Les résultats historiques des différents référendums et plébiscites tenus au Canada depuis la Confédération ont révélé de très grandes oppositions entre plusieurs provinces. Le Québec s’est particulièrement distingué du reste du pays lors de certains référendums. En effet, cette province francophone est la seule à s’être opposée majoritairement à la circonscription, à la prohibition, et à avoir voté à deux reprises pour se séparer du reste du Canada. Or, notre compréhension de l’origine des distinctions d’opinions entre les provinces canadiennes, et plus particulièrement celle du Québec, demeure encore floue aujourd’hui. Il est donc important de remonter dans le temps pour voir si celles-ci étaient présentes au début du 20e siècle, notamment en étudiant l’enjeu de santé publique lié à la prohibition. Ce mémoire s’intéresse donc à la relation entre plusieurs variables socio-démographiques et les résultats du vote lors de différents référendums. Des mouvements en faveur de la prohibition se sont formés au milieu du 19e siècle au Canada et aux États-Unis avec des succès inégaux. Le mouvement prohibitionniste canadien n’a jamais réussi à étendre son influence contrairement aux États-Unis, mais celui-ci a quand même réussi à s’introduire au niveau des municipalités à l’aide de la loi sur la tempérance (1878). Le référendum national (1898) fut révélateur d’une forte opposition à cette politique publique au Québec. Les origines de ces disparités régionales, entre le Québec et le reste du Canada, mais aussi au niveau des municipalités au Québec, demeurent inexpliquées aujourd’hui. Or, quels sont les facteurs qui expliquent ces différences ? La littérature sur la tempérance indique que la religion est le facteur explicatif principal de l’appui à la prohibition. D’autres facteurs existent comme l’origine ethnique, la proportion urbaine et rurale, la présence des groupes d’intérêt brassicoles ou le vote des femmes. Néanmoins, la littérature au Canada ne semble pas unanime sur le sujet. À partir d’une analyse de régressions linéaires des moindres carrés ordinaires (MCO) et de modèles linéaires généralisés (MLG) sur les données du recensement canadien (1901, 1921), les votes des référendums et du rapport annuel de la Commission des Liqueurs du Québec (1921-1922), il sera possible de déterminer les facteurs explicatifs de l’appui à la prohibition. Les attitudes des francophones et des catholiques en dehors du Québec seront analysées lors des référendums au Nouveau-Brunswick (1920) et en Nouvelle-Écosse (1920). Un lien avec les attitudes politiques sur la légalisation du cannabis nous pousse à croire que la distinction du Québec s’articule toujours dans sa vision de la santé publique. / The historical results of different referendums and plebiscites held in Canada since the Confederation revealed a high level of opposition between the provinces. Quebec particularly distinguishes itself from the rest of the country during these referendums. Indeed, this province was the only one to oppose conscription, the prohibition and to hold two referendums to secede from Canada. Our understanding of the origins of these differences in the Canadian provinces, and Quebec in particular, is still vague today. It is important to look back in time to see these distinctions at the beginning of the 20th century by studying the multiple issues linked to alcohol and prohibition. This thesis aims to explain the relationship between socio-demographic variables and prohibition plebiscite results. Temperance movements have been founded in the mid-19th centuries in Canada and the United States, with unequal success. Canadian temperance movements never really succeed to extend their influence nationwide, but it was successfully introduced in communities later by the Scott Act (1878). The national referendum of 1898 revealed a strong opposition to prohibition in Quebec. The origins of these regional disparities, between the province of Quebec and the rest of Canada, and at the community-based level in Quebec, has yet to be explained. Which factors account for these differences? In the following analysis, several different variables like ethnic origins, rural and urban proportion, and gender are used to explain the support or opposition toward prohibition. With the data analysis of the Canadian census (1901, 1921), the plebiscite results and the Quebec Liquor Commission annual report (1921-1922), ordinary least squares models (OLS) and generalized linear models (GLM) will be used to analyze multiple variables in support of prohibition. The attitudes of Catholics and French-speaking communities outside Quebec will be analyzed during the New Brunswick (1920) and Nova Scotia plebiscite (1920). A link with the actual political attitudes about the legalization of cannabis tends to show that these distinctions persist through time concerning public health issues in Quebec.

Text in Afrikaans / Summaries in Afrikaans and English / Na meer as veertig jaar het Suid-Afrika 'n nuwe politieke bedeling wat veranderde wetgewing in die vooruitsig stel. 'n Oorweging van 'n dekriminaliseringsbeleid vir die gebruik van dagga, beskou teen die agtergrond van 'n toename in emstige misdaad soos moord, gewapende roof, taxigeweld en verkragting, weerspieel die realiteite van vandag se oorweldigende misdaadprobleem in Suid-Afrika. Een van die belangrikste take van die kriminoloog is om misdaad te omskryf sodat 'n beleid voorgeskryf kan word wat die strafregsplegingstelsel van hulp kan wees om uiteindelik misdaad te verminder of, meer realisties, meer doeltreffend te beheer. Die omskrywing daarvan is egter nie so eenvoudig nie vanwee die kompleksiteit van die mensdom. Inhierdie studie is 'n meningsopname gebruik van sowel jeugdiges, die toekomstige beleidmakers en algemene daggagebruikers, as kenners op die gebied van dwelmrehabilitasie en -beheer, ten einde die wenslikheid van 'n dekriminaliseringsbeleid te beoordeel. Empiriese data van beide groepe (die wetsgehoorsame en die wetsverbrekende) is vir die voorwaardelike steun vir die wetlike beheer van daggagebruik versamel, met die verskil dat eerste- en eksperimentele daggagebruikers wat geen antler misdaadrekord het of by enige misdaadbedrywighede betrokke is, nie 'n misdaadrekord moet kry nie. Die respondente het dus die behoud van strafmaatreels ondersteun, maar met 'n de facto-dekriminalisasie deur middel van nie-toepassing van die wet. Die respondente is van mening dat 'n verslapping van die huidige dwelmwetgewing tot 'n toename in misdaad aanleiding sal gee. Die respondente betwyfel egter die doeltreffendheid van die kriminele regstelsel. Hulle is selfs van mening dat die SAPD nie in staat is om die probleem te bekamp solank die middel in aanvraag is nie. Die studie beklemtoon verder die kompleksiteit en dikwels teenstrydige opvattings ten opsigte van dekriminalisasie ten einde te illustreer hoe moeilik dit is om 'n staatsbeleid daarop te skoei. / After more than forty years, South Africa has a new political dispensation with prospective new legislation. The consideration of a policy of decriminalization for the use of dagga, seen against the background of an increase in serious crimes such as murder, armed robbery, taxi violence and rape, reflects the realities of the current overwhelming crime problem in South Africa. One of the most important tasks of the criminologist is to describe crime in order to facilitate the system of administration of criminal justice in the diminishing of, or more realistically, better control of crime. The description thereof is, however, not simple due to the complexity of humanity. In this study an opinion survey of both youths as the future policy makers and most common users of dagga, and specialists in the field of drug rehabilitation and control was used, in order to determine the expedience of a policy of decriminalization. Empirical data was obtained from both groups (the law abiders and the law-breakers) for the conditional support of legislative control of dagga use, with the exception that first and experimental users with no criminal record or history of criminality should not be subjected to a criminal record. The respondents therefore supported the retention of punitive measures, but with a defacto-decriminalization by way of non­ enforcement of the law. The respondents were of the opinion that the relaxation of the present drug legislation would lead to an increase in crime. The respondents doubt the effectiveness of the criminal justice system, however, they are of the opinion that the SAPS would never be able to combat the problem as long as a demand for the drug continues to exist. The study further emphasizes the complexity and often diverse conceptions of decriminalization in order to illustrate how difficult it is to base a state policy on these conceptions. / Criminology and Security Science / M.A. (Kriminologie)

Au début des années 1920, la ville de Montréal se retrouve dans une situation assez unique. À l’époque, les États-Unis et toutes les provinces canadiennes à l’exception du Québec ont adopté la prohibition de la vente d’alcool. Mais même au Québec, environ la moitié de la population de la province est alors touchée par des prohibitions locales (votées au niveau municipal), des prohibitions qui ont largement perduré tout au long de la période à l’étude. Durant cette ère de prohibition de l’alcool nord-américaine, Montréal est la plus grande ville, et une des seules sur le continent non régie par une loi sur la prohibition. C’est aussi celle qui dispose des lois les plus libérales envers l’alcool des deux côtés du 49ème parallèle grâce à la création de la Commission des Liqueurs de Québec (CLQ), le premier système de contrôle gouvernemental de l’alcool en Amérique du Nord. C’est dans ce contexte que Montréal devient une rare oasis dans un continent assoiffé et le plus grand cobaye du modèle de contrôle gouvernemental de l’alcool. Ce mémoire examine les impacts de cette conjoncture sur le développement de cette ville, de son industrie touristique, de sa vie nocturne et de sa réputation. En premier lieu, le mémoire présente une mise en contexte de la situation aux États-Unis, au Canada et au Québec afin de faire ressortir le caractère unique de Montréal pendant cette période. En deuxième lieu, l’essor du tourisme dit « de liqueur » et de la vie nocturne montréalaise, à la fois légale et illicite, est exploré. En dernier lieu, le mémoire met au jour l’impact que cette conjoncture a eu sur la construction de la réputation de la ville à travers l’examen des écrits des anti- et pro-prohibitionnistes qui ont chacun propagé des visions idéalisées et démonisées de cette ville « bien arrosée », ainsi que des documents associés à l’essor du tourisme, tels que les chansons, les guides touristiques et les récits de voyage, qui, pour leur part, ont présenté un image plus romancée de la métropole et associée à un refuge festif de la prohibition. Malgré leurs différences, ces trois visions de Montréal l’ont néanmoins associée à la liberté, que ce soit une liberté ordonnée, dangereuse ou bien émancipatrice. Ainsi, à partir de l’expérience de la prohibition et du tourisme de liqueur, Montréal devient connue comme une ville « ouverte », dans ses acceptions à la fois positives et négatives. / At the beginning of the 1920s, the city of Montreal found itself in a rather unique situation. At the time, the United States and every Canadian province with the exception of Quebec had adopted prohibition of alcohol. Yet even in Quebec, about half of the population of the province was under local prohibitions (voted at the municipal level) since the beginning of the 20th century, prohibitions which persisted for the most part throughout the period under study. During this era of prohibition of alcohol in North America, Montreal was the largest city, and one of the only on the continent, not under prohibition. It was also the city living under the most liberal alcohol laws on both sides of 49th parallel thanks to the creation of the Quebec Liquor Commission (QLC), the first system of government control of alcohol in North America. Thus, Montreal became a rare oasis in a continent left parched by prohibition and the largest guinea pig of the government control model. This thesis examines the impacts of this conjuncture on the development of the city, specifically of its tourism industry, its nightlife, and its reputation. The thesis begins with a contextualization of prohibition in the United States, in Canada and in Quebec in order to reveal the uniqueness of Montréal during this period. Next, the rapid expansion of « liquor tourism » as well as the city’s nightlife, both legal and illicit, are explored. Lastly, this thesis explores the impact that this conjuncture had on the construction of the city’s reputation throughout the writings of anti- and pro-prohibitionists, who propagated both idealised and demonised views of the city, as well as the documents associated with the tourism boom, such as songs, tourist guides and travel writing, which presented a more romanticized vision of the city as a festive refuge from prohibition. Despite their differences, these three visions all associated Montreal with liberty, whether it is one that is well managed by the government, dangerous and out of control, or emancipating. Thus, through the era of prohibition and the phenomenon of liquor tourism, Montreal came to be known as an “open” city, in both a positive and a negative sense.

This investigation into local government and politics surrounding the liquor question significantly unveils the turmoil within a community over an issue of intense interest, It illustrates how a gap in legislation enabled subversion of incorporation laws and violation of the majority will by a small but determined group. The pressures and tactics used by both opposing interests in this crisis reveal misuse of the law, possible pay-offs, secret meetings of public bodies, and other illicit occurrences. More importantly, it demonstrates the respect well-meaning citizens have for established law and order. Both sides fought hard for their interests and beliefs, but when appeals had been made to the highest authority, and the ultimate decision had been rendered, then all adherents accepted the reality of the situation, and co-exist on increasingly friendly terms.

Les partis politiques sont devenus les piliers de la démocratie moderne. De simples groupes inorganisés, ils sont devenus des structures hiérarchisées dont l’objectif est la conquête puis l’exercice du pouvoir. Les contingences historiques ont montré la nécessité pour les démocraties de se doter d’un appareil juridique pour se protéger des partis, mais également pour garantir leurs droits et libertés. Les partis ont donc été consacrés dans les Constitutions d’après-guerre. Cette constitutionnalisation s’est accompagnée de l’adjonction de Lois des partis ainsi que de dispositions législatives règlementant le droit des partis. La question du statut constitutionnel des partis se posait, alimentée par les décisions du juge constitutionnel, amené à se prononcer sur les droits, libertés et exigences des partis, dans le cadre du contrôle de constitutionnalité.Dès lors, il était intéressant d’aborder une approche comparatiste des partis politiques, sous l'angle du droit constitutionnel comparé, en l’occurrence du contentieux constitutionnel. La constitutionnalisation structurelle opposée à la consécration fonctionnelle permet de mettre en relief les grands principes directeurs du droit des partis. Ont ainsi été dégagés les principes de liberté, d’égalité, ainsi que celui de la transparence. Les partis sont confrontés aux exigences et aux interdictions, issues aussi bien des textes constitutionnels que législatifs. Les Cours constitutionnelles allemande, espagnole, italienne, française et portugaise apportent leurs appréciations, dont les travaux proposent une analyse détaillée. Le juge constitutionnel a certes remplit sa mission de protecteur de la Constitution en assurant la protection des principes démocratiques, mais dans le même temps, il s’est révélé le protecteur des droits et libertés des partis / Les partis politiques sont devenus les piliers de la démocratie moderne. De simples groupes inorganisés, ils sont devenus des structures hiérarchisées dont l’objectif est la conquête puis l’exercice du pouvoir. Les contingences historiques ont montré la nécessité pour les démocraties de se doter d’un appareil juridique pour se protéger des partis, mais également pour garantir leurs droits et libertés. Les partis ont donc été consacrés dans les Constitutions d’après-guerre. Cette constitutionnalisation s’est accompagnée de l’adjonction de Lois des partis ainsi que de dispositions législatives règlementant le droit des partis. La question du statut constitutionnel des partis se posait, alimentée par les décisions du juge constitutionnel, amené à se prononcer sur les droits, libertés et exigences des partis, dans le cadre du contrôle de constitutionnalité.Dès lors, il était intéressant d’aborder une approche comparatiste des partis politiques, sous l'angle du droit constitutionnel comparé, en l’occurrence du contentieux constitutionnel. La constitutionnalisation structurelle opposée à la consécration fonctionnelle permet de mettre en relief les grands principes directeurs du droit des partis. Ont ainsi été dégagés les principes de liberté, d’égalité, ainsi que celui de la transparence. Les partis sont confrontés aux exigences et aux interdictions, issues aussi bien des textes constitutionnels que législatifs. Les Cours constitutionnelles allemande, espagnole, italienne, française et portugaise apportent leurs appréciations, dont les travaux proposent une analyse détaillée. Le juge constitutionnel a certes remplit sa mission de protecteur de la Constitution en assurant la protection des principes démocratiques, mais dans le même temps, il s’est révélé le protecteur des droits et libertés des partis

A presente pesquisa tem por objetivo analisar o uso do método da proporcionalidade para decidir questões acerca de direitos sociais. Nesse sentido, antes relacionada somente à proibição do excesso (Übermaßverbot), a proporcionalidade passa a ter reconhecida sua outra face, denominada proibição da proteção insuficiente ou deficiente (Untermaßverbot). O legislador e o administrador passam a ter suas ações balizadas pela proibição do excesso de intervenção e pela imposição da intervenção para proteção de direitos. O termo pouco usual se refere ao controle judicial das omissões do legislador e administrador, na medida em que orienta a atividade deles quando da conformação e implementação dos direitos sociais. Os escassos estudos na doutrina não permitiram o desenvolvimento do método em relação aos direitos sociais no Brasil, em que pese a jurisprudência do Supremo Tribunal Federal se utilizar da proporcionalidade como proibição da proteção insuficiente ou deficiente em alguns de seus julgados, especialmente em época recente. Mas se a utilização de tal método na argumentação judicial passa a ser vista de forma recorrente, o Tribunal deve primeiro ter clareza de seus elementos quando pretende invocá-lo em suas decisões e até mesmo firmeza da utilidade de seu uso quanto a esses direitos. Ainda, tem-se que o transplante de métodos de revisão judicial dos direitos de defesa para os direitos sociais merece estudo específico, tanto em relação à concepção desses direitos quanto à possível aplicabilidade da proporcionalidade, pois as diferenças entre eles apontam que nem sempre ambos os direitos comportarão argumentações idênticas para os problemas que enfrentam. / This research aims to analyze the use of the proportionality method for deciding social rights questions. Thus, the proportionality was related before only to prohibition of excessive state actions (Übermaßverbot), begins to have its other face recognized, called prohibition of lacking or insufficient state actions (Untermaßverbot). The legislator and administrator now have their actions bounded by the prohibition of \"excessive intervention\" and by the imposing of \"intervention to protection\" rights. The unusual term refers to the judicial control of the omissions of the legislator and administrator, in so far as guides their activity of conformation and implementation of social rights. The few studies on the doctrine did not allowed the development of the method regarding the social rights in Brazil, notwithstanding the fact that the jurisprudence of the Supreme Court uses proportionality as prohibition of lacking or insufficient state actions in some of its decisions, especially recently. But if the use of such a method in the judicial argumentation starts to be seen recurrently, the Court must first get clear of its elements when intends to invoke it in their decisions and even firmness of utility of its use regarding such rights. Also, the transplantation of judicial review methods of defense rights for social rights deserves a specific study, both in relation to the understanding of these rights and in relation to the possible applicability of proportionality, cause the differences between them suggest that not always both rights shall include arguments identical to the problems they face.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-10T10:47:35Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 LAURA MARIA DARQUES FERREIRA.pdf: 995605 bytes, checksum: 255cdf3519595a632f5bc36895664967 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-05-13 / In the present study we advocate that the Bolsa Família Program must be understood as a state policy, as it is a public policy essential to the efficacy of social rights. In being a state policy of Social Rights the Bolsa Família Program is implicitly constitutionalized, or the Constitutionalists advocates, integrates the material constitution . Social rights acquired constitutional status with the 1988 Constitution, and their positive nature, require public policies to effect them. / Na presente pesquisa, defende-se que o Programa Bolsa Família deve ser entendido como uma política de Estado, visto ser uma política pública assistencial imprescindível à efetivação dos direitos sociais. Como política de governo, transforma-se em instrumento de direcionamento de votos, estigmatização de indivíduos e enfraquecimento da democracia (revitalização do voto de cabresto). Por ser uma política de Estado efetivadora de direitos sociais, entende-se que o Programa Bolsa Família está, implicitamente,constitucionalizado; ou, como afirmam os constitucionalistas, integra a chamada constituição material. Os direitos sociais adquiriram status constitucional devido à Constituição de 1988 e, por ostentarem natureza prestacional, impõem que as políticas públicas que lhes efetivem também possuam essa guarida constitucional.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-10T10:47:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Osvaldo Ferreira de Carvalho.pdf: 2625445 bytes, checksum: 89eda0d1f8d858e66f6918a8811b91b9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-12-14 / This master's thesis focuses on the legal certainty and efficiency of basic social rights. Argued that all social rights create legal positions favorable to allow individuals to whom from the constitutional norm, independently of any legislative exercise immediately bringing benefits to them are the object. Fundamental social rights, once they have obtained some degree of achievement will be, while ensuring institutional and subjective right. Because of this, it was shown that the prohibition of social regression can be considered one of the consequences of legal-subjective perspective of fundamental social rights in its size prestational in this context, assuming the condition of real rights of defense against measures to stamp setback, whose purpose is the elimination or reduction. Social rights are not denied the nature of fundamental rights with legally and fully effective, that is, full potential of completion, there is, therefore, a primacy of individual rights over social rights. The protection and effectiveness of basic social rights can only be achieved when a minimum of legal certainty, because this requires a guarantee of certain stability of legal relations and the order Legal. Besides the establishment of social rights alongside the rights of freedom, there is an appreciation of the idea of social solidarity and subsidiarity, similar to the consolidation and deepening of political democracy. It is that, currently, the elements of sociality and democracy have become inseparable in the State Constitution. / Esta dissertação de mestrado tem como foco a segurança jurídica e a eficácia dos direitos sociais fundamentais. Sustenta-se que todos os direitos sociais fundamentais geram posições jurídicas favoráveis aos indivíduos aos quais possibilitam a partir da norma constitucional e independentemente de qualquer interposição legislativa o exercício imediato das prestações que lhes constituem o objeto. Os direitos sociais fundamentais, uma vez que tenham obtido determinado grau de realização passam a constituir, simultaneamente, garantia institucional e direito subjetivo. Em razão disso, aponta-se que a proibição de retrocesso social pode ser considerada uma das consequências da perspectiva jurídico subjetiva dos direitos sociais fundamentais na sua dimensão prestacional que, neste contexto, assumem a condição de verdadeiros direitos de defesa contra medidas de cunho retrocessivo, que tenham por finalidade a sua eliminação ou redução. Aos direitos sociais não são negados a natureza de direitos fundamentais com força jurídica e plena eficácia, isto é, plena potencialidade de realização; não existindo, pois, uma primazia dos direitos individuais sobre os direitos sociais. A proteção e a eficácia dos direitos sociais fundamentais apenas serão possíveis quando estiver assegurado um mínimo de segurança jurídica, pois esta pressupõe a garantia de certa estabilidade das relações jurídicas e da própria ordem jurídica. Para além da consagração dos direitos sociais ao lado dos direitos de liberdade, assiste-se a uma valorização da ideia de solidariedade social e de subsidiariedade, semelhantemente à consolidação e aprofundamento da democracia política. Destaca-se que, atualmente, os elementos da socialidade e da democracia tornaram-se indissociáveis no âmbito do Estado Constitucional.

Cette thèse, consacrée à l’expression de l’interdiction en russe moderne, étudie les différents types d’énoncés prohibitifs. L’acte de langage d’interdiction correspond à un énoncé performatif et contraignant incitant au non-accomplissement d’une action perçue comme indésirable par le locuteur. Cet énoncé crée, pour l’allocutaire, une obligation qui jusque-là n’existait pas. L’expression de l’interdiction se fait à différents niveaux de communication et par des moyens linguistiques de natures diverses : pragmatique, syntaxique ou lexicale. Outre les énoncés performatifs, l’interdiction peut être exprimée par des énoncés comportant une valeur illocutoire d’interdiction, y compris par des actes de langage indirects.Si les types d’énoncés prohibitifs sont nombreux, ils ne sont pas interchangeables. D’une part, ils ne peuvent être employés indifféremment dans n’importe quel contexte et ils relèvent de niveaux de langues différents. D’autre part, les disparités existant dans la force illocutoire des différents énoncés prohibitifs ont été mises en évidence. La force illocutoire d’un énoncé prohibitif résulte du choix du type d’énoncé retenu, mais aussi des moyens linguistiques qui peuvent être employés pour le moduler.Cette étude a permis d’établir une typologie des énoncés prohibitifs. Ces énoncés peuvent se répartir en trois catégories : les énoncés qui signifient l’interdiction par exception, les énoncés habituellement prohibitifs et les énoncés invariablement prohibitifs.S’y ajoute la question de l’évolution de la langue, notamment par un effet de contamination des langues européennes. Cette évolution se traduit par le recours moins fréquent aux tournures les plus catégoriques, ainsi que par l’introduction de formules de politesse de plus en plus fréquentes. / This thesis is dedicated to prohibitive commands in modern Russian and studies the various speech strategies expressing negative commands. Prohibitive speech acts correspond to compulsory and performative utterances urging the non-accomplishment of an action perceived as undesirable by the speaker. Due to this utterance, the addressee has no other option than compliance, which was not the case before.Prohibitive commands are expressed at various communication levels and by a wide range of linguistic means: pragmatic, syntactic or lexical.Besides performative utterances, prohibition can be expressed by utterances with a prohibitive illocutionary force, including indirect speech acts. Although negative commands can be expressed by various strategies, they are not interchangeable. On the one hand, any negative command cannot be used in all contexts and in addition, the registers are different.On the other hand, the disparities in the illocutionary force of command of the various prohibitive strategies could be established. The illocutionary force of a prohibitive command both results from the selected linguistic strategy, but also from the means of modulation that can be used.This study enabled us to establish a typology of negative commands. The latter can be displayed in three categories: utterances whose prohibitive meaning occurs exceptionally, usually prohibitive utterances and invariably prohibitive utterances. Furthermore, the evolution of the Russian language has to be taken into account, among others by a contamination effect from European languages. This evolution leads to a less frequent resort to the strongest prohibitive commands, as well as to the increasing use of politeness strategies.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-05T17:16:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 11 / Nenhuma / Esta pesquisa consiste na análise do Princípio da Proibição do Retrocesso Social a partir dos pressupostos da Hermenêutica Filosófica. Inicialmente, aborda-se a Hermenêutica Filosófica a partir dos postulados do “círculo hermenêutico” e da “diferença ontológica” entre ser e ente, apresentando a referida matriz teórica como instrumento de rompimento com o modo de pensar metafísico e com a dogmática jurídica tradicional, buscando atribuir sentido ao paradigma do Estado Democrático de Direito. Posteriormente, realiza-se a análise do Princípio da Proibição do Retrocesso Social a partir do paradigma do Estado Democrático de Direito, através da elaboração de uma Teoria da Constituição adequada à realidade brasileira e do duplo viés de realização dos Direitos Fundamentais. Por fim, analisa-se o estado da arte, verificando-se a aplicação do Princípio do Retrocesso Social em Tribunais estrangeiros e pátrios, privilegiando-se a análise do discurso decisório do Supremo Tribunal Federal / This research consists of the analysis of the Principle of the Prohibition of the Social Retrocession from the estimated ones of the Philosophical Hermeneutics. Initially, it from the postulates of the “hermeneutic circle” and the “ontological difference” between to be and being is approached Philosophical Hermeneutic, having presented related the first theoretician as instrument of disruption with the way to think Metaphysical and the traditional legal dogmatic, searching to attribute sensible to the paradigm of the Democratic State of Right. Later, it is become fullfilled analysis of the Principle of the Prohibition of the Social Retrocession from the paradigm of the Democratic State of Right, through the elaboration of a Theory of the adequate Constitution to the Brazilian reality and of the double bias of accomplishment of the Basic Rights. Finally, the state of the art is analyzed, verifying itself it application of the Principle of the Social Retrocession in foreign and native Courts, being privileged i