e numerosas diferenças entre os romances Nós, os do Makulusu, de José Luandino Vieira, e Un fusil dans la main, un poème dans la poche, de Emmanuel Dongala, o desenvolvimento analítico permitiu construir um diálogo profícuo entre as obras valendo-se dos conceitos de oposição e contradição, didática e dialética. À sua maneira, cada uma das duas narrativas materializa questões que parecem apontar para diferenças significativas também na constituição dos sistemas literários vizinhos a que pertencem. Neste sentido, ao dar enfoque às complexas relações que articulam a produção literária às dinâmicas sociais de seus contextos, empreendeu-se um esforço de reflexão acerca das tensões e contradições que marcaram os processos históricos das colonizações portuguesa e francesa em Angola e Congo-Brazzaville partindo das particularidades de composição verificadas em cada um dos textos literários. Através desse processo, buscou-se explicitar como as contingências agem de modo complexo e intrincado, de forma a influenciar dialeticamente as possibilidades de representação e as escolhas formais dos autores. / If the comparative exercise of this research began its course using brief common elements and numerous differences between the novels Nós, os do Makulusu, by José Luandino Vieira, and Un fusil dans la main, un poème dans la poche by Emmanuel Dongala, the analytical development allowed to construct a fruitful dialogue between the texts using the concepts of opposition and contradiction, didacticism and dialectic. In its own way, each one of these two narratives materializes issues that seem to point to meaningful differences also on the nature of the neighboring literary systems in which they belong. In this sense, by giving focus to the intricate relations that articulate the literary production to the social dynamics of its contexts, an endeavour of reflection was undertook about the tensions and contradictions which branded the historical processes of the Portuguese and French colonizations in Angola and Congo-Brazzaville starting from the peculiarities of composition verified in each of the literary texts. Through this process, it was sought to make explicit how the contingencies act in complex and intricate ways, in order to dialectically influence the possibilities of representation and the formal choices of the authors.

Submitted by Simone Maisonave (simonemaisonave@hotmail.com) on 2014-11-13T18:31:54Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Santa Julia da Silva_Dissertação.pdf: 2350054 bytes, checksum: fced04794195b7afe1ff6026a60d14b6 (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-11-13T18:31:54Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Santa Julia da Silva_Dissertação.pdf: 2350054 bytes, checksum: fced04794195b7afe1ff6026a60d14b6 (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-09-26 / Sem bolsa / Este estudo aborda numa perspectiva antropológica, a trajetória política e intelectual de Oliveira Silveira considerando um intelectual contemporâneo com uma significativa contribuição para a atualização do pensamento social brasileiro, por meio da elaboração de contranarrativas sobre a presença negra no país. As múltiplas frentes de atuação de Oliveira Silveira impulsionam a refletir sobre os atravessamentos identitários por meio dos quais este se constitui na pessoa-personagem narrada pelos interlocutores dessa pesquisa. Tomando como aporte as discussões que procuram atualizar o campo antropológico em termos teórico-metodológico, este trabalho se inspira na perspectiva de Sahlins (1990), Turner (2005) e Gonçalves (2010), autores que pensam a relação entre ação e estrutura, bem como a relação entre esquemas culturais prévios e as apropriações que os sujeitos fazem deles. Incorpora-se a perspectiva de Said (1993) que discute o papel do intelectual na sociedade contemporânea. Busca-se nos estudos pós-coloniais elementos convergentes para situar Oliveira Silveira como intelectual diaspórico e como portador de uma identidade híbrida representada pela articulação conjunta de sua identidade regional e de sua identidade negra. O estudo procura descrever os deslocamentos vivenciados por Oliveira Silveira tanto no sentido geográfico como sentido simbólico. Este foi o proponente do Vinte de Novembro como data de maior significado para a história negra do país, sendo também atuante em organizações negras, tais como: clubes sociais negros, escolas de samba, congadas. Além disso, organizou vários grupos de ativismo político na capital, o primeiro deles, o Grupo Palmares e depois o Grupo Semba, Razão Negra, Revista Tição e Associação Negra de Cultura. Todas as organizações lideradas por Oliveira Silveira se destinavam, simultaneamente, à luta política e à promoção da cultura negra. Essa dissertação se propõe a apresentar o percurso etnográfico percorrido para apreender como diferentes pessoas, que conviveram com Oliveira Silveira em diferentes momentos compreenderam, significaram e valorizaram a trajetória deste intelectual e ativista. A partir da proposta de etnografia multisituada de George Marcus (1994), a pesquisa procurou identificar a forma como cada interlocutor(a) elaborou sua percepção e interpretação a respeito da trajetória de Oliveira Silveira, convertendo-as em narrativas. / The presuppositions of this study address the political and intellectual trajectory of Oliveira Silveira based on an anthropological perspective. This study takes into consideration that he is a contemporary intellectual that provides a meaningful contribution to the update of the Brazilian social thought, through the presentation of counter-narratives related to the black presence in the country. The many places that Oliveira Silveira occupies stimulated the reflection about the identity crossings from which he is constituted in the person-character, narrated by his interlocutors.Taking as a guide to the discussions that focus on updating the anthropological field in theoretical-methodological terms, it was adopted in this study the perspectives of Sahlins (1990), Tunner (2005) e Gonçalves (2010), authors that think the relation between action and structure, as well as the place of the individual in the cultural life. In this study, it was incorporated the perspective of Said (1993) who discusses the role of the contemporary intellectual. Studies on convergent elements of the post-colonial period were also consulted in order to place Oliveira Silveira as a diasporic intellectual with a hybrid identity represented though the simultaneous articulation of his regional and black identity. In this study, it is intended to describe this displacement lived by Oliveira Silveira in the physical as well as in the symbolic way. This was the proponent of November twentieth as the date of greatest meaning to the black history of the country, being also active in black organizations, such as: clubs, samba schools and congadas. Besides, he has organized many groups in the capital, the first of them, the group Palmares and after the group Semba, Razão Negra, Revista Tição and Associação Negra de Cultura. All these organizations were lead by Oliveira Silveira and aimed at the political fight and to the promotion of the black culture. These dissertations aim at showing how different people, at different moments, understood, made sense and valued the intellectual trajectory of this activist. The choice of the topic of this study brings, a priori in an implicit way, the observation of the meaningful role played by Oliveira Silveira. This research aimed at identifying how each one chose to narrate their perception and comprehension related to the trajectory of Oliveira Silveira.

[pt] O presente estudo busca compreender como se deu o processo de constituição e formação do Pré-Vestibular - núcleo Vila Operária - que se localiza no município de Nova Iguaçu (Rio de Janeiro) e também identificar as motivações de seus idealizadores que levaram o surgimento desse movimento social e a sua importância para a comunidade local. Os pré-vestibulares comunitários, especialmente o PVNC – Vila Operária, vêm desde a década de 1990 formando jovens da classe trabalhadora e principalmente negros, para ingressarem nas Universidades públicas e privadas (com bolsas). A prioridade desse movimento social não é só favorecer uma classe menos privilegiada a ter uma disputa mais justa nos vestibulares, mas também formar um cidadão consciente e crítico dos valores da sociedade, qualificando-a assim para o mercado de trabalho e não para uma reprodução capitalista da mais valia. A presente pesquisa utilizou o método qualitativo que busca informações relevantes sobre o PVNC – Vila Operária para assim levantar as questões pertinentes ao objeto proposto, foram utilizadas entrevistas com os protagonistas que militaram para a construção desse núcleo. Além disso, a pesquisa buscou entender o conceito de cultura e cidadania oferecido pelo núcleo – Vila Operária e sua importância social, já que para o movimento essa disciplina pode contribuir para uma mobilidade social ascendente de seus alunos e para uma busca mais direcionada de seus direitos. As ações afirmativas debatidas dentro da disciplina cultura e cidadania como uma forma de reconhecimento de uma desigualdade imposta à população negra também compõem o campo de pesquisa dessa dissertação. / [en] This study aimed to understand how was the process of constitution and formation of the Pre – Vestibular - Vila Operária- which is located in Nova Iguaçu (Rio de Janeiro) and also identify the motivations of its founders that led the emergence of this social movement and its importance to the local community. Community pre-vestibular, especially PVNC - Workers Village, come from the 1990s training young working class and mostly black, to join in public and private universities (with Studentships). The priority of this social movement is not only favor a less privileged class to have a fairer dispute in the entrance, but also form a conscious and critical citizens of the values of society, describing it as well for the labor market and not for a capitalist reproduction of surplus value. This research used the qualitative method that seeks relevant information about PVNC - Workers Village for just raise the relevant issues to the proposed object, interviews were used with the protagonists who campaigned to build this core. In addition, the research sought to understand the concept of culture and citizenship offered by the core - Workers Village and its social importance, since for the motion this discipline can contribute to upward social mobility of their students and for a more targeted search your rights. Affirmative action s discussed within the discipline culture and citizenship as a form of recognition of inequality imposed on black people also make up the field of research of this dissertation.

Dans la sphère publique, la nudité est toujours porteuse de signes. Symbolisant la vulnérabilité dans certains contextes, elle peut représenter la folie, la liberté, le désir de choquer, un appel ardent à être écouté. C’est pourquoi les militantes Femen, mouvement féministe activiste, utilisent leur corps comme principale arme de revendication politique, se mettant en scène les seins nus dans leurs manifestations. Malgré leur visibilité qui s’étend maintenant à l’échelle internationale, leurs méthodes de revendications restent très controversées et suscitent de nombreuses critiques. Mais au-delà de ces critiques, de quoi nous « parle » le mouvement Femen? Que nous dit-il sur notre société d’aujourd’hui, sur ses paradoxes, ses tensions et ses rapports de force? Ce mémoire a pour objectif de répondre à ces questions. Il est structuré comme suit : une première partie porte sur l’historique du mouvement et ses orientations ainsi que sur les principales critiques qui lui sont adressées. Cette section présente également le cadre conceptuel du mémoire qui s’articule autour de cinq grands points : la nudité comme outil de contestation politique, la société de l’image, le corps, l’apparence et la beauté, la «résistance urbaine spectaculaire» et enfin, l’engagement et le désengagement militants. La deuxième partie présente la méthodologie, une démarche de type ethnographique comprenant des entretiens semi-dirigés avec des militantes Femen et avec la fondatrice de la branche québécoise ainsi que de l’observation participante lors d’entrainements et de réunions formelles et informelles du groupe. Finalement, la dernière section présente les résultats du terrain. Ceux-ci mettent en évidence les nombreux paradoxes et contradictions inhérents au mouvement, lesquels nous apparaissent comme un condensé de grandes contradictions de notre société. Une société de l’image et du spectacle, où le corps, celui des femmes en particulier, a acquis une centralité particulière et paradoxale. Une société d’individus « libres » mais adhérant à des standards de beauté stéréotypés. Une société où les « causes », celles de la gauche et du féminisme notamment, ont du mal à s’exprimer de façon cohérente, entre autres parce qu’elles sont traversées de tensions internes où l’individu l’emporte trop souvent sur le collectif. Une société, enfin, où le religieux est imbriqué plus que jamais au politique, venant brouiller davantage les lignes de contestation. / In the public scene, nudity always carried signs. Being a symbol of vulnerability in some contexts, it may also represent the madness, freedom, the desire to shock or even an ardent appeal to be heard in some cases. This is actually the reason why activist feminist Femen movement militants are using their bodies as the main weapon of political demands by featuring themselves breast naked in their events. Despite of the visibility of the movement that now extends internationally; their methods of claims remain highly controversial and are the source of several critical. But beyond all these criticisms, what is the Femen movement telling us? What is it telling us about today’s society, on its paradoxes, its tensions and power struggles? This thesis aims to answer these questions. It is structured as follows: A first part focuses on the history of the movement, its directions and the main criticisms addressed to it. This first part is also presenting the conceptual framework of the thesis that is built around five major points: nudity as political protest tool, the image society, the body, appearance and beauty, the “spectacular urban resistance” and finally, engagement and disengagement activist. The second part presents the methodology; an ethnographic approach including semi-structured interviews with Femen activist and founder of the Quebec branch as well as the participant observation during formal and informal trainings and meetings of the group. Finally, the last section presents the results of the field. These highlight the many paradoxes and contradictions inherent in the movement, which we appear as an overview of some of the big contradictions of our society. A society of image and show. Where body, especially women’s body has gained a particular and paradoxical centrality. A society of ‘’free’’ individuals who adhere to stereotypical standards. A society in which "causes", those on the left and feminism in particular, are struggling to speak coherently, in part because of internal tensions crossings where the individual prevails too often on the collective. A society where religion is nested more than ever, blurring once again the protest lines.

Nous avons investi l’entrepreneuriat maghrébin dans la métropole parisienne, région riche de par sa diversité culturelle, avec comme point de départ les activités associatives auxquelles adhérent nos interlocuteurs. A ce titre, nous avons identifié un certain nombre de regroupements et de réseaux crées par des entrepreneurs maghrébins et qui ont pour objectifs, notamment, de fédérer les efforts pour faire face à la concurrence domestique et de faciliter un retour entrepreneurial au pays d’origine. Sur ce plan, nous avons mis en relief les questions d’efficacité de ces associations, voir même leur transformation en entreprises.Nous avons pu évoquer avec nos interlocuteurs les aspects des diasporas maghrébines, notamment celles se rapportant aux difficultés de transmettre la culture d’origine aux descendants, les jeux avec les doubles identités ou l’assimilation avec tout ce que signifie ce mot.Nous avons aussi, évoqué les effets directs et indirects du retour entrepreneurial sur le marché des pays du Maghreb aussi bien sur le plan de l’intégration ou la désintégration économique, que sur le plan de l’emploi, les qualifications et les compétences ainsi que les modes de gouvernance./. / Absract:We discussed in this thesis the maghrebian entrepreneurial ship in Paris, This capital is known by its cultural diversity . the starting point was the association’s activities that make the business men that we meet. We have identified some entrepreneurial network. These network have as missions to federate des efforts of the maghrebian entrepreneurs to conterbalance the concurrents in France and to guarantee the best conditions for the entrepreneurial return to tha origin country in maghreb.We evoked also in this doctoral work, the aspects of maghrebian diasporas, and the difficulties to transmit the original cultures to the younger generations . the acting with the double culture and or the assimilation full integration in the host society (the frensh community) .We studied also some economic consequences of creating company in the origin country (Tunisia) by the maghrebian business men. Especially the economic desintegration or the integration through out the entrepreneurial establishement either creating compagnies or by some partenarship.Kee words: entrepreneurship, associations, network, diasporas, maghrebian, Paris, identities, culture, economic integration,