「語言權」係以國際人權法為發祥的新興人權概念，本文聚焦於個人選擇其母語為自由使用權利之探討。語言除了作為溝通工具之外，亦是個人身分認同的依存和集體文化的具體展現。隨著世界文化多樣性宣言、保護及促進文化表現多樣性公約的制定，以尊重個人自主地選擇其所認同的文化生活方式來維持文化多樣性環境的思維逐漸受到關注，本文採取此觀點作為保障語言權的理論基礎，以此開展並探討國家的角色和義務。 我國歷史上因國家公權力強制推行單一語言政策，限制人民自由使用其母語的權利和機會，形成語言不平等的現象，進而影響政治、經濟資源的分配不均，也使得母語面臨消逝和凋零的危機。語言權利保障非僅是我國的國內議題，亦是國際關懷的面向，本文以探討國際法的語言權利保障架構為始，接著以境內存在多元語言現象並致力少數語言保障的歐洲為研究對象，而後聚焦於比利時和法國，比較兩國如何從法制面處理語言權利保障的問題和經驗，提供我國參考和省思的題材。 本文主張我國應透過修憲方式明文增列語言權利的保障，直接賦予人民享有請求語言權保障的直接憲法法源依據，然在現階段未修憲之前，我國憲法增修條文既已肯認多元文化價值，配合具有國內法效力的經濟、社會暨文化權利公約第15條揭示文化權的保障，應可藉由文化權的概念內涵開展語言權的集體和積極的性質。此外，多元文化價值亦成為拘束國家機關行為和政策的準則方向，國家必須負起積極義務，應逐步消除目前因公私領域區別導致語言權利承認與否的差異，建置相關制度以維持母語的使用和活絡，確保各語言的語言權利平等，使珍貴的語言文化資產得以永續發展。

本論文探討的是，六十五年前台灣受過苦難的白色恐怖政治受難者重回受害地，成為人權博物館兩園區志工之傷痕記憶轉化歷程。此歷程從個人傷痕記憶著手，含括他們參與人權館說故事後的自我轉化，及轉化後對該館於臺灣社會實踐轉型正義中的角色扮演期待。探索個體與集體記憶是件困難的事，是故起點回到綠島、景美兩處受難地，幽暗無聲卻蘊含飽滿故事的場所，參觀者在此可認識歷史並感受他們受過的苦難。 研究動機肇始於，研究者觀察到不是每位經歷過苦難的人都能重回曾經的受害地，更遑論驅離自己內心的黑暗，點亮傳遞人權之火。很多人仍噤聲不語的生活，惟卻有幾十位受難者志工願意回到園區，說出自己的經歷。國家暴力導致之歷史事件，讓他們成為監獄受害地的一部分，監獄經過社會政治制度的轉變成為博物館，出獄多年後或遺忘或埋藏的人與事，當再進入博物館重見押房牆面留存舊時斑駁痕跡，便即喚起他們內心的傷痕記憶。情境讓記憶甦醒，園區成為說故事場所，他們說故事也觸動個人生命轉化。 研究對象以1950～1970年代十位不同意識型態受難者志工為主，研究者經過近兩年多長期間的相處觀察，與兩個多月訪談分析，看見與熟悉著不同受訪對象的情緒風貌，瞭解他們傷痕記憶的異與同，經歸納分析後，提出不同年代他們有所差異的傷痕記憶建構模式。 研究者更透過該等模式深刻瞭解，十個故事中個體與集體，彼此記憶交錯的幾種複雜情緒，與情緒及內心正面力量的交互作用；也分析不同傷痕故事中隱存之歷史脈絡，與脈絡及個體在過去所想、所看的當時集體社會狀態之關連。更獲知，另有一群受難者，有別於當下臺灣社會認知主流冤錯假案外之另類記憶。人與空間的複雜關係，在過去，如暗室囚禁的恐懼，強化傷痕記憶深植於受難者心中，此記憶並與實質囚房空間密切聯結著；時空改變後，現在，監獄囚室的受害場所內涵轉化為展示歷史的博物館，空間與傷痕感受聯結之記憶，便以故事形式於人權館再現。人權館成為受難者生命質變的場所，它讓他們說故事的意義變得不一樣，產生自我傷痕解構後的療癒結果，也對不同年代他們，不僅對自我，也對參觀者、更對台灣社會產生正面影響。 本研究發現，轉型正義必須從人開始，積極實踐的基礎則是，賦予社會生活中的每個人應重視人權教育，與點燃其探詢歷史真相的熱忱，及擁有維護社會公平正義的態度。除了前述實踐基礎發現外，受難者與人權館又促成另者改變，個體轉化後對群體社會狀態的正面影響，即參觀過該館的年輕人開始關注阻止身邊不正義的現象，與挺身制止違反公共道德的主動行為。此等個體與群體行為的改變，更強化受難者更積極投身人權館，促成該館公共性價值的形成，此價值是民主制度構成之關鍵核心原點，即是公民參與由下而上的集體動能。此動能再促使該館運作更符合社會各界期待，令它在台灣實踐轉型正義失落中，扮演還原歷史真相、教育思想傳遞的關鍵角色。 / This research was aimed to live through and to record the transformation and transcendence of the 65-year-old bitter, traumatic memories of White Terror as the surviving victims returned to the sites of terror, namely Green Island and Jingmei, now both divisions of Taiwanese National Human Rights Museum, to work as volunteer narrators. The records of this sublimation process started with the victims’ memories of sufferings, and as they began to voluntarily tell their own stories, they turned their personal traumas into eager expectations for the National Human Rights Museum to trigger the practice of transitional justice in the entire Taiwanese society. To explore every piece of individual as well as collective memory, both sites of terror, where gloomy silence used to haunt with heart-breaking stories untold, were repeatedly visited so that the painful history could be relived. For the rest of their lives, many victims of White Terror could only live in total silence, never to bring themselves back to the place of sufferings again, let alone lighting up the dark corners inside their hearts and passing on the torch of human rights. However, this study was motivated by the observation that several dozens of White Terror victims did come back to where they had been tortured to tell people their sad stories. In the Museum, every little trace on the walls of the preserved prison cells brings back these victims’ traumatic memories. As these victims relive their painful years in prison and share their stories, the Museum becomes a place where history is passed on and life is lifted up to a higher level. The subjects of this research were ten volunteers, each with a different ideology, who had been prisoned for political reasons during the 1950~1970 period. Through more than two years’ close observation as well as intensive depth interviews that spanned more than two months, the researcher was able to depict these storytellers’ deepest emotions and form a time-bound traumatic memory construction model after analyzing the similarities and differences of the interviewees’ traumatic memories. By applying the model developed, the researcher was able to detect several complicated emotions hidden behind intertwined individual/collective memories as well as some conflicting interactions between those dark emotions and certain positive energy inside. Meanwhile, the historical context could also be revealed by studying those traumatic stories, and so could the relation between the social status perceived by the individuals and the historical context at that time. Notably, this study also discovered that a certain group of White Terror victims actually bear in mind some alternative memories of fear that are off the mainstream and are distinct from the so-called cases of injustice. Dynamic relationships have always existed between human beings and space. In the past, fears towards the dark prison cells were planted deeply in the victims’ hearts. Yet, as the very site of persecution has been turned into a window for history display, the memories that used to connect the fear and the prison cells have now become stories that are passed on and on for the sake of human rights enhancement. The storytellers’ lives have thus sublimed, for the repeated actions of storytelling have been decomposing and healing the traumas inside their hearts, and having positive influence to the visitors of the Museum and to the whole Taiwanese society as well. This study has confirmed that transitional justice has to start with people. To actively put transitional justice in practice, every individual in the society has to be well educated to cultivate a good sense of human rights, a positive attitude towards social justice, and enthusiasm for the exploration of historical truths. In the Human Rights Museum, the volunteer narrators have not only transformed their lives from miserable victims into determined social justice promoters but have also influenced and encouraged young visitors to start paying attention to incidences of injustice happening around them and to take actions against them. The positive influences form a cycle and reinforce one another, helping to shape a collective, bottom-up value system that is the very core of democracy.

本文以1998年人權法之施行為分界，對英國人身自由保護法制的轉變作一分析比較，以凸顯歐洲人權法院相關裁判對英國國內法規的影響。儘管國家機關拘束人民人身自由之事由，並不限於刑事偵查目的之達成，也包括精神疾患等非刑事犯嫌的人身拘束，但傳統上這些非刑事犯嫌的被拘束人受到的關注較少，法律對其人身自由的保障亦較不足。因此，本文處理的重點主要落在非刑事犯嫌的人身自由保護法制，尤其是精神疾患的強制住院以及無期徒刑受刑人的假釋准駁，除了論述分析英國相關法規的變化，亦對照我國相關法律規定的現狀，提出改革的建議。

本研究為釐清國內與國際非政府組織在臺灣發展關係，從環境與人權倡議議題為範圍討論，從臺灣目前進行環境與人權倡議工作的非政府組織中收集相關訊息，瞭解現今組織之間工作遇到的問題及困難，探討其發生的可能和原因，最後試圖提出研究建議與解決辦法。 奠基非政府組織在臺灣發展出的特殊性，伴隨著民主人權的發展，同時，臺灣環境議題倡議發展相較於其他亞洲國家也成熟許多，在現在全球化時代下的發展，國與國之間的界線也越來越模糊，網路科技的發明，使得交流不再如過去般受到諸多限制，因此也將各區域中相關的非政府組織連結，形成具有槓桿力量的跨國倡議網絡，企圖進而影響國家內部，促使政府能有所作為。 透過文獻分析及深度訪談瞭解組織倡議及發展，深入體會國際非政府組織在臺灣倡議遇到的困難，以及國內非政府組織面對這些問題的兩難，本研究結論，以跨國倡議網絡策略為主軸予以建議，非政府組織之間必須要有溝通的管道，避免資訊不對稱以及產生誤解，減少延誤倡議工作進行的最佳時機點，政府對於外國團體在臺灣人民團體法適應的問題及限制以及外國人在台工作的法規也應該有所彈性或裁量空間，才能開啟更多讓世界看見臺灣的可能性。 / The purpose of this thesis is to explore the relationship between local and international nongovernment organizations on human rights and environmental advocacy issues. To understand these problems and difficulties, research involved conducting in-depth interviews with workers of local and international nongovernment organizations. The purpose of the research is to find out the reasons to explain the problems of the relationship and know how to solve. The thesis concludes with suggestions about how to best develop the transnational advocacy network strategies of Taiwan in the future. As a nation without global recognition of its national status, Taiwan faces with the difficulty of participating international affairs. Through transnational advocacy network including the strategies of symbolic, information, leverage, accountability politics, these NGOs compel the government to make changes. As a result, Taiwan has a greater opportunity to be a contributor in global public affairs. The result of the research is to clarify the relationship, strengths, and weaknesses between local and international nongovernment organizations to cope with the challenges they experience with each other. In conclusion, there are four main suggestions below: 1) Make sure information is communicated across international and local advocacy. 2) Do the things right at the right time. 3) Make a big difference with leverage politics. 4) Focus on the importance of accountability and self-discipline when nongovernmental organizations face international affairs.

兒童權利公約施行法自2014年11月20日實施至今已近三年，而依據該施行法之規定，政府已陸續展開國內法令與公約是否牴觸之檢視及以各級政府為對象之兒童權利教育宣導課程等工作，並於2017年11月完成兒童權利公約首次國家報告國際審查，施行法顯然已逐步將公約內涵國內法化而具重要之指標及實質意義。惟公約實踐之關鍵係公約規範能否確實成為檢視國內法律及政策之基準，以及得否為權利遭受侵害之兒少所具體主張；其中國家是否建置相關機制協助兒少行使其權利，確保兒少於未成年之際不因自身能力及發展尚未健全而無法行使其權利，對兒少權利之保障尤為重要。 儘管自2009年以來，除兒童權利公約外，立法院已先後透過施行法將其他四部聯合國人權公約轉換成為國內法律；然針對公約適用之若干核心議題，包括解釋及適用公約時應遵循之原則、公約與國內法律衝突時衍生之法律適用及權利遭受侵害之救濟機制等，皆有待闡釋及釐清。就此，本論文總結英國、德國、法國及美國等四國之實踐經驗而認為儘管公約之落實並「無一放諸四海皆準之方式」（no one right way），但以下公約國內法化之核心問題亟待確立：（一）施行法應明訂公約具直接適用效力條文之優位地位；（二）明確將「公約解釋模式」此一法院於個案審理中最強而有力、最能直接將公約標準導入國內法律體系之工具納入施行法；（三）透過公約解釋性文件資料庫之建置協助司法人員掌握公約規範之精神與內涵；（四）明文要求增修法律前應提出法案影響評估以確保增修內容與公約並未牴觸等，期使國內法制更能順利接軌國際人權公約。 本論文另以兒少被傾聽的權利為例，藉由與法官、律師、社工等17位兒少實務工作者進行深度訪談，彙整推導出兒少被傾聽的權利於司法程序中獲得實質實踐之效果不明（有權利但不一定有救濟）、兒少表意之環境未達「兒少友善」之標準，顯見國內兒少被傾聽權利之落實與公約標準確實存有相當之落差。此外，部分協助兒少行使其被傾聽權利之機制設計未確實掌握兒童權利之內涵、整體兒少司法環境未能以兒少為中心進行調整，以致於相關機制欠缺公約所強調之核心功能，無法使特定弱勢兒少享有與一般兒少同等之權利保障，亦有待補強及改善。。 本論文嘗試由實務面思考兒童權利公約於國內實踐之現況並導引出應更受重視之諸多面向及困境，期待法院及政府各級機關能更廣泛地採行及運用公約之規範及理念，在國內深化落實兒童權利公約之際，對於「兒童權利」精神所在及其可能為兒少所帶來之改變能有進一步之認知及體悟，並以此為基礎，在影響兒少甚鉅之司法及行政事件中建構一個更能鼓勵兒少參與及表達意見之友善環境。 / Following the coming into effect of the “Act to Implement Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC)” on 20 November 2014, the Taiwan Government has adopted various initiatives to implement the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), demonstrating the Act’s steady, yet far-reaching influence in incorporating the CRC into domestic law. In addition to harmonizing national legislation for children with the standards contained within the CRC, it is also of crucial importance for the government to ensure that children whose rights are being violated or disregarded have access to remedies, and that an effective framework is available to children to assist in the exercise and enjoyment of their rights. Despite the fact that the Taiwan Government has promulgated four implementation acts to incorporate international human rights conventions into domestic law since 2009, several fundamental issues remain with regard to the interpretation and application of the convention. Drawing on the experiences of England, Germany, France and the United States, this thesis makes the following observations: (1) the ‘convention-compliant’ approach to legal interpretation is one of the most powerful tools by which convention rights are directly transposed into domestic legal norms and should be expressly provided for in the Act; (2) to resolve potential conflict(s) between domestic law and convention rights, the Act should explicitly state that the CRC shall prevail in cases of inconsistences; (3) the Act should provide for the establishment of a database of interpretative documents issued by United Nations treaty bodies, to aid the practice and understanding of the CRC; and (4) human rights impact assessments should be undertaken before passing any new laws or amendments. The observations in this thesis are also based on in-depth interviews conducted by the researcher with 17 children’s practitioners. Such interviews highlight that not all children enjoy the right to be heard in family proceedings and that there is a gap between law and practice. More specifically, they highlight that “for rights to have meaning, effective remedies must be available to redress violations”; and family proceedings should be more child-centred with child-friendly designs, so that children in such settings can exercise their right to be heard effectively. This thesis also attempts to demonstrate that when mechanisms set up by the government fail to accomplish their legislative purpose and act as a safeguard for children’s rights, it is the more vulnerable groups of children (for example, children in care) who suffer from being denied the same rights as other children.

新加坡是一個以國際為導向的城市國家（city-state），以貿易及工業為其生存的主要依據，因此它的外交政策一向十分靈活與務實，常常是經濟及政治工具彈性交互運用，所以，不論是與有邦交或無邦交的國家都能維持密切關係，目的在促進貿易成長與更廣泛的貿易接觸，多年來，新加坡就是以此作為與外國互動的基礎。 為什麼像新加坡這樣的小國會和美國發展出密切的政經關係？為什麼像美國這樣的超級強權願意付出諸多關注於此一小島國家？本文將以新加坡為主體，分別討論李光耀時期新加坡與美國的政治、經濟關係與發展演變。

我國憲法學者多數認為外國人雖為基本權主體，但依照權利性質說，並不享有國際遷徙自由，從而國家可任意地拒絕其入境、居留或驅逐出境。最主要的理由在於，依照國際法，主權可自由決定是否允許外國人入境及課予入境條件。從而，主權也可自由設計入出境管理制度，那麼藉此箝制外國人言論、宗教或學術自由等基本權利，並非不可想像，甚至我國亦有實例發生。雖然，憲法學者也指出國家應儘量尊重外國人的入出境，亦不得任意藉此任意侵害其他基本權利。不過，既然外國人沒有作為憲法權利的國際遷徙自由，即難以對抗立法者藉由入管制度造成的侵害，更抹滅全球化時代下外國人國際遷徙活動本身具有的各種意義與功能。 有鑑於此，本文一方面嘗試跨足國際法，檢視現行國際人權法對外國人國際遷徙的保障程度，並回溯國際法古典著作探尋主權與國際遷徙自由的軌跡；另一方面，分析現行憲法學說之不足，藉由與國際法的對話成果，嘗試重新構築憲法保障外國人國際遷徙自由的體系。之後探討國家於限制外國人的國際遷徙自由時，應如何遵循法律保留原則、比例原則與正當法律程序，並提供救濟管道，始合乎憲法第23條之意旨。經由憲法基本權保障機制的確立，最後進一步檢討現行入出國及移民法，提出建言。 / The study is intended for elaborating on the freedom of international movement for aliens. First of all, the author examines the protected area of international movement for aliens under current international law and explores the classics of international law in order to research into the entangling relationship between sovereignty and freedom of international movement. In addition, the author analyzes constitutional doctrines at the present times and their inadequacy by applying international law. Meanwhile, what this article does attempt to do is to provide a new framework of the protected area of freedom of international movement for aliens under constitutional law. Also, in an effort to protect the freedom of international movement for aliens, the author discusses how to apply principles of non-delegation and proportionality and due process of law appropriately to prevent state power from violating it. Finally, the author examines immigration law and offers suggestions.

國際社會目前面臨如何減少全世界難民數量的問題，同時也面臨許多難民帶來的問題。為了要使國際社會的難民問題得到緩解，越來越多的國際人道救援機構在難民問題相當嚴重的區域，進行著人道救援行動，期望能改善大多數難民的生活狀況，並在許多方面給予難民支援，最終目標希望能根本減少全世界的難民數目，或是讓難民也能正常生活。 剛果民主共和國正是目前國際人道救援行動的主要目標之一，因為剛果民主共和國的鄰國多為長期內戰衝突的國家，因此有大量的難民逃至剛果民主共和國境內。再加上剛果民主共和國內部的種族衝突也在大國因為自身國家利益考量，未能及時阻止衝突蔓延的情況下，剛果民主共和國內戰也延續了十年，造成剛果民主共和國政府自身難保，而境內的難民問題亦日趨嚴重。 為協助剛果民主共和國政府處理相關的難民問題，國際人道救援行動投入大量人力與物力安頓難民的生活，並協助逃往國外的難民回到剛果民主共和國境內。在聯合國安理會的維和部隊，以及國際人道救援機構，如聯合國難民署與人權觀察等組織的協助之下，受到剛果民主共和國內戰衝突的難民，皆逐漸在剛果民主共和國境內衝突趨緩之際，重新回到家園或原居住地生活。而藉著國際人道機構對於剛果民主共和國難民的救援行動，也發現國際人道救援救援網絡漸形完整，因而一方面讓許多原本隱而不顯的人道危機，得到更多外界的關心與幫助，使國際人道救援行動能更加順利，快速改善當地的難民處境，另外一方面則也顯現出國際人道救援機構在難民問題上的重要地位。 / International society now is facing the difficulties of how to reduce the number of refugees and also the problems that caused by refugees. To help the refugees, more and more international humanitarian aid agencies conducting the humanitarian aid operations in the conflict zones. Their operations are to ameliorate the conditions of refugee’s life and the most important thing is help them repatriated to their homeland. The bloody conflict in Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) made the international humanitarian aid agencies aware that the government of DRC had no ability to manage the influx of the refugees from neighbors. So the humanitarian aid agencies spend lots of energy to help the refugees from DRC or in DRC to be repatriated or to help them integrate with locals. On the aid operations that international humanitarian aid agencies did to the refugees in DRC, we found that the network of international humanitarian aid becomes more and more complete. Those operations helped gather more attention from publics, so we can avoid the humanitarian crisis in the future or make the refugee’s situations better. And the importance of international humanitarian aid agencies is also evident in the case of refugee problem in DRC.

鑑於DNA所具有獨一無二與終生不變之特性，DNA 早已被視為現今打擊犯罪不可或缺之利器。然而，也正因DNA所得透露之資訊實際上遠超過人別辨識所需之資訊，因此，國家究竟可否為了所謂「犯罪偵查」之目的建立國家刑事DNA資料庫以「保存」個人DNA資料，以及若可，在何種限度內之保存始具有正當性，即是本文主要探討的問題。 而為期能為我國在DNA資料之保存議題上提供一符合國際性之基準，本文主要係以歐洲人權公約第八條「私人生活受尊重權」為討論中心，並於第二章中，詳細介紹私人生活受尊重權之內涵及其限制要件。而後再於第三章部分，針對DNA資料之保存措施是否已對私人生活受尊重權造成干預進行討論。在肯定保存具有干預性的前提下，於第四章再針對本文的主要重點，亦即「在何種限度內」之保存始具正當性，分別依保存對象之不同加以探討。最後，再藉由上述的討論，回頭檢視我國現行相關保存規範之合憲性，並說明我國現行法可能不足之處。

本論文旨在探討歐洲聯盟與非加太國家集團間的關係。非加太國家大部份為歐洲國家的前殖民地，其範圍包括非洲、加勒比海以及太平洋國家。這些國家在獨立後，繼續與歐洲聯盟保持緊密的合作關係，歐洲聯盟也透過經濟援助與貿易優惠的實施，來維持這樣的特殊關係。本文試從歷史的角度及國際政治經濟學觀點，以及雙方簽訂之條約分析雙方關係的性質，並且就歐洲聯盟貿易優惠與經濟援助的效果予以評估，發現歐洲聯盟與非加太國家的關係，是奠基於不平等的關係之上。雙方雖然以簽訂國際條約的方式來發展合作，但其中之運作仍顯現歐洲聯盟站於一個優勢及主導的地位。非加太國家並且是歐洲聯盟歐洲利益的外環，保障歐洲聯盟的原料進口來源、成為歐洲聯盟的外銷市場，同時也是歐洲聯盟取得國際經濟重大議題優勢的重要協助伙伴。由於世界貿易自由化的發展，使歐洲聯盟給予非加太國家的貿易優惠在新世紀已不合時宜，而歐洲聯盟對於東歐國家的關切，又有分散歐洲聯盟對非加太國家援助之虞。在冷戰結束後，歐洲聯盟對於非加太國家的要求也有政治化的傾向，人權、民主成為非加太國家取得歐洲聯盟援助的必要條件。本論文的結論是，非加太國家於歐洲聯盟所扮演的角色已不若從前重要，但歐洲聯盟應本於國際責任，繼續給予非加太國家經濟援助，並在世界經濟體系許可的範圍內儘量給予非加太國家貿易優惠，以做為南北合作的典範，並協助非加太國家經濟發展以消除貧窮。