2002年7月31日，中共在「東協區域論壇」外長會議中，提出了「中方關於新安全觀的立場文件」，全面有系統地闡述了中共在新世紀下的安全觀念和政策主張，中共自1996年就提出應共同培育一種新型的安全觀念，中共領導人更多次在國際場合呼籲建立新安全觀，強調以對話協商增進了解和信任，通過協調合作促進和平與安全。 近年來，中共積極參與雙邊國際協定、多邊國際組織，強調「和平發展」重於一切，其中「東協區域論壇」與「上海合作組織」更被中共視為是新安全觀的具體成功實踐。新安全觀顯然已經成為中共順應經濟全球化與倡導世界多極化的主要工具，勢將成為中共對外政策的主調。因此，本文除探究中共新安全觀的背景與理念，更透過中共安全觀的改變、國際建制的參與，以掌握中共可能採行的國家安全政策與所面臨的挑戰。最終，並省思「新安全觀」為兩岸關係帶來的啟示。

學校教育為國家培養人才庫最具組織成效之社會系統，而學校教育目前亦成為輿論批評最為強烈之教育體系。本論文嘗試以法學為經，以經濟學、公共行政學、教育學等為緯，針對近年受新自由主義影響所開展之行政改革理念，進而觸及之公立國民學校法制改革課題，主要係以公部門及私部門有互相合作、共創雙贏之可能性為觀點，討論民間參與國民教育興辦之最新合作模式。 公立學校之改造模式，在教育改革之理論與實際均有多元發展，但美國特許學校制度則為近年獲聯邦及多數州支持之新法制，且特許學校被評價為公立學校成功之改造類型。該制度主要係透過解除法令管制手段，容許主管機關以特許使私人參與公立學校辦學，辦學者可透過引進專家、競爭觀念、自主、選擇及績效責任等機制，形成獨立性高之新型公立學校教育體制，賦予此類學校展現更具多元化及創造性之辦學環境，其亦屬廣義公立學校委託私人經營模式之一。本論文借重美國成功發展之特許學校法制及實際辦學經驗，期待我國學界及教育主管機關於積極繼受此法制之同時，亦得深切體認我國自身之教育環境與文化背景，建立適合本土教育之制度，並更兼顧教育之卓越與公平。 本文之法學分析途徑，除藉由比較法之觀察外，並以我國憲法及行政法規範體系作為論述基礎，試圖開發我國國民教育法及特許學校法制之原理原則，以作為目前相關立法草案之參考，及期望有助於我國相關類型學校興辦之完善。 / A Charter School’s Research of Law Institutions in None-Governmental Participant in Education School education is an organized social system for nations human resource cultivation, which has becomes the most fiercely criticism in present though. Besides, the ideal of transformation under the influences of latest New Liberalism, has been approached the debate of institutional reform in public school in consequences. So, our thesis applied some methodologies such as laws, economics, public administrations, pedagogies and some other knowledge domains, primary focusing on public and private sectors’ collaboration issues, enabling to create a win-win outcome as prospect, and discussing the latest cooperation model for non-governmental participant in education. In fact, public school transformation model in theory and practice for educational reform is already advanced. However, American Charter School System, appraised as a successful transformational type of public school, is supported by new law institutions of Federal and many other states in recent years. Through its decretal deregulation may permit competent authority’s establishers who privately participate in public school establishment with “brain-gaining” experts, competitive concept, independence, selection, accountability and other mechanisms by using Charter. Therefore, a new typical educational system conferred the environment school establishment in more plural and creative way is arised. Our thesis adduced from a successful establishment of American Charter School’s experience before acdemic fields and competent authorities of education implementing the law institutions. In addition, in order to consider the difference of educational environment or culture background, selecting the appropriate pedagogy for country is the first priority we expected. Finally, as a reference for related legislation and expectation to support school establishment, we are not only using a comparison method for extensional observation, but also trying to develop a pattern for nations’ pedagogy and Charter School institution. Keywords: Charter School, Nations Education, non-government education, public school, New Liberalism, Cooperated Nations, Public Private Partnership, the third route, educational reform, transformation of organizing, deregulation, Privatization, parents’ educational right, parents’ right to choose, elasticity, plural principle, neutrality principle, relenting principle, municipal governance, administrative contract, performance doctrine

瑪格麗特‧愛特伍的《瘋狂亞當三部曲》描繪了當代讀者所熟悉的世界: 一個受新自由主義浪潮席捲的社會。當政府權力被龐大財團架空，自由國家的民主核心價值早已崩解。 本篇論文的論點延伸自Chris Vials 的文章，並試圖以新自由主義統治論述來解釋小說中民主與極權融為一體的情況。第一章解釋新經濟思維使個人與社會產生疏離，以統治極端分化的社會階層。第二章則闡述小說中的國家已陷入例外狀態，法律受到懸置，而圍牆的設立強化了排除生命的機制並且產生 “裸命”。在最後的章節將探討上帝的園丁會 “生命-形式” 的革命以及《瘋狂亞當》的主角澤伯所展現的 “無身份” 抵抗的可能性。 如同書中角色，身處於當代的讀者正受到這股 “未來的浪潮” 推進向前卻同時又受到過去的夢靨所困。世界大戰、猶太人集中營不只是已過去的歷史事實，他們以不同形式再現且縈繞不去。如何撿拾過去的傷痛與錯誤，承接死去之人的意志正是我們必須肩負的責任。 / In Margaret Atwood’s MaddAddam trilogy, the author imagines a near future that is too familiar for the reader who live in the contemporary period, a neoliberal society. Through the depiction of a hollowed-out nation replaced by a giant consortium, she lays bare a truth that democracy is going to collapse. Based on Chris Vials’ article, “Margaret Atwood’s Dystopic Fiction and the Contradictions of Neoliberal Freedom,” this thesis furthers to elaborate the integration of democratic regime and totalitarianism by discourse of neoliberal governance: the neoliberal rationality alienates individuals, uniting the divided social stratifications. In the second part, I suggest that the nation falls into an anarchy since it has already entered into a state of exception, which gives rise to “bare life.” The exclusion mechanism is represented by the construction of “the Walls.” The third chapter aims to discuss the possibility of resisting the new form of sovereign power in practice of the God’s Gardeners about how to live “form-of-life” and politics of “(non)-identity” deployed by Zeb, the protagonist of MaddAddam. Like the characters, we stand in the intersection of the “Wave of future” and the recurring nightmare in the past. Global wars and concentration camp are not only historical facts but recurring events. It is our responsibility to recall the memory, remember the pain, and inherit the will of the dead.

本文係由歷史結構之觀點，透過時空發展的進程探討華盛頓共識進入巴西後於卡多索與盧拉兩任總統任內(1995年至2011年) 政治經濟、財政金融、社會政策的一系列發展與變革。 隨著1970年代兩次石油危機的重擊，過去習以保護主義與進口替代作為玻璃帷幕的拉丁美洲終於破碎。因為凱因斯主義失靈重返舞台的新自由主義，挾著在東亞地區的成功經驗，讓拉美國家也服下「華盛頓共識」這枚靈丹妙藥，儘管有效的降低通貨膨脹、財政樽節、促成私有化、強化出口，惟過猛的力道及未妥善的因應措施終使拉丁美洲這個百年機器難以應荷，隨之帶來混亂與抗爭。這股亂流也衝擊南美的巴西，使該國深陷恐慌。1994年接任財政部長的卡多索企圖透過「黑奧計畫」改善巴西的政府人事、赤字、貨幣、通膨、私有化等問題，並於就任總統後持續強化計畫的執行。惟該計畫仍難完全解決巴西多年來的弱勢經濟，1997年後的區域性金融危機及國內債務問題將巴西推入深淵，儘管情勢好轉，但巴西必須更加依賴新自由主義。 繼任者盧拉歷經三次總統競選失利，選擇與華盛頓共識合作並繼承黑奧計畫，厲行樽節。迥於其他拉美國家，盧拉利用樽節、私有化後的盈餘支援社會福利政策，推行「零饑餓計畫」，有效改善國內的就業率、教育、貧寒等問題，並使巴西經濟快速增長，締造黃金十年，並成為全球的重要經濟體。 新自由主義學者向來排斥社會福利政策，盧拉的經驗則為新自由主義與社會福利相容相合提出可能性，這也是本文最重要的研究結果。卡多索和盧拉並未因為自身的左派色彩而採取反新自由主義政策，反而因勢利導，利用華盛頓共識打造更良善的經濟與社會環境，引領巴西走上繁榮的道路。

第二次世界大戰結束以後，以美國為首的西方國家為了嚇阻蘇聯的入侵，遂成立了北大西洋公約組織。這也標誌著冷戰時期美蘇兩強對峙的局面。冷戰結束以後，許多學者因而預言北約即將瓦解。但多年以來，北約卻依然存在，更歷經了三次東擴。本文寫作的目的，便欲透過重新檢視國際關係理論三大主要學派的觀點，對於後冷戰時期的北約存續提出解釋。 在現實主義學者陣營中，摩根索與華爾滋的「權力平衡」論點與北約發展的史實不符；施韋勒的「扈從利益」論點僅部分解釋了國家聯盟行為，對於「扈從」概念的界定又出現前後不一；米爾斯海默的「推卸責任」論點試圖同時涵蓋「制衡」與「不制衡」兩種選項，而純粹的「推卸責任」策略又必須依賴其他國家願意承擔，因此不易成功。瓦特的「威脅平衡」理論雖仍有不足之處，但較適合解釋本文的個案。筆者認為，後冷戰時期的北約便是面臨了大規模毀滅性武器擴散、俄羅斯存在與恐怖主義等威脅，才強化了盟國繼續合作的意願。 從新自由主義學者的觀點而言，國家若欲在無政府狀態的國際體系中維持合作關係，便需要以互惠為基礎而運作的國際制度。當國際制度能隨著成員的需求而調整時，就能獲得更多支持。由於美國的優勢國力受到北約的制度規範與集體決策機制削弱，又具有軟權力的勸服力量，遂吸引了中、東歐國家加入聯盟。此外，民主國家之間較不容易發生戰爭。這些因素都維繫了北約盟國在後冷戰時期的合作關係。 由於後冷戰時期的北約在訴求「內群體」偏袒的同時，卻未激化「外群體」歧視。建構主義學者認為，若隨著聯盟關係的發展，成員之間能培養出休戚與共的集體身份，將個別的國家安全問題視同為集體的安全議題時，彼此便超越了傳統軍事聯盟在攻擊與防禦上合作的功能，而達到安全共同體的境界。北約所具備的規範特性也進一步增強了其對盟國的型塑能力。 聯盟的本質在於合作。但關鍵是國家為何合作、如何促進合作，以及如何決定合作對象或競爭對手。事實上，後冷戰時期的北約並未放棄對付共同威脅的核心目標，卻也逐漸發展出安全管理的功能，不但參與了維和行動，也建立起和俄羅斯與烏克蘭的對話機制，更凝聚了盟國的信念而形成具有集體身份的安全共同體。 / In the aftermath of WWII, North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), mainly led by the U.S., was formed to deter U.S.S.R.’s aggression. This organization signified the bipolar system of international relations. When the Cold War came to an end, many scholars once predicted NATO would collapse. However, the alliance still endures for decades and enlarges eastward three times. The purpose of the dissertation is to reappraise the perspectives from three major schools of International Relation theory and provide some explanation of NATO’s endurance in the post-Cold War era. In the camp of realists, the balance-of-power theory raised by Hans J. Morgenthau and Kenneth N. Waltz is inconsistent with the facts of NATO’s development. The bandwagon-for-profit theory proposed by Randall L. Schweller only gives partial explanation of international alliances and takes a contradictory position on the concept of bandwagon. The buck-passing theory maintained by John J. Mearsheimer tries to include both the options of balance and not-balance on the one hand, while depends heavily on other states’ willingness to take the responsibility of balance on the other hand. As far as we know, the latter seldom results in success. Although the balance-of-threat theory sustained by Stephen M. Walt still has some shortcomings, it can provide a better explanation of the case discussed in the dissertation. This author concludes that NATO faces multiple threats of the spread of WMD, the existence of Russia and transnational terrorism in the post-Cold War era. That’s why the allies continue to cooperate. From the standing points of neo-liberalists, if states want to maintain cooperation under the anarchical international system, they will need international institutions based on reciprocity. When international institutions can be adjusted with the demand of their member states, they will obtain more supports. Because the primacy of the U.S. was reduced by the institutional rules and joint decision making process in NATO and accompanied with persuasive soft power, some Central and Eastern European Countries (CEEC) were drew to join the alliance. Moreover, there are few wars among democracies. For all these reasons, NATO still survives until now. When NATO seeks to develop in-group favoritism in the post-Cold War era, it does not activate out-group discrimination. Constructivists state that if members of alliances can cultivate their collective identities and transform national security problems into collective ones, they can go beyond traditional military alliances and become security communities. Features of norms in NATO also strengthen their capabilities in shaping the alliance. The essence of alliance is cooperation. Its key points for states lie in why they cooperate, how to facilitate their cooperation and how to choose their partners or opponents. As a matter of fact, in the aftermath of the Cold War, NATO doesn’t give up its core purpose of fighting against common threats, while it develops the function of security management gradually. Besides, NATO takes part in the peace-keeping operations and builds the mechanisms for communication with Russia and Ukraine. In the end, NATO solidates the belief from its member states and turns into a security community of collective identity.