自十七世紀英國革命後，人權在西方政治思想和政治制度兩方面都有長足的發展，惟在二次世界大戰結束之前，國際關係中並沒有明顯的人權主題，直到第二次大戰後，聯合國企圖以「國際人權組織」的方式，打造人權保護的全球性機制。 聯合國經社理事會於一九四六年四月通過決議設立人權委員會（Commission on Human Rights），在當時此一機構僅有研究及起草條約的功能，「世界人權宣言」、「政治與公民權利公約」及「經濟、社會和文化權利公約」等一系列重要聯合國文件皆由該委員會所起草，惟在一九六０年以前聯合國會員國對於人權議題表現並不積極，對於利用聯合國解決人權議題，更抱持極低的期望。 此一情況在一九五九年後有了顯著的改善。經社理事會於一九五九年、一九六七年及一九七九年三次通過決議，為人權委員會擴張了權力。人權委員會權限的擴大，反映了一九七０年代後聯合國對於人權事務態度的轉變，此一特點是聯合國對於人權事務，採取了更為主動與積極整合的態度。 聯合國人權委員會除設立「防止歧視及保護少數小組委員會」（Sub-Commission on Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities）為其附屬機構外，並透過設置人權問題「特別報告員制度」（Special Rapporteur）及「工作小組制度」（working group），以專題方式處理某項受侵害人權案件，或在特定國家或地區調查侵害人權的狀況，並積極以各種方式達到保護人權的目的。人權委員會權限的擴大，也使得該委員會在聯合國人權機構的地位及作用不斷提升，並成為已開發與開發中國家意見對立的場所。 本論文試圖以聯合國人權委員會為研究對象，探討其組織、職權及運作，除希望作為瞭解聯合國人權組織在該領域所做的努力與貢獻外，更期望藉由人權委員會運作方式，檢視人權保護實際狀況及未來可能之發展。 / This thesis focuses on the Commission on Human Rights in United Nations, intending to explore its organizations, functions and processes. In addition to understanding its efforts and contribution of worldwide human rights, it is expected to examine and understand the current situation of human rights and ongoing development. There were no human rights themes before the World War II in international relations, until the UN tried to create its organization to protect the universal human rights after the war. The UN Economic and Social Council approved a resolution to set up the Commission on Human Rights in April 1946.Despites of having only the functions of researching and drafting, the Commission on Human Rights drafted a series of important documents including “Universal Declaration of Human Rights”, “International Covenant on Civil and political Rights” and “International Covenant on Economic, Social and Culture Rights” after that. Before 1960, the UN members were not interested in this issue and therefore didn’t expect to resolve such human rights controversies through the UN system. The situation had improved greatly after 1959. The UN Economic and Social Council reached three resolutions in 1959, 1967 and 1979 to empower the Commission on Human Rights, showing that the UN attitude towards the human rights had greatly changed. Presently, the Commission on Human Rights has already set up “Sub-Commission on Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities” to be its sub-organization as well as “Special Rapporteur”, “working group” to deal with the cases of invading human rights in specific countries. The more the Commission on Human Rights is empowered, the more enhancements of status and functions it acquires. Nowadays it has become an arena of developing countries and developed countries.

中華民國憲法在第二章裡規定人民之權利義務，其中第8條至第14條為自由權之保障，但仍在第23條置一保留概括條款，因此憲法授權立法機關可以在第23條的情況下，用法律限制人民之自由權利。如此一來使政府只要能掌握立法院，就能將行政機關之作為合法化。因此憲法中的基本人權保障就有淪為法律保障的危機。 雖然有此危機，但卻又並非必然如此，因為體制上仍有最後一道防線的設計。 憲法第171、172條又分別規定法律、命令與憲法抵觸者無效。所以必須有個機關能夠來維護憲法，其權力之重要性至為顯然，被稱為「憲法的維護者」，在我國由司法院大法官會議負責。 民國36年12月25日行憲，38年5月20日起台灣全省戒嚴。這種脫離憲政常軌的戒嚴體制竟運作近40年，直到民國76年解嚴為止。在整個威權體制下，憲法所保障的人權無法被兌現與落實。在憲法的人權保障已經被凍結的情況下，尚有司法院大法官會議可以對法律命令做違憲審查，釋憲制度在非常體制下並沒有被凍結。此時的釋憲機關就格外重要，成為唯一的救濟途徑。 戒嚴時期關於基本人權的釋字不多，本文將其分為三個範疇來討論，分別是繼續犯之認定、人身自由與表現自由。 經由本文的討論，我們發現戒嚴時期大法官會議所做成的關於人權的釋字，除了數量過少，在質的方面也沒有發揮保障人權的功能，大法官會議的解釋顯得相當配合政府，對憲法第23條所列要件從寬解釋，而非強調基本人權的重要性，對限制人民自由權利的法律加以「合憲」的背書。 司法的尊嚴與獨立在非常時期一直是被侵犯的，而當司法機關有機會作解釋、有機會發言時，卻又是自廢武功，站在行政機關的立場做考量，無法發揮權力制衡的效用。釋字第31號解釋使中央民意機關不需改選，沒有民主正當性的立法委員立出侵害人權的法律，交由行政機關「依法」侵害人權，若有人聲請釋憲，再由大法官為此一法律加以合憲之戳記，連司法的最後一道防線都失守了；因此立法、行政與司法機關建構成了整套的扭曲憲政的機器。 在戒嚴威權體制的時空下，大法官所做的解釋傾向執政者的立場，並未符合憲法之基本精神。在解嚴之後，大法官針對以上所討論的幾案釋字，再重新做解釋加以推翻，解嚴後這些釋字都是保障人權的里程碑，然而，對照之下，我們就能從中發現戒嚴時期大法官會議在台灣人權史上所扮演的角色。

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This thesis examines Taiwan’s human rights development from 2000 until 2010. It looks at and compares the policies and action of Presidents Chen Shui-bian and Ma Ying-jeou in terms of three indicators of human rights: the implementation of the international human rights treaties (ICCPR and ICESCR), the establishment of a national human rights commission and the status of the death penalty. The case of Australia and its position in relation to the three key areas of this human rights study are analyzed for comparative purposes. Additionally, important historical human rights milestones and the beginnings of Taiwan’s democratization are introduced by way of an overview but the focus of this thesis is on the events of the last decade. In doing so, the overall aim of this study is to assess whether Taiwan has achieved its stated goal of becoming a human rights state.

本文共分三個部分。本文第一部分試圖就博格（Thomas Pogge）對世界貧窮的關懷，所提出的理論做出說明與釐清。博格的理論試圖指出並說明，因為諸富裕國家之國民透過當今不正義的制度，而造成世界貧窮此一傷害，所以應為這樣的行為承擔責任。本文將在第一部分對其理論中「不正義的制度」做出釐清，並做討「制度是否能作為一個主動能動者」此一問題前的釐清與說明。 本文第二部分則是承接第一部分的分析，指出「制度」並非主動能動者，「制度傷人」亦須透過行為者的行為才能傷人。本文第二部分作為全文核心，將說明博格的理論為何需要對制度及行為者做出區分，而行為者又如何造成傷害。並將指出在博格的理論中，缺乏這部分的說明，導致其理論可能會得到博格本人所不願接受的結論。 本文第三部分則是試圖指出博格的理論會失敗，是由於他試圖以消極責任的概念來做人權的請求，而這將導致他的理論中，勢必談論到行為者的面向，而在此面相，尚有待經驗研究方能確定。而在本文第三部分將就博格的理論與漢娜鄂蘭（Hannah Arendt）所論及有關「罪與責任」的理論做比較，並用和博格進路不同的楊（Iris Young）的觀點，來指出無法採取博格的理論進路，來得到他所希望的結論。

在本研究，筆者針對以下三項重點： 一、 歐體及歐盟人權政策兩項基本研究問題 二、 歐體及歐盟人權政策四項比較議題 三、 歐盟未來對中國人權政策發展之評估 一、 歐體及歐盟人權政策兩項基本研究問題： (一) 歐體及歐盟對外人權政策為何，其決策如何？歐體及歐盟對外人 權政策存有何種結構性問題？ (二) 歐體及歐盟對中國人權政策為何，其目標為何？歐體及歐盟因何選擇執行如此的中國人權政策？歐體及歐盟對中國人權政策存有何種問題，又其效率為何？ 二、　歐體及歐盟人權政策四項比較議題： (一) 歐體與歐盟的對外人權機制、決策與政策工具 (二) 六四事件前後歐體對中國之人權政策 (三) 歐體與歐盟對中國的人權政策及其效能 (四) 歐盟第一支柱與第二支柱對中國執行的人權政策及其效能 / This dissertation deals with the human rights policy of the EC and EU towards China. In a first part, underlying principles of European human rights policy are analyzed, as well as the decision making process, the available tools and characteristics of EC and EU human rights policy. In chapter 3, the author analyzes EC policy towards China, and in chapter four, the author deals with EU policy towards China

隨著全球化影響，國際人口移動日增，以及兩岸開放交流，衍生國人與外籍或大陸人民通婚現象，且近十年來通婚數量急遽增加，對我國人口結構及社會造成相當程度之影響。我國過去並未有如此多外籍或大陸人士來台，近幾年方有較具規模移民法制之建置，目前相關移民法規約有「入出國及移民法」、「國籍法」、「台灣地區與大陸地區人民關係條例」等，這些法規對於外籍配偶與大陸配偶移入分別設有不同規定，外界遂有認形成差別待遇之情形。 本論文首先檢視我國憲法對於外國人或是移民之保障範圍，釐清婚姻移民是否得享有我國憲法保障之權利，探討法制上何以將外國人與大陸人民區分，並比較兩者差別待遇情形，再以平等權觀點加以檢視其差別待遇是否合理。我國法制對於外籍配偶與大陸配偶之法律地位及差別待遇，由於對於大陸配偶安全顧慮較高且兩岸婚姻成長迅速卻又較不穩定，以致於其實際待遇尤其是工作權與居留權略遜於外籍配偶。本文以美國法模式之平等權觀點審查，外籍配偶與大陸配偶有其法律地位及實際情形之不同，並非不能差別待遇，重要的是差別待遇是否合理的問題，本文經探討認為：居留權部分，涉及家庭團聚權，採「中度審查標準」，認仍屬合憲，惟有關工作權部分，大陸配偶來台制度目前偏重於對兩岸婚姻弱勢經濟家庭之保障，相較於外籍配偶居留即取得完整工作權，此一差別待遇則難符合平等權。另有關參政權及服公職權之規定，由於取得公民身分制度及程序之不同，就忠誠衝突及安全考量，為維護我國生存發展及民主憲政秩序，兩岸條例第21條之規定尚屬合憲，惟有關對於大陸人民設籍滿10年始得擔任公職，本文認為尚得考量公職對國家安全與利益之影響及所需民主素養程度，分類後區分限制擔任公職種類。 外籍配偶與大陸配偶來台制度之差別待遇問題，本文認為須從實際來台狀況予以檢驗及解決，重要的是基本權益的實質保障，另為解決此一問題，應從改善兩岸關係著手，如能減緩或解決兩岸間政治、軍事對立及衝突，能有良好正常的互動與發展，同時有效改善虛偽結婚或異常、非法情事，當能更提昇大陸人民或是大陸配偶權益及待遇。此外，我國應參照國際人權保障趨勢，擬訂符合我國需要之移民政策，朝保障外來移民之權益繼續努力。 / As globalization goes on, the movement of international population is increasing. For Taiwan, cross-strait communication speeds up this trend. International marriage, including that with the foreigners and PRC citizens, grows up drastically in the number over the past ten years. There were not so many immigrants from foreign countries or from Mainland China before in this country. In response thereto, Taiwan government has set up legal systems and particular rules to regulate immigration lately, for example, “Immigration Law”, “Nationality Law”, “Act Governing Relations between Peoples of the Taiwan Area and the Mainland Area”, and so on. These laws include different articles to regulate foreign spouses and Mainland China spouses respectively. Some people therefore get the impression that there is involved discrimination in legal systems. One aspect of this study is firstly devoted to an investigation of the protection as imparted by our Constitution in order to clarify the issue whether a foreign spouse is entitled to rights under the Constitution. Another aspect is to discuss the difference in legal status between a foreigner and people from Mainland China. Then, the legitimacy of such a differentiation is examined from the angle of equity. Actually, the rationale under such a differentiation comes from the cross-strait relations. Relatively, the regulations are stricter for the mainland spouses than for the foreign spouses, in particular in terms of the right to work and residence. As for political right and the right to become civil servants, the problem is more complicated. Since the foreigners and mainland people are regulated differently in respect of the procedures and requirements for getting the citizenship, in consideration of the loyalty conflict and security and in order to ensure the existence and maintain the constitutional democracy of our country, the 10-year minimum requirement for mainland people to become civil servants upon getting the citizenship as prescribed in Article 21 of “Act Governing Relations between Peoples of the Taiwan Area and the Mainland Area” is supposed to be in conformity with the constitution. On the other hand, the author of this dissertation opines that upon specifying the restriction on the positions open to the mainland people, the legal system should take into account the impact of their becoming civil servants upon the national security and their accommodation to democracy as required. The author investigates the differentiation in law between foreign and mainland spouses from the angle of American law and the theory of equal protection. Currently, the policy on the mainland spouses’ right to work is focused on the maintenance of low-income families. It might amount to a kind of discrimination that does not quite comply with the equal protection if compared with the phase of foreigners. However, due to the difference in citizenship system between the foreign and mainland spouses, the legal status of these two might not be identical. The foreign spouses who intend to be naturalized in Taiwan must accept the loyalty examination. But for mainland people, the steps to get Taiwanese citizenship lack the loyalty examination procedure. The mainland people who get Taiwanese citizenship are not required to abandon the nationality of mainland China. The mainland people come from communist system; they need a period time to get accommodated to democracy. Therefore, by virtue of loyalty conflict and national security consideration, it is constitutional that the law may prescribe some restriction in this regard. Nonetheless, there remains room for review of the 10-year minimum requirement. It is incumbent upon the legal system to regulate the civil positions to be open in accordance with the impact upon the national security and the accommodation to democracy as required. On the basis of this study, it is suggested that the differentiation between foreign and mainland spouses, having its institutional sector, should be examined and solved in consideration of national circumstances and practical phase. Of particular importance is how to promote the substantial protection of basic human right. Besides, another critical factor is to improve the cross-strait relationship. The tasks such as: to ease and avoid cross-strait political and military confrontation or conflicts, to foster normal and friendly bilateral relations and interaction, etc., all play a critical role. Meanwhile, an effective solution to the problem of fake marriage and other crimes or illegal events will help enhance the interest and status of mainland people furthermore. Also, our country should keep following the trend of international human right protection so as to work toward realistic immigration policy and a satisfactory legal system without compromising the right protection of immigrants.

本研究旨在討論外債和人權之間的協同作用和緊張關係，藉由探討聯合世界銀行國際貨幣基金組織債務對低收入國家的償債能力，尤其著重尼加拉瓜的例子。筆者發現有效支持兩個變量理論的連結，另外，本研究強調了政治決策改變人權債務的結果。 文獻探討發現過往討論各國償債能力忽略了人權因素，如此會抑止：（一）完成其任務，指導已納入人權要素在其發展援助干預的多邊和雙邊貸款；（二）審議侵犯人權的行為，特別是公民權利和政治權利的破壞治理和機構質量的因素；和（三）解決其減少債務相關的風險政策的人權影響。 研究分析的結果發現高度的侵犯人權行為（特別是公民權利和政治權利），不僅導致政治不穩定，也破壞了宏觀經濟的穩定。 / The author's research studies the synergies and tensions between external debt and human rights. To do this, the study examines the joint world bank-international monetary fund Debt Sustainability Framework for Low Income Countries, whilst paying particular attention to Nicaragua’s case. The author finds support for the validity of theoretical arguments that link the two variables. Specifically, the investigation examines and specifies how political decisions as a result of changes in human rights impact debt sustainability as well as and how high debt affects respect of human rights. The review of the Debt Sustainability Framework revealed that the framework ignores human rights issues in its methodology, which inhibits the framework’s ability to: i) accomplish its mandate to provide guidance to multilateral and bilateral lenders that have incorporated human rights elements in their development aid interventions; ii) to consider human rights violations, especially civil and political rights as a factor that undermines the quality of governance and institutions; and iii) address human rights impacts of the policies which reduce debt related risks. The inclusive growth diagnostic conducted by Nicaragua provided an in-depth study of the growth drivers (repayment capacity) and factors that are hindering their growth. As a result of the analysis, it revealed that high human rights violations (specially civil and political rights) have not only led to political instability, but also undermined macroeconomic stability - upsetting macroeconomic stability and increasing indebtedness.

一九五○年十一月四日歐洲理事會十六個會員國，在義大利首都羅馬簽訂歐洲保護人 權及基本自由公約，至今已有二十一國已批準本公約。 本論文第一章概述歐洲人權公約締結的緣起，以及陸續簽訂五項議定書的經過和內容 。第二章說明本公約與議定書內所保障的十九項權利與自由。第三章與第四章分別為 歐洲人權委員會與歐洲人權法院，是本公約所創設的兩個保障人權的監督機構，這兩 章內容分別說明它們的成員、職權和執行任務的程序。第五章說明歐洲理事會的部長 聯席會在本公約內所擔任的角色、以及執行任務的程序。第六章檢討歐洲人權公約締 結以來的成就、以及其本身的缺失。

根據國內的人權教育相關研究，當前臺灣學校人權教育的發展未臻成熟，尚有待改善之處。時有所聞的校園反人權現象亦突顯「紀律/規訓」的魔咒仍是當前首需「問題化」的關鍵。 本研究藉由國內學術文獻的研究成果，檢視臺灣學校人權教育的可能問題癥結，包含：(1)主體性概念的缺席；(2)多元價值的匱乏。 並以傅柯在其著作《監視與懲罰》中對「規訓」之析論：(1)被規訓者的身體柔順性；(2)規訓者的管教手段；(3)全景敞視的規訓環境等三方面，以及(4)傅柯對主體的關注，闡釋傅柯規訓觀對臺灣學校人權教育未來的啟示，包括：(1)教育場域中主體的關注及(2)校園生活中多元價值的實踐。 / According to the related research for human rights education in Taiwan, the current development of human rights education has not been mature yet; it could be improved in most schools. The phenomenon of anti-human rights at campus which occasionally published in the news also emerged that we should urgently problematize “Discipline/power” and disciplinary institutions in the modern society. Michel Foucault vividly described the disciplinary power which permeated through our society by presenting four manifestations: (1) Docility of bodies, (2) Facilities for disciplining, (3) Panoptic environment, and (4) Care for the self in late Foucault. By analyzing Foucault's theory of discipline, this research surveyed the possible problems of human rights education in school in Taiwan─(1)the lack of discussion on subjectivity/self ,(2)the disregard of multi-values. Furthermore, this research elaborate on its implication for human rights education in school, including: (1) Care for the school subject/self, (2) Putting multi-values into practice in campus.