Submitted by Oliveira Santos Dilzaná (dilznana@yahoo.com.br) on 2015-10-14T15:05:50Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação de Maísa Maria Vale.pdf: 2808385 bytes, checksum: 2c00b69d431e19d3aa735574cf40d0cd (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Portela (anapoli@ufba.br) on 2015-11-25T17:50:49Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação de Maísa Maria Vale.pdf: 2808385 bytes, checksum: 2c00b69d431e19d3aa735574cf40d0cd (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-11-25T17:50:49Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação de Maísa Maria Vale.pdf: 2808385 bytes, checksum: 2c00b69d431e19d3aa735574cf40d0cd (MD5) / FAPESB / Este trabalho investiga a trajetória social e política de mulheres negras candidatas às eleições para a Câmara Municipal de Salvador, em 2008 e 2012, visando compreender como se dão as implicações sociopolíticas de acesso ao poder, dessas experiências com a opressão na identidade feminina destas mulheres. Explicito dentro deste processo as interfaces entre raça e gênero, interseccionado com outras identidades, destacando as diferenças intragênero. Objetivo ambicioso, num país onde a memória histórica dos feitos das mulheres se esfumou por influência das estruturas de opressão patriarcal e racista. Associando identidades e política, teoricamente, averiguo os possíveis entraves provenientes destas múltiplas identidades cruzadas, para a concretização da unidade das mulheres negras entre elas mesmas e com outras mulheres para forjar um enfrentamento mais radical contra as estruturas de opressão patriarcal e racista. O estudo filia-se à teoria feminista negra, articulando metodologicamente conhecimentos gerados na História Oral, nos Estudos Culturais, no Estudo do Cotidiano, na produção escrita por mulheres e organizações negras brasileiras, para registrar e analisar as experiências de dez candidatas negras. Este estudo dá visibilidade às contribuições dos feminismos como corrente plural de pensamento e ação e evidencia, também, nestes percursos, suas fragilidades e contradições. Não busca respostas em forma de verdades absolutas, tampouco definitivas sobre a realidade dessas mulheres, mostrando que não esgota as razões para uma agenda feminista, mais ampla e exigente, que leve em consideração as diferentes experiências e vivências de mulheres, em termos de raça, sexualidade, classe social, religião, cultura e geração. This paper addresses the socio-political implications of the experiences of black women who ran as candidates in the elections of 2008 and 2012 for the Municipality of Salvador. From the interfaces between race and gender intersected with other explicit identities within this process intragênero the differences, in the sense proposed by black feminists who emphasize the asymmetries among women themselves. Consisted in an attempt to discover a little more of the history of political black women as subjects. Ambitious goal in a country where the historical memory of the deeds of women vanished, influenced by the structures of patriarchal and racist oppression. Linking identities and politics, theoretically, the study joins the blackfeminism, articulating knowledge generated in Cultural Studies in Oral History in the Study of Everyday Life in the production written by Brazilian women and black organizations, to seize the memories and experiences of these subjects, focusing on the study of speech ten black candidates, focusing on this role from the rebuilding of its social and political trajectory. Through oral history accounts choose the life history produced through these interviewees talk about themselves and their views on the process involved, the strategies used in dealing with the various forms of exclusion, seeking to reveal the relationship between history social and individual trajectory of each interviewee. This study gives visibility to the contributions of feminist as plural current of thought and action, but also shows these routes its weaknesses and contradictions. Not looking for answers in the form of absolute nor definitive truths about the reality of these women, showing that does not exhaust the reasons for a more extensive and demanding feminist agenda that takes into account the different experiences and life among women in terms of race, sexuality, social class, religion, culture and generation.

Submitted by Ana Caroline Costa (ana_caroline212@hotmail.com) on 2018-11-14T18:33:21Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Ana Luísa Machado de Castro - 2018.pdf: 2946154 bytes, checksum: 5aafc118a76d805d2c16aae9bdd783da (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2018-11-19T10:23:35Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Ana Luísa Machado de Castro - 2018.pdf: 2946154 bytes, checksum: 5aafc118a76d805d2c16aae9bdd783da (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-11-19T10:23:35Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Ana Luísa Machado de Castro - 2018.pdf: 2946154 bytes, checksum: 5aafc118a76d805d2c16aae9bdd783da (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-08-27 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This dissertation investigates the relations between Brazilian Black Feminism and Human Rights violation/effectiveness processes, based on data received in seven interviews with Brazilian black women from all regions of the country. Focusing in the experience of black women, we expect to enlarge reflections on human rights to empower this tool to promote social justice and confront inequalities. The dissertation is divided in three chapters, in addition to the introduction and final considerations. The first chapter presents a reflection on the hegemonic field of human rights studies, seeking to problematize its main assumptions. Using decolonial theory, we discuss the history of human rights in modernity e use of the modern rights, the idea of human and un-human and about multiple human rights violations of black women. In the second chapter, we will characterize Brazilian black feminism and its participation in processes that involve violation/effectiveness of human rights in the country. We will address to some important milestones of the struggle of Brazilian black women, the relations with feminist and black movements and some theoretical formulations that emerge from these contexts. Finally, in the third chapter, we analyses the voices of the research collaborators. We present the point of view of theses black women on black feminism and human rights violation/effectiveness. / Essa dissertação investiga a relação entre Feminismo Negro Brasileiro e processos de efetivação/violação de Direitos Humanos, com base nos dados recolhidos em entrevistas realizadas com sete mulheres negras brasileiras de todas as regiões do país. Focando na experiência das mulheres negras, buscaremos ampliar as discussões sobre direitos humanos de modo a potencializar esta ferramenta para a promoção de justiça social e enfrentamento das desigualdades. A dissertação está dividida em três capítulos, além da introdução e considerações finais. No primeiro capítulo apresentaremos uma reflexão sobre o campo de estudos hegemônicos de direitos humanos, buscando problematizar seus principais pressupostos. Tendo como lente teórica as contribuições decoloniais, refletiremos sobre a história da invenção dos direitos humanos na modernidade, sobre a noção de humano e não humano incutida neste discurso e sobre as múltiplas violações de direitos humanos das mulheres negras. No segundo capítulo, iremos caracterizar o feminismo negro brasileiro e as especificidades de sua atuação em processos que envolvam efetivação/violação dos direitos humanos no país. Retomaremos alguns importantes marcos da luta das mulheres negras brasileiras, as relações construídas com os movimentos feministas e movimentos negros do país, e as algumas formulações teóricas forjadas a partir destes contextos. Finalmente, no terceiro capítulo serão analisados os dados produzidos a partir das entrevistas realizadas com as colaboradoras da pesquisa. Será apresentado o ponto de vista delas sobre feminismo negro e processos de violação/efetivação de direitos humanos.

Cette étude examine le canon littéraire d'Alice Walker et explore les différentes dimensions de sa philosophie du « womanism » par rapport à la double oppression des femmes noires américaines. Elle explore les liens qui peuvent émerger entre la politique et l'esthétique ainsi que l'impact des éléments autobiographiques sur l'œuvre de fiction. La première partie traite de la représentation fictive du mouvement des Droits Civiques dans Meridian (1976) et explore l'activisme politique de Walker pendant les années 1960. La deuxième partie se concentre sur l'analyse théorique du « womanism » et propose une étude de The Color Purple (1982) qui explore la violence conjugale dans la communauté noire et dépeint le poids de la solidarité féminine. Enfin, la troisième partie se penche sur le sujet controversé de la mutilation génitale des femmes (excision) et sa représentation dans Possessing the Secret of Joy (1992) et Warrior Marks (1993). En somme, les écrits de fiction de Walker affichent une interprétation significative des réalités politiques de l'oppression institutionnalisée entre les sexes, aux Etats-Unis et dans le monde. / The purpose of this study is to examine Alice Walker's literary canon and to investigate the different dimensions of her womanist philosophy regarding the racial and gender oppression of African American women. This research explores the links that may emerge between politics and aesthetics as well as the impact of autobiographical elements on the work of fiction. It displays the weight of Walker's womanist contribution in black literature and her ability to offer new definitions of blackness and womanhood. The first part deals with the fictional representation of the Civil Rights Movement in Meridian (1976) and explores Walker's own political activism in the 1960s. The second part centers on a theoretical analysis of womanism and offers a study of The Color Purple (1982) which explores domestic violence in the black community. Finally, the third part delves into the controversial subject of Female Genital Mutilation and its representation in Possessing the Secret of Joy (1992). In sum, Walker's fictional writings display a significant interpretation of the political realities of institutionalized gender oppression in the USA and around the world.

No description available.

This thesis analyzes the origin and impact of Black homophobia found in activist spaces of mid- to late-twentieth-century American society. Black gay Americans were subjected to intersecting forms of systemic and cultural oppression that were exceedingly hard to escape due to both the homophobia in Black spaces and the racism in gay spaces. Black gay activists and artists thus had to create their own avenues of expression where they and others could fully embrace what it meant to be Black and gay. This work utilizes a Black feminist framework to explore the roots of Black homophobia and how this type of bigotry was able to so deeply infiltrate Black activist spaces like the Civil Rights Movement and the Black Panther Party. Black homophobia originated as a response to White supremacist domination of the Black body, and was able to spread through the community for generations through paths such as hypermasculinity, the Black church, and misogynoir. The experiences and voices of Black gay activists and artists are at the forefront of this work in an effort to shine a light on a group often overlooked by Black history and LGBTQ history alike. This thesis works to fill in one of the many gaps present in the historiography pertaining to Black gay life in America, though more contributions can and should be made in order to shift the field away from its historic focus on the White gay male. An investigation of Black gay exclusion from Black and gay activist spaces offers valuable insight into how Black gay activists and artists persevered and cultivated their own spheres of inclusion within a society that fundamentally opposed virtually every part of their identities.

No description available.

No description available.

[pt] O argumento central desenvolvido nesta pesquisa gira em torno do conceito de desrespeito na teoria de reconhecimento de Axel Honneth. Segundo o filósofo alemão, a experiência de desrespeito de determinados grupos sociais é o motor propulsor que mobiliza para uma luta em busca de reconhecimento. Nesta lógica, a luta por reconhecimento visa restabelecer a relação lesada pelas sistemáticas práticas de ofensa que ferem a confiança em si, respeito em si e auto-estima. A fim de testar essa hipótese, propomos como o campo de observação da pesquisa empírica, as condições de mulheres negras que sofrem quotidianamente discriminação e dominação à base de raça, gênero e classe na Baixada Fluminense, particularmente os municípios de Duque de Caxias e Nova Iguaçu. No primeiro momento, procuraremos diagnosticar o modo como se dá essa discriminação múltipla na experiência quotidiana das mulheres negras numa região historicamente marcada pela precariedade das condições básicas da vida em termos econômicos mas também culturais. Em segundo, mostraremos o efeito mobilizador dessa experiência especialmente nos espaços de articulação e mobilização das ativistas negras, tais como nos coletivos, ONGs e movimentos sociais. Por fim, vamos pontuar a relevância da representação política nos espaços decisórios em vista de defesa dos direitos básicos que possam dar garantia à integridade e condições de vida minimamente digna às mulheres negras. / [en] The central argument of this thesis focuses on the concept of disrespect in the theory of recognition of Axel Honneth. According to the German philosopher, the experience of disrespect of certain social groups unleashes a mobilization toward a struggle for recognition. From this point of view, the struggle for recognition aims at restoring relations broken by systematic practices of offense which injures self-trust, self-respect, and self-esteem. In view of testing this hypothesis, I opt as a field of empirical observation for the conditions of black women who daily suffer discrimation and domination based on race, gender and class in Baixada Fluminense, particularly in the municipalities of Duque de Caxias and Nova Iguaçu. At the first moment, I will present a diagnosis of the way the multiple discrimination, race, gender and class, take place in the daily life of black women living in the region historically marked by the precariousness of the basic conditions of life both in economic and cultural terms. Secondly, I will demonstrate the capacity of this experience in mobilizing black women in different spaces of social organization such as collectives, NGOs, and social movements. At last, I will pinpoint on the relevance of political representation in the decision-making spaces in view of the defense of basic rights which may guarantee the integrity and the minimally worthwhile conditions of life for black women.

Sweden has been celebrated in public discourse for being a major proponent of social justice and anti-racist policies, but the country’s ambiguous history with racism has been replaced by colour-evasive discourses permeating contemporary organisations today. Management and organisation studies have focused on the individual identity work of employees, without further attention to the intersecting social positionings of Black Afro-Swedish women. By the works of Black feminism, intersectionality and a phenomenology of embodiment, this study focused on how Afro-Swedish women experience and manage their embodied identities in working life. With a qualitative research methodology and an embodied research design, data was gathered from 17 unstructured interviews with Afro-Swedish women who are professionals, managers, and executives in the public, private, as well as the third sector. The participant group consisted of 2 Deaf women and 15 hearing women. Through an inductive thematic analysis process 3 main themes were generated: Reactions and Responses, Negotiation Practices and Survival Strategies. The findings also point to a sectoral segregation of race and gender, specific for the third sector, as well as diversity exploitation that renders Black women more vulnerable by naturalising unpaid diversity labour. The concluding chapter calls for a more focused analysis about Deaf racialised women’s experiences in working life and Afro-Swedish women across a broader range of professions.

Der Begriff HipHop-Feminismus wurde von der amerikanischen Kulturkritikerin Joan Morgan etabliert und beschreibt einen Feminismus, der den Lebenswelten HipHop-sozialisierter Frauen (of color) gerechter werden soll. Neben der selbstreflexiven Auseinandersetzung mit der eigenen Positionierung innerhalb einer als sexistisch geltenden Kultur, zählen auch kritische Diskurse um rassisierte Repräsentationen von women of color und die Aufarbeitung weiblicher HipHop-Geschichte zu den Themen des HipHop-Feminismus.