Basée sur l’idée de progrès, la science moderne, d’inspiration cartésienne, est perçue par Simone Weil comme la principale cause de la crise moderne des valeurs. Sous-tendue par le mouvement droit, elle a perdu le principe d’analogie et s’est, de la sorte, dessaisie du monde ambiant des réalités quotidiennes. Aussi apparaît-elle non seulement comme à la source du scientisme, de la croyance en une raison scientifique autonome et du culte rendu aux applications techniques, mais aussi à l’origine du capitalisme industriel, du communisme révolutionnaire, du totalitarisme, de l’effondrement de l’ordre axiologique universel traditionnel concomitant à la crise de la civilisation. Les conséquences issues de ce mouvement de déracinement n’ont pas seulement conduit à l’oppression prolétarienne et coloniale ou au modernisme comme primat des valeurs d’innovation sur les valeurs de tradition, mais surtout à l’oppression généralisée et à l’oubli des structures axiologiques primordiales universelles que sont l’Etre, la Nécessité, le Passé, le Surnaturel. Fondé sur une dialectique structurelle déracinement-enracinement, pesanteur-grâce, le discours philosophique de Simone Weil sur la modernité poursuit un double enjeu. Sans se démarquer de la raison philosophique immanente, elle s’attelle à la fois à la dénonciation des propensions et défaillances qu’offrent les valeurs illusoires modernes d’argent, d’algèbre, de machinisme, d’impérialisme, de révolution, de démocratie, qu’à la conception d’une philosophie de la médiation des valeurs apte à contribuer à la renaissance d’une culture d’attention au capital axiologique de l’humanité. En effet, la modernité n’apparaissant plus que comme synonyme de crise des valeurs, il convient de tirer au clair ce piège qui fait de l’homme l’esclave de ses propres productions en y entreprenant une herméneutique ouverte non seulement au principe ontologique de nécessité, au-delà de toute projection avant-gardiste, mais surtout à une herméneutique des civilisations inspiratrices de l’humanité, en dehors de tout misonéisme passéiste, où le Surnaturel s’atteste dans sa plénitude comme critérium des valeurs authentiques et principe de médiation témoignant de l’enracinement de toutes choses dans l’être. Sans être en opposition avec les impératifs de découverte, d’invention et de développement, la philosophie weilienne de la médiation des valeurs se dévoile dans sa posture et sa validité comme une philosophie d’inspiration universelle à l’enracinement des peuples, des cultures et des nations, attentive à une pensée permanente des rapports entre la tradition et l’innovation, l’universalité et l’historicité. / Based on the idea of progress, the modern science, inspired by Descartes, is seen by Simone Weil as the primary cause of the modern crisis of values. Sustained by a linear movement, this science has lost the principle of analogy and, by consequent, it has lost its bindings with the surrounding world of everyday reality. Also, this science shows itself not only as the source of scientism, this belief in an independent scientific reason and the cult of the technical applications, but also as the source of industrial capitalism, of the revolutionary communism, of the totalitarianism, of the collapse of the traditional axiological order simultaneously to the crisis of civilization. Theses consequences resulting from the movement of uprooting not only led to the proletarian and the colonial oppression and to the modernism as the priority of the values of innovation on the values of tradition, but especially to a generalized oppression and the forgetting of the primordial universal axiological structures: the Being, the Need, the Past and the Supernatural.Based on a structural dialectic, the dislocation and the rooting, the fall and salvation, the philosophical discourse on modernity of Simone Weil seeks a double stake. Without a delimitation of the reason of the immanent philosophy, she is equally attached to the denunciation of the propensities and the failures of the modern illusory values of the money, of the algebra, of the machinery, of the imperialism, of the revolution, of the democracy, and to the conception of a philosophy of the mediation of values able to contribute to the rebirth of a culture attentive to the axiological capital of the humanity. Indeed, if the modernity appears no more as a synonym of the crisis of values, we must clarify this trap that makes the man the slave of his own productions by a hermeneutic open not only to the ontological principle of necessary, beyond any avant-garde projection, but principally a hermeneutic of the inspired civilizations of the humanity, without any outdated misoneism, where the Supernatural is attested in its fullness as criterion of the authentic values and as a principle of mediation reflecting the roots of all things in the Being. Without being in a conflict with the requirements of the discovery, of the invention, of the progress, the weilian philosophy of values mediation reveals itself as a philosophy of universal inspiration, founding the rooting of peoples, of cultures and of nations, paying permanent attention to the relationship between the tradition and the innovation, between the universality and the historicity.

Philosophie und Frühantisemitismus bilden den Themenbereich der Arbeit. Der Frühantisemitismus reicht von 1780 bis 1850. Speziell verweigert er die Bürgerrechte für Juden. In diesem Sinn wenden Deutsche Liberale sich während der Entstehungsphase der bürgerlichen Gesellschaften im frühen 19. Jahrhundert gegen die jüdische Emanzipation: F. L. Jahn, E. M. Arndt, K. Follen, C. F. Rühs und J. F. Fries. Im Gegensatz zu ihnen votiert Hegel mit seinen Grundlinien der Philosophie des Rechts entschieden für sie. Er schließt damit an die Erklärung der Menschenrechte in den USA und Frankreich an und führt deren Normativität fort. Es ist das Ergebnis konsequenten Denkens und Hegel überwindet einige seiner früheren antijüdischen Ansichten. Er betont die klare Verbindung zwischen Menschenrechten und Judenemanzipation, geht aber auch darüber hinaus: Sein Konzept fordert eine Integration, die zudem wirtschaftliche und kulturelle Teilhabe verlangt. Hegel opponiert unter historischen Bedingungen gegen die liberalen Frühantisemiten, was ebenso zu berücksichtigen ist, wie die systematischen Argumente der Rechtslehre. Nichtsdestotrotz gelingt ihm kein konsistentes Konzept. Der Grund dafür liegt jedoch in der Realität, die dargestellt werden soll, und nicht bei ihm. Hinsichtlich der internationalen Beziehungen zwischen den modernen Staaten gibt es keine universellen Institutionen mit Macht. Hegel opfert letztlich sein Vorhaben, die universelle Ethik weiterzuentwickeln, weil er dies reflektiert und sich ihm beugt. Unter Berücksichtigung dieses Kontextes müssen seine Konzepte zum Volksgeist betrachtet werden. Die Partikularität des Volksgeistkonzepts gefährdet seinen Entwurf zur Emanzipation, der universal fundiert ist; doch der Grund der Probleme liegt in den internationalen Beziehungen. / In this thesis early anti-semitism is discussed in the context of G.W.F. Hegel’s philosophy. Early anti-semitism spanning from 1780-1850 is particularly concerned with declining Jews any equal civic status. Against the backdrop of civil societies arising in the early 19th century, a group of German authors, including F.L. Jahn, E.M. Arndt, K. Follen, C.F. Rühs, and J.F. Fries, in spite of their liberalism opposed Jewish emancipation in this specific sense. In contrast, Hegel in his Philosophy of Right clearly argues in favour of Jewish emancipation, following modern normative ideals as established by Human Rights Declarations in the U.S. and in France. Overcoming some of his earlier anti-Jewish views Hegel arrives at this result by way of consistent thinking. He not only stresses the obvious relationship between Human Rights and Jewish emancipation, but also further develops this idea: His concept calls for equal integration that involves economic and cultural participation as well. Hegel opposed liberal anti-semites under specific historical conditions that have to be taken into account alongside his philosophical arguments put forward in the Philosophy of Right. If he finally didn‘t achieve to develop an overall consistent concept it‘s not to be attributed to a lack of efforts on his part but rather to the reality his theory reflects. International relations between modern states don‘t involve universal institutions with actual power. Hegel, reflecting on and giving in to that reality, finally dismisses his earlier attempts to advance universal ethics. His concept of a nation‘s particular volksgeist and especially the Germanic spirit have to be assessed with this context in mind. Hegel‘s idea of emancipation which rests on universal claims is at odds with his preference for the particular that‘s being expressed in his concept of a volksgeist. The source for this problem however has to be sought in the international relations themselves.

The contemporary debate concerning the Christian theology of religions has been profoundly shaped by Alan Race’s three-fold typology of exclusivism, inclusivism and pluralism. Although the insufficiency of this typology’s descriptive and critical capacity has become increasingly acknowledged within the field, widespread agreement about its replacement remains elusive. This thesis argues that a replacement can be found in Hans Frei’s five-fold typology of Christian theology, which differentiates between a range of approaches to theology, from theology as philosophical discourse (Type 1) to theology as quarantined, Christian self-description (Type 5). It is suggested that the more basic question posed by Frei’s typology of how Christian theology is understood in relation to philosophy and other external discourses, provides a better means of accounting for the different positions in the Christian theology of religions within 20th century ecumenical movements. It is shown how Frei’s typology emerges from his emphasis on both the limitations and the significance of external discourses for Christian theology, an emphasis which results from his construal of the mystery of Christ’s universal presence as a function of the particular incarnation in Jesus of Nazareth. Chapter one considers the philosophical foundations upon which Race’s typology is constructed, with particular emphasis on Troeltsch’s historicism, Hick’s epistemology of religious experience and WC Smith’s phenomenological hermeneutic, concluding that they determine the typology’s apologetic approach. It is shown how these commitments lead Race’s typology to differentiate between types of Christian theology primarily in relation to the philosophical viability, as Race understands it, of their Christology. Chapter two focuses first on the theology of Hans Frei and his analysis of the relationship between Christology and historicism, epistemology, and hermeneutics. It is suggested that Frei’s focus on the ordering of the relationship between Christian theology and external discourses, while undermining Race’s approach, affirms the possibility of a theologically valuable relationship between Christian theology and external discourses. Moreover, unlike Race, Frei’s emphasis on the significance of external discourses for Christian theology is derived in light of, and not in spite of, a faith in the incarnation and resurrection of Jesus Christ. Chapter three looks at Frei’s fivefold typology as a better means of accounting for the differences Race posits between exclusivists, inclusivists and pluralists. It is argued that in following Frei’s typological logic and the historical, epistemological and hermeneutical considerations characteristic of a Christian theology between types three and four, an approach to the theology of religions emerges which addresses the question of the universality of divine revelation – the central concern of Race’s typology – while also showing the inadequacy of Race’s typology and its prioritisation of philosophy. This will be shown by applying Frei’s typology to 20th century ecumenical movements and the positions on the theological significance of non-Christian religions that have emerged therein. Though Frei did not directly take up the issue of the Christian theology of religions, chapter three will demonstrate how his typology of Christian theology is of particular importance for this discussion. For his typology highlights the central question driving the theology of religions – how the ‘internal’ discourse of Christian self-description in reference to the gospels’ history-like witness to the life, death and resurrection of Jesus Christ relates to the historically contingent, public world outside the church. The conclusion will point toward a constructive proposal for a theology of evangelism and interfaith dialogue in pluralist societies of the 21st century, drawing on the ecumenical discussion viewed in relation to the theological and typological insights of Hans Frei.

Le principe de réparation intégrale du préjudice corporel démontre les limites de son application actuelle. Alors que notre système juridique paraît enclin à toutes les sollicitudes envers la victime, celui-ci manque largement à son but : la multiplicité des régimes d'indemnisation, l'hétérogénéité des méthodes d'évaluation et l'insuffisante fermeté des concepts mis en oeuvre apparaissent comme autant de facteurs de disparités entre les victimes. À l'appui d'une étude ouverte au droit international, aux solutions doctrinales ainsi qu'à une appréhension ajustée de la notion de victime; cette thèse oeuvre pour une autonomisation du droit du dommage corporel respectant les valeurs d'égalité, d'humanité et de justice de l'indemnisation propres au principe de réparation intégrale du préjudice corporel. / The principle of full reparation for bodily injury demonstrates the limits of its current application. While our legal system seems inclined to all the requests to the victim, it largely misses its goal : the multiplicity of compensation schemes, heterogeneity assessment methods and insufficient firmness concepts implemented appear as factors of disparities between the victims. In support of an open study with international law, to the doctrinal solutions as well as an adjustedunderstanding of the concept of victim ; this thesis works for the empowerment of personal injury law respecting the values of equality, humanity and justice of compensation specific to the full compensation principle of reparation for bodily injury .

La protection du droit à l’instruction a fait l’objet de longues discussions lors des travaux préparatoiresà la Convention européenne des droits de l’Homme. Si l’idée d’un droit à l’instruction pour tous s’esttrès vite imposée dans l’esprit de ses rédacteurs, le respect des convictions religieuses etphilosophiques des parents, qui assurent en priorité l’éducation et l’enseignement de leurs enfants, afait l’objet de davantage de controverses. Ces hésitations expliquent la présence de ce droit à l’article 2du premier protocole additionnel à la Convention du 20 mars 1952. Son importance n’est cependantpas à négliger. Qualifié de droit matriciel, le droit à l’instruction participe à la garantie concrète eteffective des autres droits et libertés de la pensée protégés par le corpus européen. Il assure en celal’épanouissement de la personne et lui garantit le droit de se déterminer librement. Il peut donc êtrerevendiqué par tous, élève ou étudiant, et peu importe la structure fréquentée (établissement public,privé, scolaire ou supérieur). Consciente de cet enjeu décisif pour la sauvegarde d’une sociétédémocratique, la Cour européenne des droits de l’Homme a su interpréter l’article 2 du Protocoleadditionnel de manière à assurer un juste équilibre entre la marge nationale d’appréciation et lapromotion du droit à l’instruction. Pour cela, elle a mis à la charge des Etats des obligations positivesafin d’assurer à chacun la possibilité, notamment, de se servir des moyens d’instruction existants. Engarantissant ainsi l’égal accès de tous aux structures existantes, la Cour européenne des droits del’Homme a également incité les autorités étatiques à respecter les particularités de chacun. A cette fin,une obligation de neutralité leur est imposée aussi bien dans les établissements d’enseignement quedans les programmes dispensés. Aucun élève ni étudiant ne doit se sentir exclu ou stigmatisé en raisonde ses convictions propres. La garantie d’un droit universel à l’instruction implique alors la garantied’un droit à une instruction pluraliste. / The Protection of the right to education has been the subject of endness debates troughout thepreparatory work on the European Convention of Human Rights. While the idea of a right to educationfor all was quite evident in the mind of the drafters of the European Convention of Human Rights, therespect for religious and philosophical convictions of parents, who come first in the education of theirchildren, has been more controversial. Theses doubts explain the inscription of this right in Article 2 ofthe Protocol to the Convention on 20 March 1952. Its importance mustn’t be overlooked. Described asa « matrix right », the right to education contributes to a concrete and effective guarantee of the rightsand freedoms protected by the European Convention of Human Rights. It ensures personal blossomingand the right to make up their own minds. Therefore, everybody can claim this right, whether it be apupil or a student, regardless of the institution (public or private school, primary school or furthereducation). Aware of this key issue to protect a democratic society, the European Court of HumanRights has interpreted article 2 of the Protocol in order to reach a fair balance between the nationalmargin of appreciation and the protection of the right to education. That’s the reason why the Courtrequires States to achieve some positive obligations especially to enable everyone to use existingeducation means. Through the guarantee to an equal access of everyone to education institutions, theEuropean Court of Human Rights also encourages national authorities to observe the distinctivefeatures of each individual. In order to do so, the authorities must remain neutral both in educationalinstitutions and their curriculum. No pupil or student must feel excluded or chastised because of hispersonal convictions. Then, securing the universal right to education implies securing the right to apluralistic education.

The Study of Theology plays a crucial role in the construction of a sound theology in this post liberation era of Southern Africa. This exercise is conformed to the academic learning and creates an environment where theology can dialogue with other disciplines. It helps in the critical reflection on the issue of God and human beings as the object of theology in African context. The study of theology and the doing of theology are methods which bring praxis and theory together. The doing of theology is the daily work of a pastor in a congregation. It is an exercise that put theological theories into practice. This is a methodology that guides the process of developing a contextual theology in Southern Africa. It is a process of taking theology from classroom to the congregations the community. The study of theology and the doing theology are soul mates. They work hand in hand to address contemporary situations. Human beings should know their physical organic environment. They are the object of theology. People experience God from natural science. Liberation theologies e.g. Africanist, Black and Women/Feminist theologies should use new approaches in order to meet the post liberation error challenges. The wholesome approach is another alternative to be used by these theologies. The approach is based on the interconnectedness of God, human beings and physical organic universe (Theanthropocosmic principle). The principle of Theanthropocosmic helps to direct theology in Southern Africa to be contextual and universal. Some new contextual theologies are born because of the theanthropocosmic approaches to modern challenges. The modern society is build under principles of democracy, good governance, peace and tranquility. The major role of theology is to ensure that the society enjoys those principles. Theology is directed to a group and individuals. The social, political and economical challenges should be approached as a group. The wholesome approach is an appropriate method to address challenges imposed by globalization ideologies. The increase rate of poverty in Southern Africa brings up other social illness in communities e.g. corruptions, crime, diseases. There is a need to engage theology in economic globalization. The concept of Botho calls everyone in the community to participate in the fight against these social illnesses in the society. Theology is obliged to restore economic justice. The Church is encouraged to participate in the cultural liberation and renewal. She is compelled to do mission work in this paradigms of cultural changes. African renaissance is an urgent thing to be implemented order to overcome challenges imposed by globalization in Southern Africa. / Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology / D. Th. (Systematic Theology)

Ce travail vise à faire ressortir les enjeux de la diversité culturelle et de la pluralité linguistique face à la volonté d’émergence des pays francophones du Sud, exprimée au lendemain des années 2000. La déconstruction et la reconstruction des concepts d’émergence, de diversité culturelle, de pluralité linguistique, de solidarité, de développement et de gouvernance mondiale, sous les différents angles de la littérature politique, de l’économie politique, de la philosophie politique et des Relations internationales ont été nécessaires. Cette étape nous permet de mieux cerner le comportement de la Francophonie, ainsi que celui des pays francophones du Sud au sein de la mondialisation au cours de ces dernières décennies. Une évaluation comparative a été réalisée dans un contexte de recherche-action, et suivant une approche pluridisciplinaire, et a finalement permis de constater le niveau de retard enregistré et présent au sein de ces pays francophones du Sud dans les environnements politique, économique, social et culturel. Ce retard se caractérise par un modèle de gouvernance sociétale incorrecte, un modèle de financement de l’économie du développement basé sur de mauvais fondements, une absence de politique linguistique adaptée, une présence de textes constitutionnels en déphasage total avec l’avancée de la mondialisation, et au bout de l’histoire, une véritable réponse de la Francophonie toujours attendue. Quelles sont les conditions nécessaires aujourd’hui et demain pour rattraper effectivement ce retard enregistré au sein des pays francophones du Sud ? Comment pourrait réagir la Francophonie face à cette situation délicate ? Quelques propositions sont présentées au terme de cette recherche qui se propose d’aller au-delà des enjeux de la diversité culturelle et de la pluralité linguistique, pour poser des bases d’une redistribution équitable des cartes au sein de la mondialisation actuelle et future, au nom du respect du principe de diversité, de la solidarité effective, de l’universalisme pratique et de l’humanisme opérationnel. / This work aims to highlight the challenges of cultural diversity and linguistic plurality, facing the willingness emergence of the Southern Francophone countries, expressed after year 2000. Deconstruction and reconstruction of the concepts of emergence, cultural diversity, linguistic plurality, solidarity, development and global governance, under the different views of political literature, political economy, political philosophy and international relations were necessary. A step to better apprehend the behavior of the Francophonie within globalization, as well as Southern francophone countries over recent decades. A comparative evaluation was conducted in a context of action-research and following a multidisciplinary approach, which ultimately shows the level of the political, economic, social and cultural environments delays which are present in these southern Francophone countries. This delay which is characterized by an incorrect societal governance model, a financing of the economic development model based on poor foundations, lack of suitable language policy, and a presence of constitutional texts on complete phase shift with the advance of globalization. Thus, at the end of the story, a real feedback for the Francophonie is still awaited. What are today’s and tomorrow’s conditions in order to actually catch up the delay recorded in the Southern French-speaking countries? How could Francophonie react in front of this intricate situation? Some proposals are presented at the end of this research, which intends to go beyond issues of cultural diversity and linguistic plurality, as a way to lay the foundations of fair cards redistribution in the current and future of globalization, on behalf of the diversity principles, effective solidarity, practical universalism and operational humanism.

En 1960, Fernand Cadieux et Pierre Juneau créent le premier Festival international du film de Montréal. Chaque année le Festival a lieu au mois d’août jusqu’à l’Expo 67, événement qui marque à la fois le point culminant et final de cette aventure culturelle. L’histoire de cette institution touche à la culture, au personnalisme, au nationalisme, à la cinéphilie ainsi qu’à l’institutionnalisation et à l’industrialisation du cinéma au Canada et au Québec pendant les années cinquante et soixante. Conçu sous le régime politique de Duplessis par d’anciens membres de la Jeunesse étudiante catholique qui deviendraient presque tous fédéralistes, le Festival constitue un objet idéal d’histoire culturelle propice à étendre la compréhension des origines catholiques de la Révolution tranquille. Au plan culturel, il permet aussi de comprendre plus finement la resynchronisation du Québec dans la trajectoire de la modernité, ainsi que les répercussions du choc entre nationalistes et gauchistes québécois contre libéraux fédéralistes. Ce mémoire permet aussi de découvrir le FIFM comme institution cinématographique québécoise, le réseau d’acteurs et d’établissements qui le soutiennent et l’objet de leur passion : les films. La présente analyse explore la manifestation dans ses dimensions à la fois cinématographique et politique, artistique et historique. / In 1960, Fernand Cadieux and Pierre Juneau founded the first Montreal International Film Festival. This great cultural adventure was held each August, up until what became its culminating and final year: that of Expo ’67. The history of the festival is intrinsically linked to culture, personalism, nationalism, and cinephillia, as well as the institutionalization and industrialization of cinema in Canada and Quebec during the 1950s and 60s. Created under the political regime of Duplessis by former members of the Jeunesse étudiante catholique (Young Christian Students), who would almost all become federalists, it became apparent to me that the festival constituted a cultural-historic event conductive to expanding our understanding of the Catholic origins of the Quiet Revolution. It also allowed for a finer understanding of the resynchronization of Quebec with modernity and the shock waves that emanated from this change, in particular, between leftists Quebec nationalists against federal Liberals. Moreover, this paper allows us to discover the FIFM in its role as a Quebec cinemagraphic institution, as well as the community of actors and establishments that supported it and the object of their passion: film. The wager is therefore, to analyze in one hundred or so pages, the multiple facets of these issues: the cinemagraphic, political, artistic and historic.

In an era when adversarial politics is condemned for either being archaic or right-wing extremism, proposing that incivility can be used to counter existing hegemonies, despite its potential to incite violence, is proposing an unorthodox project. By rejecting foundationalist approaches to the current incivility crisis, this study sees an opportunity for it to act as a populist rapture that defies simple binary categorisation and deconstructs incivility, at an ontological level, to reveal the deep meanings and concealed causes that contrast the grand narrative of hate speech. After an overview in chapter one, the study continues with a theoretical review of literature on incivility, guided by the works of radical democracy theorists who universalise what seems particular to Kenya. This review is followed by the description of Bakhtin’s concept of carnivalesque as utani, a joking relationship common in East Africa. For its theoretical perspective, the study is guided by Mouffe’s theory of agonistic democracy and a research method developed by transforming Laclau and Mouffe’s (1985) work in Hegemony and Socialist Strategy: Towards a Radical Democratic, into a method for Discourse Analysis. Various concepts from Laclau and Mouffe’s work are used to innovate an explanation of how political practices in social media, both linguistic and material texts, enhance incivility and the struggle to fix a regime’s preferred meaning. Guided by Laclau and Mouffe’s Discourse Analysis, the study describes how the government is using linguistic tools and physical technologies to repair the dislocation caused by incivility in social media in its attempts to re-create hegemonic practices. Without engaging in naïve reversal of the polarities between acceptable and unacceptable speech, and considering that at the ontological level politics is a friend—enemy relation, the study argues that incivility in social media is part of the return of politics in a post-political era, rather than simple unacceptable speech. While remaining aware of the dangers of extreme speech, but without reinforcing the anti-political rational consensus narrative, incivility is seen as having disruptive counterhegemonic potential, that is, if we consider the powerplay inherent in democracy. It means that binary opposition is blind to the way power produces, and is countered through unacceptable speech. / Communication Science / D. Litt. et Phil. (Communication Science)

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