冷戰結束之後，蘇聯及東歐的共黨政體跨台，中共成為全球最大的共黨國家，不僅需要有個和平的環境，更必須確保和國際社會的友好互動，以避免因為經濟衰退而帶來「和平演變」。後冷戰時期，企圖維持一個有利於中國經濟發展的和平與友好的國際環境，也就成為中共對外政策和國際戰略的基本原則。因此，中共推展全方位的外交政策，其戰略重點：第一是維持並發展與發達國家的合作關係，第二是保持良好的睦鄰關係。也就是與周邊國家和各大國間保持合作及友好的關係，成為中共外交的重點。 中共在外交上是要使其能夠持續經濟發展，進而在追求經濟成長的同時，能融入國際社會，一方面強調扮演國際社會合作者的角色，強調與大國和平互動，另一方面強調中共是愛好和平的角色，以安撫周邊國家，顯示中共的崛起將與周邊國家維持和平互動，三方面宣示中共追求國際社會大國的地位與形象，期盼在國際社會扮演與自己國力相吻合的角色。然而，胡錦濤執政以來，雖然是延續鄧小平及江澤民時期的獨立自主的和平外交政策，但胡錦濤因應國際形勢的變遷而作出調整與變化，提出建設「和諧世界」新思維及採「元首外交」、「經濟外交」、「能源外交」等多元方式及「多邊外交」策略，著重於「推動大國外交」、「推動睦鄰友好政策」、「拓展與發展中國家關係」及「積極參與多邊組織」等政策理念與作為的基礎上，追求融合自主，進而成為一個世界大國，並妥為因應「中國持續崛起的爭議」、「美日對中國的制約」及「台海問題的挑戰」等困境與限制，以獲致一個穩定與友好的國際環境。 隨著中共綜合國力的進一步增長和外交策略的逐漸成熟，中共必將在國際重大事務中發揮更大的影響力及塑造力。中共也將對目前和未來國際格局的形成和變遷產生不可估量的影響。

員工具有工作熱情對企業與員工本身都有正面效益，因此，如何提高員工的工作熱情，是企業必須要關心的議題。然而，過去雖有研究指出直屬主管的行為對於員工工作熱情具有一定的影響力，但少有文獻有進一步的探討，因此，本研究希望從主管行為的角度出發，深入探討哪些主管行為有助於提高員工的工作熱情。本研究分成兩階段進行，第一階段透過文獻回顧，以及訪談五位實務界的專家，瞭解有哪些主管行為能提高員工工作熱情，並依照文獻資料與訪談結果編制主管行為問卷。第二階段使用第一階段發展的問卷進行量化驗證，以確認文獻與專家們提到的主管行為是否對員工工作熱情有正向的影響。 本研究問卷共蒐集到259個有效樣本，來自六家電子資訊業與兩家金融業，受測者皆為在職超過六個月以上的正職員工。本研究以階層迴歸分析確認主管行為變項與員工工作熱情變項間的關係，結果發現主管行為的「積極的指導與關懷」對和諧式熱情有正向影響；另外，主管行為的「以員工為中心的激勵」對和諧式熱情與強迫式熱情皆有正向的影響。 / Work passion can have noticeable beneficial effects on both employees and employers. Therefore, raising the employee’s passion for work is one of the key points which enterprises need to concern. There are some researches indicate that the behaviors of direct supervisors can impact on work passion of employee but the relationship remains unexplained. Here we’d like to investigate that from supervisor’s perspective, what kind of behavior from managers can enhance the work passion of employee. In the first part of this research, we have gone through reviews from both references and interviews of 5 managers from industry to conclude the specific behaviors which influence the work passion. Then we have induced a questionnaire according to the factors. Later, we have measured quantitatively from the survey and we have verified the relationships between supervisor’s behavior and employee’s work passion. We have collected 259 effective samples from 8 companies including IT, electronics, and financial industries. The subjects need to be a full-time employee for at least 6 months. This research takes hierarchical regressions to analyze the relationships between supervisors’ behaviors and employee’s work passion, and we found the “aggressive instruction and care” have productive influence on the harmonious passion. Besides, “employee-oriented encourage” also have affirmative effect on both harmonious passion and obsessive passion of workers.

本文初始，筆者提出一個要解答的困惑：為什麼中國大陸地方的政治改革，其模式與幅度都不是「全國一盤棋」？本文將「地方」設定在「省級」，並將「政治改革」設定為「基層首長選制」與「行政三分制」，去分析在為何少數的省份，出現較大規模的政治改革。筆者試圖建構「政績─派系」模式，去解釋省委書記是如何推動中國大陸的政改。 在「政績」的面向，由於各地「初始條件」的考量，使得省委書記相繼追求「和諧社會」或「小康社會」的「政績」。「基層首長選制」有助於前者的完成，「行政三分制」的推進和後者有關。這說明各地政改的形式，為何出現互異。另一個因素是「派系關係」。和「最高領導人」存在「派系關係」的省級領導，因為能降低「硬制度」改革的風險，因此更容易在全省推動「大規模」的政改。 以2002之後的四川，和2008年之後的廣東，分別是經濟發展不佳與良好之地，政治改革的兩個代表案例。四川省委書記張學忠、廣東省委書記汪洋，都是胡錦濤的嫡系，使得兩省的政改力度冠居全國。但由於兩省的經濟環境迥異，使得張學忠、汪洋，分別推動「基層首長選制」和「行政三分制」。但筆者也指出，於分離主義盛行的西部省份，在「穩定壓倒一切」的思量下，該省並不會推動過多政改。即便省委書記是「最高領導人」的派系，亦是如此。筆者相信，將解釋層級聚焦在省級領導，並結合「政績」與「派系」因素，最能解釋省級為何會發動大規模的激進政改。  此外，筆者納入江蘇的個案，其主因是該省的政改途徑過於殊異。江蘇的經濟發展在中國名列前茅，與廣東類似，但該省卻走向「基層首長選制」改革。筆者認為，胡錦濤有意在東部省份，豎立一個「和諧社會」的推行樣版，因此提高江蘇推動「和諧社會」政績的效用函數，以鼓勵省委書記李源潮繼續在江蘇改革「基層首長選制」。換言之，江蘇的案例完全不能說明經濟發展與民主化的聯繫，它反而再現了黨國體制的國家能力中央對省級的絕對控制。 / The beginning of this article, we offer a question: why the range and pattern of political reform in Mainland China are not the same? For replying the question, we focus on the provincial level, and discuss the two categories of reform—the elective reform of local leader and separation of the three administrative powers ─ the most important and sensitive institutions of all the political reform for the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). We try to generate the “Faction-Performance” Model, and use it to explain the provincial reforms. The theory covers two main points. First, these province leaders depend on the initial condition of economic development, to choose the reform’s pattern. At the no richness provinces, leaders wish to push the personnel system reform; on the other hand, leaders tend to practice administrative reform on the affluent provinces. Second, all the province leaders that enforce the radical political reforms are the top leader’s faction. The reason is that the patron-clientship may decrease the risk of political reform. We give two examples Sichuan and Guangdong, to prove the aboving inferences. Sichuan is the late developmental area, existing the unstable society, and the provincial leaders want to reach for the performance of the harmonious society. Besides, the provincial secretary of the CCP Committee, Zhang Xuezhong, ever had the colleague relationship with Hu Jintao. Zhang would be regarded as the clique of Hu. In the condition, after Zhang assumed the official, he pushed the large scale of the elective reform of local leader in Sichuan. On the contrary, Guangdong has the good economical growth. The administrative reform has been the important issue for the province. When Wangyang took on the provincial secretary, he pushed the large scale of the separation of the three administrative powers. Checking his background, we find Wangyang is the Communist Youth League (CYL) cadre—the faction of Hu. For the two cases, Zhang Xuezhong and Wangyang are all the faction of Hu. So, the two examples can confirm my hypothesis. Besides, the dissertation focuses on the Giangsu as a deviant case, to discuss why the large scale of elective reform of local leaders occurring on the wealth province. There are enough evidences to show that Hu Jintao inspired Li Yuanchao to advance the reform. Hu adjusted the performance utility function of the Giangsu and made the provincial leaders to accomplish the “harmonious society” in the area. The case represents the ability of party-state system ─ central committee has the absolute power to adjust and control the political reforms in provinces.

夫妻財產制規範之重心，應在於婚姻發生破綻或解消（包括夫妻之一方死亡）時，財產如何處理或分配之問題，故可稱為「處理夫妻財產危機之法律」。 在中國大陸方面，自清宣統三年（西元一九一一年）以迄民國十七年（西元一九二八年）止，整部民法共有二次民律草案，其中就民法親屬編而言，共有四次草案，而大理院則於民國元年至十七年間，為司法審判之龍首。立法院於民國十九年制定民法親屬編，自民國二十年五月五日起施行，是為民國七十四年六月五日未修正前之親屬法。在臺灣方面，自西元一八九五年日本人統治臺灣至一九四五年止，中國民法之效力不曾及於臺灣本島，亦即民國前十七年（西元一八九五年）至民國三十四年（西元一九四五年），五十年間，為臺灣日治時期。 我國民法親屬編於民國二十年（一九三一年）五月五日開始在中國大陸施行，然而當民法親屬編在中國大陸實施之際，臺灣正值日本統治之下，依當時日本的法律，關於臺灣人之間的婚姻家庭事項主要是依據臺灣固有的習慣做為裁判之依據，而所謂臺灣固有的習慣主要係受到清朝法律（即大清律例）之影響，故我國民法親屬編直到民國三十四年（一九四五年），臺灣光復後，才開始適用。而自民國三十九年（一九五○年）開始，因民法親屬編在大陸已為中共所公布的「婚姻法」所取代，自此這個在大陸公布施行的民法親屬編僅在臺灣、金門、馬祖、澎湖等地區施行。 本文擬對夫妻財產制之立法原則、民初以來及臺灣日治時期之夫妻財產制，分別剖析其變革，以求脈絡分明，進而對現在與未來我國之通常法定夫妻財產制，有更為清晰之定位，以符時代需求。此外，以比較法之觀點，檢討、分析我國通常法定夫妻財產制之現行規範，供各方先進卓參。 第一章首先介紹本論文之研究方法，包括歷史法、批判法、分析法、比較法、歸納法、演繹法及綜合法，及其在本論文中如何實際運用，並闡述研究動機與目的，在於平衡追求「兩性平等」、「交易安全之保障」及「婚姻共同生活圓滿和諧」三項法益。而在此追求中，自固有法制、習慣與外國立法例獲得啟示，以期展望我國通常法定夫妻財產制。 第二章將「維護夫妻兩性平等」、「保護交易安全」及「維持圓滿婚姻關係」之夫妻財產制三大立法原則內涵，作進一步論述，以此做為後述各章論述之基礎。 第三章係參考日本、德國與瑞士之外國立法例，並分析其利弊得失，及其對我國法之啟發，以作為我國爾後立法上修法重要參考之依據。 第四章論述我國傳統法與民初大理院判例之夫妻財產關係（民國元年至十七年間），以及民國十九年民法、六十八年草案、七十四年修正之通常法定夫妻財產制，探尋其變革之軌跡與定位。 第五章論述影響現今法制、民間觀念及習慣之臺灣日治時期夫妻財產制（自清光緒二十一年至民國三十四年間；亦即自西元一八九五年至一九四五年間），當時日本政府對統治之臺灣，多較尊重臺灣風俗習慣，若非民間習慣明顯違背當時之公序良俗，則認身分法之立法，宜以體現民間習慣，而不宜妄加遽然改變，即使欲透過立法上之移風易俗，亦宜採取緩和漸進方式為之。。 第六章則綜合以上各章之論述，分析甫於九十一年六月二十六日修正通過之我國通常法定夫妻財產制，其如何自我國傳統法、民初大理院判例之夫妻財產關係、民國十九年民法、六十八年草案、七十四年之修正、臺灣日治時期夫妻財產制變革而來之過程，在變革之過程中有如何之啟示，以及應如何予以解釋、適用。 第七章則結合前述各章之研究成果，進一步就我國現行通常法定夫妻財產制，參酌國內、外之立法例，展望未來，希能兼顧前述三大立法原則之調和與平衡追求，提出立法論。 第八章為總結，並以表格化之方式，提出對現行通常法定夫妻財產制之立法上修法之建議，期使未來我國通常法定夫妻財產制，更趨至臻完善。

人生在世，無不期望幸福，而目標的達成是一個人幸福的來源。從文化與自我相互建構的觀點，不同文化下的人擁有不同自我建構（獨立自我vs.相依自我），而追求不同的目標，因此其幸福感的來源基礎應當有所不同。過去的文獻都指出，華人社會是一個集體主義的社會（相對於北美的個人主義），華人的自我是一種相依式的自我；與他人的相融和諧應當是華人重要的幸福感來源。然而，筆者假設：在文化交流頻繁的情況下，當代華人應當同時具有兩種自我建構的特色，一方面，獨立自我可能透過整體自尊而獲得其幸福感，相依自我則以與他人的相融和諧為其幸福感來源。筆者也對自尊的概念作一初步的釐清，認為相融和諧也可以成為個人整體自尊來源，進而影響個人主觀幸福。筆者讓425位參與者接受自我建構（包括獨立自我與相依自我）、整體自尊、相融和諧、以及主觀幸福感（包括生活滿意、正向情緒、負向情緒）等量表的施測，結果發現：當代以台灣為代表的華人，確實兼有相依自我與獨立自我建構的特色，而徑路分析的結果也支持了前述的假設。本研究也發現：自我建構量表的因素分析結果，獨立自我的部分可以抽成兩個因素，一為自我表達，一為追求獨立；進行階層迴歸分析後，發現除了相依自我外，善於自我表達也是有助於與人相融和諧的因素。最後，筆者除了對本研究的反省與限制作一討論外，也提出一些未來可能的研究方向。 / Subjective well-being (SWB) or happiness, which is acquired from achieving one’s goals, is the ultimate motivator for all humans. The theory of self-construals states that people from different cultures have different self-construls (independent vs. interdependent), and pursue different cultural imperatives or everyday life tasks (goals). It has been pointed out that Chinese people have interdependent self-construl, which emphasizes fitting in and maintaining harmonious relationships with important others. However, the author hypothesized that the two views of the self might coexist in Chinese people in Taiwan in the face of the vast-scale cultural invasion from the West. The independent self was proposed to be the predictor of SWB, acting through the mediating variable of global self-esteem, whereas the interdependent self to be predictor of SWB, acting through the mediating variable of fitting-harmony (which means fitting in and maintaining harmonious relationships with important others). It was also hypothesized that fitting-harmony might be an important domain on which self-esteem is contingent; therefore, self-esteem is expected to mediate the effect on SWB for those higher in fitting-harmony. 425 participants completed the self-construl scale, self-esteem scale, fitting-harmony scale, and SWB scale. It was found that the two self-views coexist in Chinese people in Taiwan and the results of path analyses supported the hypotheses described above. Moreover, the result of exploratory factor analysis of self-construal scale showed that the items for independent self could be divided into two factors: self-expression and independence-pursuit. In addition to interdependent self, self-expression was also a significant predictor of fitting-harmony. The results, limitations, and future directions were discussed.

外交戰略屬於總體戰略下的一項分類戰略，而周邊外交戰略則構成外交戰略中的一環。當前中國的周邊外交戰略，是採「以鄰為伴，為鄰為善」為精神的「睦鄰外交」，屬於周邊外交戰略模型中「有所作為」的型態。睦鄰外交的內涵已由早期單純強調政治層面的「睦鄰」，擴充為今天同時兼顧經濟層面的「富鄰」及安全層面的「安鄰」，其特點包括了尋求與周邊國家建立合作夥伴關係、廣泛參與區域性多邊外交機制、以談判手段解決領土紛爭、加深與周邊國家的經貿聯繫、降低周邊國家對中國軍事威脅的疑慮等。影響周邊外交戰略形成的因素可分為內在的思維及外在的環境兩部分。中國周邊外交的戰略思維歷經了「和平共處」、「革命輸出」、「和平發展」、「和諧世界」四個階段，當前的周邊外交戰略思維，即是在這些概念下一脈相承的產物。中國周邊包括了東北亞、東南亞、中南及南亞四個次區域，而每個區域中的地緣政治因素、區域整合因素、以及美國的因素等，構成了影響周邊外交戰略的外在環境因素。在這些內、外因素的交互作用下，形成了今天的周邊外交戰略。透過中日的「暖春之旅」、中緬的新經濟合作關係、中俄的「和平使命」聯合軍演三個案例的印證，可幫助我們觀察及評估睦鄰外交戰略在政治、經濟、安全三個領域的發揮及成效。

本研究探討三代同住家庭中，代間婦女的關係。在婆媳間權力型態方面，目的想了解媳婦教育程度、就業與否對婆媳權力型態的影響，以及婆媳權力型態對婆媳和諧度的影響；在問題解決策略方面，想了解使用各問題解決策略與婆媳和諧度的關係，以及媳婦教育程度與婆媳權力型態對問題解決策略使用頻率的影響。以問卷法進行研究，受試為７４３位與婆婆同住的婦女，透過小學老師發給班上符合本研究受試條件的學生，帶回家給母親填答。經過百分比統計、ｔ考驗分析、變異數分析、相關分析與迴歸分析，得到目前三代同住家庭中，以「平等自主型」的婆媳權力型態最多，其次是「婆婆優勢型」，再其次是「媳婦優勢型」。高等教育程度的媳婦比國民教育程度者，在婆媳間擁有較高的權力。媳婦就業與無就業者，在婆媳權力型態、各問題解決策略與婆媳和諧度上，都沒有差異。「平等自主型」的婆媳權力型態，婆媳和諧度最高，其次是「婆婆優勢型」，最低是「媳婦優勢型」；媳婦與婆婆衝突時，越常使用「技巧說服」與「順從」策略，則婆媳和諧度越高，媳婦越常使用「逃避」與「防衛」策略，則婆媳合諧度越低。最能預測婆媳和諧度者，為問題解決策略中的「逃避」策略，其次是「順從」策略，再次是「技巧說服」策略。

新興強權的崛起，勢將影響國際權力結構。自冷戰結束以來，國際體系維持著以美國為主導的單極為主多極體系，然全球化的影響，美國權力不免出現離散的下降趨勢。中共的崛起，成為可能挑戰以美國所主導的國際體系，使美中間的權力互動成為世人關切的焦點。 中共的國際戰略旨在維護和鞏固其在國際領域中的國家利益。自建政以來，歷代領導人審視國際權力結構的動態，制訂其國際戰略，俾在權力平衡的運作中，追求最大的國家利益。中共在面對「中國威脅論」的不利態勢，在16大以後，胡、溫領導以「和諧世界」戰略做為外交政策的指導原則；充滿理想主義的和諧世界戰略，能否改變國際間對中共這個新興強權的疑慮，成為全球矚目的焦點。 本文為瞭解中共和諧世界戰略與美中台間的關係發展與影響，採用歷史文獻分析法，藉由多元研究途徑，探討中共和諧世界戰略發展的歷程、背景與內涵及與美中台關係發展的影響。 研究發現，和諧世界戰略充滿理想主義色彩，但本質仍是追求權力平衡的觀點，企圖改變現階段美中權力結構的不和諧與不對等；和諧世界戰略提出後，受到主要國家的歡迎，相對的拉近美中之間權力結構的差距；但美國對中共威脅認知、雙方對權力的觀點、其他主要國家（戰略樞紐者如：俄、日、印、歐盟等）的抉擇及台灣問題的潛在衝突等，仍將影響美中台關係的未來發展。 / The rise of emerging powers is bound to affect the power structure of the international. Since the conclusion of the Cold War, a uni-multipolar system with the US as the only superpower has been dominating the arena of international politics. However, the US power diffuses and descends as a result of globalization. On the other hand, China’s rise to regional hegemony and the subsequent adjustment of its international strategy is posing a challenge to the US-dominated international political system. The interaction between Washington and Beijing has become a critical factor in the development of global politics. The PRC’s international strategy aims to secure and consolidate its national interests in the global society. Since the establishment of the Communist regime, the paramount leaders have examined the dynamics of international power structure and formulated its international strategy accordingly in order to pursue the maximum national interests in the operations of balance of power. Since the sixteenth Communist Party Congress, Hu Jintao and Wen Jia Bau has enshrined “harmonious world” as the guidelines for the country’s foreign policy. The latest international strategy sets a new direction for the development of the US-China relations. Since then whether or not the nominally idealistic “harmonious world” strategy helps reduce America’s suspicion of the potential rival has taken the limelight of international politics. This paper adopts document analysis and employs diversified research approach to explore, in terms of balance of power, the development process of the PRC’s international strategy, the contents of the “harmonious world” strategy, and the influence of the strategy upon the relations between the US- China and Taiwan. The findings of this study include the following points: The PRC’s “harmonious world” strategy is only idealistic in name but in essence, it still holds the Chinese traditional wisdom of balance of power; the strategy aims to rectify the existing discord and asymmetry in the power structure of US-China relations; and, although the strategy reduces the gap in the US-China power structure to a certain extent, America’s perception of China threat, mutual recognition of the contrast of national power, the decisions of other strategic pivots (such as the strategic hub are: i.e. Russia, Japan, India, and the European Union), and the dispute on Taiwan will continue to dictate the development of the bilateral relations between the US - PRC and the Taiwan.

冷戰結束後，中共在亞太地區及全球安全戰略格局中的地位逐漸上升。時空際會，當今國際秩序與全球化正值發展階段，因而出現一個有利於中共改善與周邊國家關係的國際環境，並提供一個穩定周邊良好的機遇。邁入21世紀之初，中共在第四代領導人集體審時度勢下，調整了對外政策，以「大國外交」與「睦鄰外交」為重要的外交戰略，在外交理念上堅持以互相信任為基礎，長期穩定為前提，睦鄰友好為保障，全面合作是紐帶，共同發展繁榮為目標，致力於大國及周邊國家的合作友好關係建立。 中共在「十六大」政治報告後，將「大國外交」與「睦鄰外交」列為對外關係的重要戰略。除運用元首出訪、經貿交流、軍事交流等外交作為，與美、俄、日、歐盟及印度等主要大國及周邊重要國家建立友好關係與傳統外交外，並積極參與或主導有關政治、經濟、軍事等具全球性議題的雙邊或多邊組織，以展現其對國際社會善盡義務，藉以塑造為體系中「負責任大國」與「睦鄰、安鄰、富鄰」友好鄰國之形象。 　 2003年中共胡溫領導人掌權後，在遂行「大國外交」、「睦鄰外交」時，係採取「韜光養晦、有所作為」具體行動，並倡議「新安全觀」、「和平發展」、「和諧世界」、「國際關係民主化」的外交理念，並強調「不對抗、不結盟、不針對三者」主張，逐步融入國際體系，積極從事國家經濟建設，以期與主要大國與周邊國家建構「平等、協作、互信、互利」的合作夥伴關係，目的就在創造一個安全、穩定的國際與周邊環境。 中共總體外交戰略是在謀求國家利益發展戰略，進而轉向與世界謀求共同發展與安全戰略。此一戰略轉變，是以經濟利益與區域安全為基點，以積極參與國際事務、加強國際合作為途徑，以拓展國家戰略利益、發揮負責任大國作用為目標。自胡溫掌政後即積極與世界各主要大國與鄰近重要國家建立戰略性協作夥伴關係，目前與中共建立戰略夥伴關係的國家共有30個國家，從中共積極推動「大國外交」與「睦鄰外交」之戰略與手段觀察，事實上我們不難發現其為何一直在積極維護和創造有利於現代化的國際與周邊環境，並企圖拓展國家戰略利益的範圍和空間，不斷地擴大在國際間地位與影響力之目的所在。 關鍵字：大國外交、睦鄰外交戰略、新安全觀、和平崛起、和諧世界 / After the cold war, China is gradually gaining a raising status of military strategic position in the Asia-Pacific region as well as in global layout. International order and Globalization is at its developing phase, thus forming a advantageous circumstance for Chinese government to enhance its foreign affair status with surrounding countries also providing a chance to stabilize regional diplomatic pressure. In the beginning of 21st centry, 4th generation leaders of Chinese government carefully evaluated situations and adjusted their diplomatic policies, focusing their diplomatic strategies on foreign affair with powerful nations and surrounding countries, insisting their foreign policy to be based on trust with views of long-term balance. With the objectives of mutual growth, china is dedicated to build amicable relation with powerful and surrounding countries by bonding full collaboration and assured partnership. After the 16th Congress political report, china listed “Big-Power Diplomacy” and “Good-Neighborly Diplomacy” as their major foreign affair strategy. Besides building friendly relation and applying traditional foreign tactics with major nations such as USA, Russia, Japan, EU, and India, China’s foreign tactics also includes financial and military collaboration, visiting friendly soil by country leader(s), etc. China also actively leads and/or joins associtions/organizations with concern of global issues regarding political, economical, and military importance, in attempt to demonstrate the image of a powerful nation and to establish the good-neighborly figure in the international society. China’s overall foreign affair strategy is focused on gaining national benefits and later seeks global growth collaboration and international security. This change of strategy is based on considerations of economical benefits and regional security, achieved by actively attending international events, with clear objectives of expanding maximum strategical gain and developing the representation of an accountable country. Governor Hu and governor Wen had been actively building strategic partnership with major nations and vicinal countries. At present, there are 30 countries having strategic partnership with Chinese government. Examining china’s strategic means and diplomatic tactics, one can obviously notice how china is aggressively maintain and further create the circumstance which is most beneficial for extending its national strategic space and range, thus accomplish its goal of raised international influence. Key word：Big-power Diplomacy、Good-Neighborly Diplomacy、New Security View、Peaceful Rise、Harmonize the world

本研究以Stroop中文叫色作業，測驗兒童和成人在Stroop作業之練習和刺激向度分離等情形下，其干擾效果的變化情形。共執行兩個實驗，實驗一中的受試者先接受中性刺激和不和諧刺激的測驗，然後對兩類作業練習8日，其後再測驗一次，探討受試者在練習前、後之干擾效果的變化情形。另一組受試接受實驗二中，中性刺激、整合性不和諧刺激和分離性不和諧刺激等作業的測驗，藉以比較整合性干擾和分離性干擾的差異。兩組受試者皆接受文字閱讀的速度測驗。 結果發現，小學二年級兒童的Stroop干擾效果最大，六年級兒童次之，成人最小，這與之前文獻上所載的研究一致，同時也證實，練習確能降低干擾效果，但仍不能使其完全消失，且練習後，三組受試間的干擾效果已無顯著差異。在實驗二的結果顯著，刺激向度分離的干擾效果仍然存在，但比整合性干擾效果小，且受試者間的分離性干擾也沒有顯著差異。而所有受試的閱讀速度均快於叫色速度。 / The study was used the Stroop Chinese task to examine the course of the Stroop interference among second, sixth grade children and adults. Two experiments were conducted. In experiment I, participants were tested with neutral and incongruent tasks and practiced with the same tasks for the following 8 days. They were tested neutral and incongruent tasks again. Then examined the course of the Stroop interference among children of second, sixth grade children and adults, they were test with neutral and incongruent tasks again. Then examine the course of the Stroop interference in between children and adult during before and after practice. The other group of participants took part in experiment II. They were presented with three tasks consist of neutral, integrated and separated incongruent tasks. Then examine the difference of the interference among children of second, sixth grade and adult during integrated and separated incongruent tasks. Two groups of participants were presented word reading speed of task. The finding of the study was Stroop interference increased from the adults through the sixth grade children and finally to the second grade children is in line with previous finding. We have confirmed that although interference decreases with practice, it is very resistant to eradication. After practice, the interference between children and adults is not significant difference. In the experiment II, it was that separated Stroop stimulus showed interference, and the amount was relatively small. The interference of separated Stroop task among children of second, sixth grade and adults were not significant difference. All participants took longer to name color than to read words.