本研究爬梳數篇台灣本土的風險投資參與的社會學相關研究，試圖讓前人質性研究的結果與現有的量化資料產生對話，並釐清社會資本、投資人所動員的資訊管道類型、與風險投資行為之間的關係。本研究著眼於風險投資人獲取投資資訊的方式，以此探討投資人的異質性和社會限制，並利用台灣社會變遷基本調查五期三次（2007）的資料區辨出十六種投資人所動員的資訊管道類型。在這些資訊管道類型背後所欲反映的，是投資人「資訊－知識」的社會能力。本研究認為，投資人所動員的資訊管道類型較其一般性質的社會資本能量更能解釋其風險投資行為。 　　本研究控制了幾個重要的社會人口與經濟地位變項，同時也對投資人的風險承受程度進行控制之後，再分別進行：(1)以社會資本解釋風險投資行為；(2)以社會資本解釋動員的資訊管道類型；(3)對社會資本加以控制，並以動員的資訊管道類型解釋風險投資行為。結果發現，原本社會資本對於風險投資行為有顯著影響，但在模型中加入動員的資訊管道類型之後，社會資本的效果就不再顯著，且這幾種動員的資訊管道類型表現了突出且顯著的解釋力。而部份動員的資訊管道類型可以被社會資本所解釋。此結論驗證了投資人所動員的資訊管道類型在解釋上較貼近風險投資行為的想法。

「如何做一個網路平台，讓讀者變成記者，好來幫我們產生內容，或協助我們產生內容?」2005年網路媒體界最熱門的話題，就是由OhMyNews這個韓國公民媒體所掀起的「全民皆記者」現象。然則，橘逾淮可能為枳，將讀者變記者的關鍵因素為何？當我們想實際創建一個全民可以參與的開放性新聞平台時，會碰到什麼問題？又該如何克服？本研究從社會資本的角度出發，針對資源、結構、行動者三大面向提出平台設計的行動假設，並實際建構一個全民新聞平台WEnews.cc，經過半年的上線資料蒐集，研究社會資本概念可以如何導入網路社群平台，並檢討有哪些因素會影響社會資本要素在平台上運用。結果發現，平台所預設的位置結構對社會資本在社群中的產生、流動與分配有著明顯的影響；社會資本雖然是鑲嵌在結構裡的資源，但是居於結構洞的媒體代理人（平台管理者）若能有效的導入外部資源，也能有效的激勵社群行動。

近來信任的研究已引起不同學科的重視與興趣，從眾多領域中都可以發現與信任相關的文獻，不論是理論的建構與實證的探討，在國外學界皆已有一定的數量與規模。然而，「組織信任」受到關注，進而被深入探討，卻僅是近年來的事；再者在組織行為的領域中，學者們也注意到，組織若要能運行順暢，其成員除了必須依據組織所規定的正式角色規範，守份地行事之外，還必須展現一些非由組織正式規範所驅使的創新性、自發性或合作性行為，學者們將此稱為「組織公民行為」，並成為組織行為與管理領域當中頗受矚目的研究課題。 一個組織的發展與競爭優勢，固然需要硬體設備的獲得與新興科技的研發，加以人力資本與知識資本的投資，但是能否使生產要素獲得有效地運用，以及整體的生產能量有所增加，還取決於另一個重要的因素—社會資本。社會資本原先是用來說明蘊藏在個人與個人之間鑲嵌關係的資源，以往與社會資本相關的理論或研究，大都圍繞在社會學、心理學、經濟學或政治學等專業領域，近年來才陸續有相關的研究將核心議題與概念的焦點移至組織管理方面的探討。 迄今，國外已有不少學者投入研究組織信任與組織公民行為，累積了相當數量之文獻，但國內對於此主題研究仍為少見，由社會資本的觀點切入之相關研究，更是付知闕如，俾喚起國內對此主題之重視，本研究希望能夠儘可能深入檢視社會資本概念的理論意義，同時以「組織信任」和「組織公民行為」做為社會資本觀點初探的研究主題，進一步分析這兩者在運作上的形態特徵，累積相關之組織管理知識，做為日後組織管理方面之啟示。 針對組織信任與組織公民行為相關之文獻進行系統式地彙整，分門別類地釐清觀念，並提出切入的主軸與研究架構，並且對於次級資料進行探討與詮釋後，分別歸結出組織信任和組織公民行為對於組織管理上之啟示： 一、社會資本觀點下的組織信任 （一）強調領導者與組織文化的重要性；（二）從教育著手，進行品格教育的紮根，以培養正確的價值觀；（三）暢通組織內的溝通管道、創造開誠佈公的環境、鼓勵員工對既定制度提出改進的意見；（四）建立透明公正的程序與完善的制度；（五）重視系統信任與信任陌生人。 二、社會資本觀點下的組織公民行為 （一）重視領導行為與支持性組織文化；（二）完善的甄選制度；（三）建立公平公正的程序與周全的績效評估制度；（四）舉辦各式社交活動。 最後，本研究提出三點後續研究建議，供後續研究者參酌： 首先，可以將文化系絡因素納入後續研究的考量，或是對於各個文化進行比較性研究；再者，則是需注意新興科技及網絡組織的出現；最後，則是建議日後研究的努力方向，可朝「建立相關的命題和健全的研究設計，進行實證研究，以量化數據加以驗證，或是針對個案進行深度的研究」等方面進行。

過往的家務分工研究在社會資本的討論上著墨較少，不過社會資本的影響的確是在討論夫妻家務分工時，不能忽視的重要面向。本研究目的在探討社會網絡機制和社會資本會如何影響台灣夫妻的家務分工模式，利用2006年中研院主題計畫「社會資本的建構與效應：台灣、中國大陸、美國三地追蹤研究」中的台灣資料，從夫妻網絡重疊、橋樑者位置，以及社會支持網絡三種角度切入，來分析網絡結構與鑲嵌其中的社會資本對夫妻家務分工型態的影響。 本研究主要研究發現如下：第一，夫妻網絡重疊程度的確會影響家務分工，夫妻網絡重疊度高時，夫妻雙方都願意為家庭多一些付出，呈現具有華人文化特質的聯合家務分工模式。第二，橋樑者社會資本在家務分工帶來的協商能力為男性專屬，女性透過丈夫做為橋樑，自己會投入較多時間在家務工作上。第三，女性與丈夫、娘家父母關係緊密時，丈夫投入家務工作的時間和比例會增加，朝向聯合式家務分工邁進；與夫方父母同住時，則會使家務分工呈現傳統隔離分工模式。整體看來，女性的社會資本對夫妻家務分工有較大的影響力，顯示社會資本的經營和維繫，對已婚女性而言是重要的。從社會網絡和鑲嵌其中的社會資本觀點來解釋台灣夫妻家務分工模式之差異，能夠幫助我們對現象有更多的理解。

在1946至1964年之間出生的戰後嬰兒潮,奉獻了大半輩子在於工作,因此擁有較 高的收入以及較充裕的自由時間。毫無疑問地,他們是最有資格也最值得去追求 幸福的族群了。 這篇論文基於PERMA這個模型對於幸福所提出的五個元素,針對其中的“社交 關係”進行研究。並以社會資本來當作研究的核心,近而探討線上以及線下的行 為對於社會資本所造成的影響。 在這篇論文中,我們會透過所設計的機制,來量化個體的社會資本。並利用活動 導向的推薦來增加以及最佳化個體的社會資本。更希望可以透過人與人之間的強 弱連結,使彼此之間互相影響,共同創造更大的社會資本以及更好的社交關係。 透過我們的機制,系統可以了解嬰兒潮顧客的社交情形,並推薦適合他們從事的 社交活動。 長期來看,我們認為微觀的社會資本可以影響到宏觀的社會資本。如同個體可以 影響到其所在的群體一樣。研究最後的目標是幫助嬰兒潮顧客達到社會幸福,並 創造一個使用者可以共同創造價值的生態系。 / Baby boomers, which mean people who were born between 1946 and 1964, devoted most of their life at work. Because of the high income and free time they have, they undoubtedly are the most capable but also the most worthy to pursue wellbeing. This paper will focus on one of the elements of wellbeing, which is the relationship part of PERMA model. The core of this research is on social capital that is related to user's behaviors online and offline. In this research, we want to quantify each user’s social capital, and then increase and maximize it through our particularly devised mechanism. By the strong or weak ties between users, they could co-create higher social capital and better relationships. Through our mechanism, we can understand baby boomers’ social situation and improve it by recommending virtual and physical activities. In the long term, we thought micro social capital can affect macro social capital, as a person can affect others. The final goal of this research is helping baby boomers achieve social wellbeing and create an ecosystem for users to co-create value in relationships.

台灣地區由於經濟快速成長，都市化迅速，使得早期發展之舊市區逐漸呈現衰頹之景象，公共設施嚴重不足，環境品質低落，都市更新遂成為可以用來紓解舊市區土地使用、產業發展與居住環境課題之重要建設工具。臺北市早期發展之老舊住宅及屋齡在30年以上之四、五層樓以下之公寓住宅，因產權複雜所有權人眾多，整合曠日廢時又無利可圖，故開發商不願意介入，較可行的途徑是自組都市更新會辦理更新工作。至98年3月30日止，台北市政府協助自組更新團體共計25案，更新完成個案僅2件，且都為921災後重建案例，顯示都市更新會辦理更新仍有相當的困難度。 本研究嘗試從社會資本的構成內涵－社會網絡、社會信任、社會規範三大面向分析，假設更新單元內社會網絡關係、社會信任關係及社會規範會影響其參與更新意願，透過問卷及深入訪談都市更新會理監事，了解在更新重建前後，更新單元內網絡關係、信任關係及章程規範的設計對重建工作順利與否的影響，以及更新期間更新單元內社會資本的變化。本研究希冀透過對「都市更新會」的調查、研究，試圖建構「都市更新會之推動及規範機制」提供民間自辦都市更新事業整合推動之參考與建議。茲將本研究之結論與建議簡述如下： 一、根據訪談及問卷調查結果，各都市更新會執行更新成效上，可以發現，社會網絡影響所有權人參與更新之意願，社區網絡關係愈活絡，對更新重建工作推動愈順利；更新會發起人的信任關係影響所有權人參與更新的意願，尤其更新會的理事長及理事的信任關係更是更新成敗的關鍵因素，信任關係有助於拉近彼此間之距離，凝聚更新重建共識，降低交易成本，縮短更新整合時程；更新會組織章程即社會規範，促使更新單元內成員放棄自利的行為，依循更新單元整體的利益而行動，克服集體行動上的困難，社會規範有利於社區逐步實現更新重建的目標。 二、透過本研究的調查與分析結果，本研究提出以下建議：（1）社區應多舉辦活動或建立社區網站，以強化網絡聯繫，凝聚重建共識；（2）更新資訊公開透明並定期公布財務，以昭公信，可加速更新事業之進行；（3）訂定規範以為更新會會員遵循準則，以增加信任感，透過良好的規範制度的運作及管理，可以增強整體更新事業的行動力與效率，達成集體行動之共同利益。 關鍵字：社會資本、都市更新會、都市更新 / With the rapid growth of economic and urbanization in Taiwan, the early developed old districts have declined gradually. Due to the lack of public facilities and low quality of environment, urban renewal has become an important constructive tool to alleviate the land use, industry development and living environment issues. Because of the complicated property rights, too many owners among the old houses and the 4-5 floor apartments which had been built thirty years ago, the developers reveal no incentive to intervene. The practicable method is to organize an urban renewal group to access the renewal work. The Taipei city government has assisted 25 urban renewal organizations before 30 Mar. 2009, but only two cases were completed. Both of them were the reconstruction cases of 921 earthquake. This result indicates the difficulties exist in the urban renewal cases processed by the urban renewal group. This thesis tries to explore the relation between social capital and urban renewal projects in terms of social network, social trust, and social norms. It makes a hypothesis that social network relation, social trust relation, and social norms in a group would affect people to participate the urban renewal project. Through the questionnaire and interview of directors of social renewal group to understand before and after the reconstruction, whether social network relation, trust relation and the design of regulation in a renewal group would effect the success of reconstruction work, also to understand the change of social capital during the renewal period. This thesis hopes to build " the promotion and regulation by urban renewal group" through the investigation and research of " urban renewal group" to provide some useful reference and recommendation for the public to promote urban renewal business integration. The conclusion and suggestions of this thesis are as follows： 1.According to the result of interview and questionnaires in the assessment of execution of urban renewal group, it is found that social network influences the owners' willing to participate the urban renewal project. The more vigorous of the social network, the smoother the reconstruction work can be. The social trust relation of the renewal group founder would influence the owners' willing to participate the urban renewal. And the social trust relation of the general director and the directors would be the key persons of whether the urban renewal will be successfull or not in a urban renewal group. The trust relation helps to reduce the distance between the renewal group and the owners, cohere the renewal reconstruction co-awareness, reduce the transaction cost, and shorten renewal integration schedule. The regulation of the urban renewal group means the social norms, which stimulate the renewal unit members to give up the self-interest behavior, instead they act according to the renewal unit's entire interest and overcome the difficult of collective action. Further, social norm advances the community to fulfill the target of renewal reconstruction gradually. 2.Through the investigation and analysis, this thesis provides some suggestions as below:（1）Community should hold more activities or build up community website to reinforce the network relation and to cohere reconstruction co-awareness.（2）Renewal information should be transparent and the finance situation should be announced regularly to earn public trust.（3）Norms should be established as the rules to regulate the renewal members and render trust. Further, through operating and managing the well regulation system, the action power and efficiency of the whole urban renewal business can be reinforced and thus the co-interest of collective action can be achieved. Keywords：Social Capital, Urban Renewal Group, Urban Renewal

自國際透明組織(Transparency International, TI)1993年創立以來，國內學者積極參與國際相關事務，引入國家廉政體系(National Integrity System)、推動聯合國反貪腐公約(United Nations Convention against Corruption, UNCAC)以及倡導清廉印象指數(Corruption Perception Index, CPI)等，我國於2011年7月20日成立廉政署(Agency Against Corruption, AAC)，目標定調為落實國家廉政政策，實務界並論述反貪、防貪及肅貪為「廉政範圍」，其中「防貪」是經常性且不分機關性質均須重視的業務，惟以往政風機構在執行此類業務時忽略「社會資本」(Social Capital)的重要性，造成只統計業務數量及參加人次等數據，而未了解標的團體對防貪業務的主觀感受，流於形式的現象難以讓公務員(包含政風人員)信任政風人員、無意願參加政風舉辦的活動以及不認同政風防貪業務的內容。 本研究之目的為「社會資本(自變項)對16類防貪業務(依變項)的影響」，以標的團體「臺北市政府公務員」為問卷調查對象，了解「公務員分別認為16類防貪業務是否有效」、「社會資本對16類防貪業務的影響力」以及「由社會資本的角度看防貪業務未來的方向」三項問題，在非常不同意(1)、不同意(2)、同意(3)及非常同意(4)四點尺度上的回答，以滾雪球方式發放1,228份結構式問卷，並回收1,071份(回收率87.21%)。 統計量部分，受試者(臺北市政府公務員)認為16項防貪業務的成效在四點尺度上，平均數最高排序前三名為為預警措施(3.16)、受理或調查利益衝突迴避案(3.06)以及清查採購弊端(3.04)，最低後三名為增加政風預算(2.35)、廉政指數(2.58)以及增加政風人數(2.64)；受試者對政風的社會資本構面的要素在4點尺度上，由高排序為認同政風很重要(3.02)、認同政風對機關有價值(3.00)、認同政風會維護機關的廉潔(2.99)、認同政風工作(2.90)、信任政風維護廉潔的功能(2.88)、信任政風人員是無私的(2.87)、信任政風(2.86)、認同政風(2.85)、知道提供意見給政風的管道(2.81)、認為政風會保護機關公務員(2.77)、認為政風工作是公開透明的(2.74)、知道如何取得政風舉辦活動的訊息(2.72)、認為政風人員容易親近(2.51)、會積極參與政風舉辦的活動(2.48)。 社會資本構面對防貪業務的解釋力部分，由高排序為倡導廉能(39.9%)、訂定廉政法規(38.6%)、增加政風預算(38.2%)、廉政會報(32.2%)、增加政風人數(31.7%)、公開透明措施(29.3%)、清查採購弊端(27.9%)、財產申報及利益衝突說明會(27.5%)、促進民眾參與公共事務(27.1%)、廉政研究(26.6%)、受理或調查利益衝突迴避案(26.1%)、專案稽核(24.2%)、預警措施(22.0%)、協助財產申報(20.9%)、防貪報告(20.9%)、廉政指數(4.7%)。 受試者對政風的社會資本要素對防貪業務的個別影響力部分，分述如下： 1、對倡導廉能(宣導廉政倫理規範、獎勵廉潔事蹟或表揚廉潔楷模)具有正面影響力者為信任政風維護廉潔的功能(.268)、政風讓大家喜歡親近(.224)、政風會保護公務員(.175)及認同政風很重要(.146)，負面影響力為認同政風(-.285)； 2、對訂定廉政法規具有正面影響力者為信任政風維護廉潔的功能(.284)、積極參加政風活動(.211)及認同政風工作(.166)，負面影響力為信任政風(-.152)； 3、對增加政風預算具有正面影響力者為積極參與政風活動(.337)、相信政風維護廉潔的功能(.285)及具有政風人員身分(.110)，負面影響力為教育程度(-.118)； 4、對廉政會報具有正面影響力者為積極參與政風活動(.258)、政風會保護公務員(.193)、對機關很重要(.184)及大家喜歡親近(.136)，負面影響力為維護機關廉潔(-.146)、提供政風意見(-.137)及具有政風人員身分(-.112)； 5、對增加政風人數具有正面影響力者為積極參與政風活動(218)、信任政風維護廉潔的功能(163)及認同政風工作(150)，面影響力為教育程度(-.104)； 6、對公開透明措施具有正面影響力者為信任政風維護廉潔的功能(.363)及對機關有價值(.267)； 7、對清查採購弊端具有正面影響力者為保護公務員(.215)、對機關有價值(.207)、對機關很重要(.184)及認同政風工作(.163)，負面影響力為信任政風(-.170)及具備政風人員身分(-.114)； 8、對公職人員利益衝突迴避或財產申報說明會具有正面影響力者為對機關有價值(.184)、認同政風工作(.162)及保護公務員(.161)，負面影響力為具有政風人員身分(-.127)； 9、對促進民眾參加公共事務具有正面影響力者為認同政風工作(.317)、對機關很重要(.210)、讓大家喜歡親近(.156)及保護公務員(.146)，負面影響力是認為政風是無私的(-.164)及認同政風(-.159)； 10、對廉政研究具有正面影響力者為積極參加政風活動(.204)、信任政風維護廉潔的功能.192、認同政風工作(.141)及年齡(.107)； 11、對受理或調查利益衝突迴避案具有正面影響力者為信任政風維護廉潔的功能(.249)、對機關很重要(.200)、提供意見給政風(.193)及保護公務員(.138)，負面影響力為信任政風(-.165)及具備政風人員身分(-.113)； 12、對專案稽核具有正面影響力者為認同政風工作(.190)、對機關很重要(.178)及保護公務員(.169)； 13、對預警措施(對可能發生違法的事件或人員提早採取防範措施)具有正面影響力者為保護公務員(.193)、信任政風維護廉潔的功能(.190)及認同政風工作(.164)； 14、對協助公職人員財產財產具有正面影響力者為對機關有價值(.396)、保護公務員(.214)及積極參與政風活動(.151)；負面影響力為信任政風(-.161)、維護機關廉潔(-.159)及政風人員身分(-.131)； 15、對防貪報告(就社會矚目案件撰寫檢討報告的防貪成效)具有正面影響力者為認同政風工作(.244)、積極參與政風活動(.184)及年齡(.165)； 16、社會資本對廉政指數無具有影響力之要素。 / Since the foundation of Transparency International (TI) in 1993, the scholars in Taiwan have been playing an active role on the international stage, introducing the National Integrity System, promoting the United Nations Convention against Corruption (UNCAC), and advocating the Corruption Perception Index (CPI). Taiwan founded the Agency Against Corruption (AAC) on 20 July 2011, aiming to implement the national policies of a clean government. In practicum, the dimensions of establishing a clean government include “Anti-Corruption,” “Corruption Prevention,” and “Malpractices Investigation.” Among the three, “Corruption Prevention” is a regular task crucial to all agencies and offices. However, when the Government Employee Ethics Units were executing the tasks, they overlooked the importance of social capital. They focused only on the sheer number of cases and participants without understanding the subjective perceptions of the target groups. Their formalities can hardly earn the trust of public servants, decreasing the willingness to participate in activities and challenging the identification with the tasks. This research aims to investigate the influences of social capital (independent variable) on the 16 tasks of Corruption Prevention. It surveys the public servants of the Taipei City Government to understand three aspects, including “wether the 16 tasks of Corruption Prevention are effective,” “the influence of social capital on the tasks of Corruption Prevention,” and “the future direction of the tasks of Corruption Prevention from the perspective of social capital.” The questionnaires are designed with a 4-level rating scale of “strongly disagree (1),” “disagree (2),” “agree (3),” and “strongly agree (4).” 1,288 questionnaires have been sent out through snowball sampling and 1,071 have been collected (response rate at 87.21%). According to the means derived from the statistics, the surveyed subjects (public servants of the Taipei City Government) have shown their preferences with regard to the 16 tasks of Corruption Prevention. The top three are “precautionary measures (3.16),” “handling or investigating cases with conflict of interest (3.06),” and “investigating the malpractices in purchases (3.04).” The bottom three are “increasing the budget of ethic units (2.35),” “Corruption Perception Index (2.58),” and “increasing the number of ethics officers (2.64).” On the influences of social capital on the government ethics units, the surveyed subjects have also shown their preference on the 4-level scale. From top to bottom they are “recognizing that government ethics units are important (3.02),” “recognizing that government ethics units are valuable to agencies (3.00),” “believing that government ethics units will protect the honesty of agencies (2.99),” “identifying with the tasks of government ethics units (2.90),” “trusting the functions of government ethics units in keeping the government clean (2.88),” “believing that the officers of the government ethics units are not biased (2.87),” “trusting the government ethics units (2.86),” “identifying with the government ethics units (2.85),” “knowing the means to provide opinions for the government ethics units (2.81),” “thinking that the government ethics units will protect public servants of agencies (2.77),” “believing that the tasks of the government ethics are transparent (2.74),” “knowing how to acquire information about the activities held by the government ethics units (2.72),” “thinking that the officers of the government ethics are approachable (2.51),” “participating actively in the activities held by the government ethics units (2.48).” The coefficients of determination between the aspects of social capital and the tasks of corruption prevention are also ranked. From top to bottom they are “promoting ethics (39.9%),” “making ethical regulations (38.6%),” “increasing the budget for the government ethics units (38.2%),” “reports on ethical governance (32.2%),” “increasing the number of officers of the government ethics units (31/7%),” “making administration transparent (29.3%),” “investigating malpractices of purchases (27.9%),” “briefing on asset declaration and conflicts of interests (27.5%),” “encouraging the public to participate in public affairs (27.1%),” “research on clean governance (26.6%),” “handling or investigating cases that avoid conflicts of interests (26.1%),” “auditing projects (24.2%),” “precautionary measures (22.0%),” “assisting with asset declaration (20.9%),” “reports on anti-corruption (20.9%),” “Corruption Perception Index (4.7%).” The subjects are also asked to evaluate the individual impact of the social capital of government ethics on the tasks of corruption prevention. Their views are surveyed as the following: 1.The positive influences on ethical governance (promoting the regulations of ethical governance, rewarding ethical behaviors, or awarding ethical models) are “trusting the functions of government ethics units in keeping the government clean (.268),” “thinking that the officers of the government ethics units are approachable (.224),” “believing that government ethics units will protect the honesty of agencies (.224),” and “recognizing that government ethics units are important (.146).” The negative influence aspect is “identifying with the government ethics units (-.285).” 2.The positive influences on making ethical regulations are “trusting the functions of government ethics units in keeping the government clean (.284),” “participating actively in the activities held by the government ethics units (.211),” and “identifying with the tasks of government ethics units (.166).” The negative influence is “trusting the government ethics units (-.152).” 3.The positive influences on increasing the budget for ethic units are “participating actively in the activities held by the government ethics units (.337),” “trusting the functions of government ethics units in keeping the government clean (.285),” and “possessing the membership of the government ethics units (.110).” The negative influence is “level of education (-.118).” 4.The positive influences on the reports on ethical governance are “participating actively in the activities held by the government ethics units (.258),” “the government ethics will protect public servants (.193),” “important to the agencies (.184),” and “people enjoy drawing near (.136).” The negative influences are “keeping the agencies ethical (-.146),” “providing opinions for the government ethics units (-.137),” and “possessing the membership of the government ethics units (-.112).” 5.The positive influences on increasing the number of officers of the government ethics units are “participating actively in the activities held by the government ethics units (.218),” “trusting the functions of government ethics units in keeping the government clean (.163),” and “identifying with the tasks of government ethics units (.150).” The negative influence is “level of education (-.104).” 6.The positive influences on administrative transparency are “trusting the functions of government ethics units in keeping the government clean (.363)” and “valuable to agencies (.267). 7.The positive influences on investigating the malpractices in purchases are “protecting public servants (.215),” “valuable to the agencies (.207),” “important to the agencies (.184),” and “identifying with the tasks of government ethics units (.163).” The negative influences are “trusting the government ethics units (-.170)” and “possessing the membership of the government ethics units (-.114).” 8.The positive influences on avoiding conflicts of interests among public servants or the asset declaration of public servants are “valuable to the agencies (.184),” “identifying with the tasks of government ethics units (.162) and “protecting public servants (.161).” The negative influence is “possessing the membership of the government ethics units (.127).” 9.The positive influences on encouraging citizens to participate in public affairs are “identifying with the tasks of government ethics units (.317),” “important to the agencies (.210),” “making everyone like to draw near (.156),” and “protecting public servants (.146).” The negative aspect is “believing the officers of the government ethics units are not biased (-.164)” and “identifying with government ethics units (-.159).” 10.The positive influences on the research on clean governance is “participating actively in the activities held by the government ethics units (.204),” “trusting the functions of government ethics units in keeping the government clean (.192),” “identifying with the tasks of government ethics units (.141),” and “age (.107).” 11.The positive influences on handling or investigating cases that avoid conflicts of interests are “trusting the functions of government ethics units in keeping the government clean (.249,” “important to the agencies (.200),” “providing opinions for the government ethics units (.193),” and “protecting public servants (.138).” The negative influences are “trusting the government ethics units (-.165) and “possessing the membership of the government ethics units (-.113).” 12.The positive influences on auditing projects are “identifying with the tasks of government ethics units (.190), “important to the agencies (.178)” and “protecting public servants. (.169).” 13.The positive influences on precautionary measures are “protecting public servants. (.193),” “trusting the functions of government ethics units in keeping the government clean (.190), and “identifying with the tasks of government ethics units (.164).” 14.The positive influences on assisting with asset declaration are “valuable to the agencies (.396), “protecting public servants (.214)” and “participating actively in the activities held by the government ethics units (.151).” The negative influences are “trusting the government ethics units (-.161), “keeping the agencies clean (-.159),” and “the membership of the government ethics units (-.131).” 15.The positive influences on reports on anti-corruption are “identifying with the tasks of government ethics unit (.244)” “participating actively in the activities held by the government ethics units (.184) and “age (.165).” 16.There is no significance positive influence of social capital on Corruption Perception Index.

本研究期以社會資本作為的研究途徑，探討管理學與社會學此二學科，希冀在組織學習與知識創造兩項組織活動的運作下，導入社會資本的概念，使本研究中有關組織學習與知識創造的研究議題，得以經由人際間的社群網絡的鑲嵌解釋，獲得不同面向的研究觀點，並期對相關之研究領域及後續之研究能有些許助益。經由上述研究動機的歸結，在此提出以下的研究目的：（1）探究「社會資本」之相關概念；（2）探究組織學習與知識創造之理論極其相互關聯；（3）探討組織中之社會資本對於組織學習與知識創造過程之影響性。本文採質化研究的途徑，研究方法以文獻分析為主。資料之蒐集以相關論文、專書、期刊中發表之專文等為範圍，如Chris Argyris與D. A. Schon、Peter M. Senge（組織學習）；Ikujiro Nonaka與Hirotaka Takeuchi（知識創造）；Pierre Bourdieu、James S. Coleman、Francis Fukuyama、Alejandro Portes、Robert D. Putnam（社會資本）等學者們之著作。

台海兩岸自1949年隔海分治後，到1987年台灣開放民眾到中國大陸探親恢復接觸。台灣雖然也在1987年開放媒體到大陸採訪，但是兩岸電視新聞媒體的交流、合作受到當時的時空環境影響，非常有限。 1997年底，台灣的TVBS（無線衛星電視台）獲得大陸國務院台灣事務辦公室的批准，成為第一家在大陸北京設立駐點記者（不掛牌的記者站）的台灣電視媒體。之後，台灣其他電視媒體也陸續向大陸提出申請派記者駐點採訪，並先後獲得批准；而申請前往駐點的大陸城市也從北京，陸續增加上海、福州、成都、廈門等。 本文主要研究始於1998年起TVBS在大陸派記者駐點採訪後至2008年之間，和大陸電視媒體（從中央到地方）的互動（包括交流、合作及買賣等）歷程，與這十年間兩岸政經情勢變化的關係影響兩岸電視新聞互動的變化。研究藉此歸結出影響兩岸電視新聞媒體互動的因素，並探討台灣電視新聞媒體進入大陸市場的可能性。 研究發現，大陸電視產業近年來雖不斷引進民間（市場）力量參與運作（例如電視廣告、電視劇拍攝等），但是新聞類仍屬於不得市場化的範疇。這主要是因為大陸所界定的媒介理論認為媒體是黨的喉舌與宣傳工具，必須為黨所用，不得為其他私人力量所掌控。但是由於兩岸特有的政治情勢變化，兩岸的電視新聞媒體多年來已逐漸經由人員交流、新聞事件的合作採訪到相互付費傳送新聞畫面建立互動關係。本文也發現兩岸電視新聞的互動，已從原來主要目的是形成（政治）效應為重，逐漸轉變成為產生（經濟）效益為主的變化。 關鍵詞：兩岸電視新聞、交流互動、關係、信任、人脈、社會資本 / Since the two sides of Taiwan Straits split amid civil war in 1949, Taiwan and Mainland China resumed contact only when the Taiwan government lifted restrictions and allowed its people to visit their relatives on the mainland in 1987. Although Taiwan allowed its media to cover news events on the mainland in the same year, the exchange and cooperation of TV news media between the two sides were very limited due to the historical circumstances at that time. At the end of 1997, Taiwan’s TVBS (Television Broadcasts Limited Satellite) obtained permission from the Taiwan Affairs Office of China’s State Council and became the first Taiwanese TV station to set up a correspondent office (a correspondent office for news covering without company registration) in Beijing. Afterwards, many other Taiwanese TV media applied for the same permission and were eventually approved as well. Beginning with Beijing, the locations for the correspondent offices were expanded later to Shanghai, Fuzhou, Chengdu and Xiamen. The purpose of this thesis was to study the interactions (including exchanges, cooperation as well as the sales and procurement deals) between TVBS and TV organizations on the Mainland (both central and local) from 1998 –when TVBS started setting up correspondent offices on the mainland – until 2008. The study would also look into how the evolving political and economic ties between Taiwan and the Mainland had influenced the interactions of TV news on cross-straits relationship over the same time frame. Based on the findings, the study would identify the factors that had affected the interactions between TV news media from both sides and explore the possibility of Taiwan’s TV news media entering the Chinese mainland market. The study found that although the Mainland TV industry had continuously introduced elements of the market economy into its operations (such as TV commercials and TV drama productions, for example), the news media were still excluded from the model of market economy. This was because the Chinese mainland doctrine had defined the news media as a mouthpiece and a tool of propaganda of the Communist Party. Hence, the news media must serve the interest of the Party and cannot be controlled by private forces. But because of the unique changing political situation across the Taiwan Straits, the TV news media from both sides had established interactive relations gradually over the past years through personnel exchanges, cooperation in news coverage and sending news footages with charged fees. This thesis also found that the interactions of TV news on cross-strait relations had moved gradually from its initial objective of making political influences to mainly generating economic benefits. Key Phrases: TV news on cross-strait relationship, exchanges and interactions, connections, trust, contacts, and social capital.

散景是一種讓影像背景模糊化的拍攝視覺效果，這種拍攝視覺效果以往在攝影領域中都只停留在技術層次的討論，因此本研究希望去深入探討散景對於社會文化的影響，並且描繪出散景在攝影文化中的定位。 本研究採用質化深度訪談的方式，輔以文獻資料分析法，線上資料搜集整理分析，以及散景照片實驗等，透過四種類型的資料交叉對話，從散景的視覺認知及影像訊息控制開始談起，進而發掘出散景的文化意義及符號象徵，最後再探討如何透過散景的符號象徵去建構社會資本。 研究發現如下：(一) 散景透過影像的呈現來畫分出大眾攝影族群、(二) 散景造就人像鏡的神話建構、(三) 沙龍攝影文化的興衰、(四) 透過散景建構的社會資本、(五) 後製對散景的象徵符號及社會資本之解構。 本研究建議：(一)散景研究應該跳脫技術層面，拉高視野、(二) 意識到數位影像時代的散景影響層面擴大、(三) 影像文本分析應該留意容易被忽略的散景。