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  • About
  • The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers to find electronic theses and dissertations. This service is provided by the Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations.
    Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
31

Moterų po krūties onkoplastinės bei radikalios modifikuotos mastektomijos gyvenimo kokybės įvertinimas / Evaluation of women quality of life after breast oncoplasty and radical modificated mastectomy

Protopopova, Asta 17 June 2008 (has links)
Tikslas: įvertinti moterų po radikalios modifikuotos mastektomijos bei krūties onkoplastinės operacijos gyvenimo kokybę. Tyrimo metodika. Tyrime dalyvavo trys grupės moterų. Pirmajai grupei priskirtos moterys, kurioms atlikta onkoplastinė krūties operacija KMUK, Chirurgijos klinikoje. Antrąją grupę sudarė moterys, kurioms atlikta radikali modifikuota mastektomija, Kauno medicinos universiteto klinikų (KMUK) filiale, Onkologijos ligoninėje. Kontrolinę grupę sudarė moterys, kurios nesirgo krūties vėžiu ir buvo atsitiktinai atrinktos iš apsilankiusių profilaktiškai pasitikrinti krūtis KMUK. Pirmos ir antros grupės moterys apklaustos praėjus trims metams po operacijos. Rezultatai. Tyrimo metu nustatyta, kad bendra sveikatos būklė blogiausia moterų po onkoplastinės operacijos (68,49 (19,02) balo). Nesirgusių moterų bendra sveikatos būklė geriausia. Jos surinko 30,63 (19,97) balo. Fizinė sveikata buvo blogesnė moterų, kurios nesirgo krūties vėžiu lyginant su tomis, kurioms atlikta mastektomija ir onkoplastinė krūties operacija. Socialinė funkcija blogesnė „sveikų“ moterų (87,32 (27,74) balo). Onkoplastinės grupės moterų socialinė funkcija prastesnė (78,79 (27,72)balo) nei grupės, kurioms atlikta radikali modifikuota mastektomija (69,75 (34,3) balo). Nuovargis didžiausias buvo moterų, kurioms atlikta radikali modifikuota mastektomija (41,15 (28,38) balo). Moterys, kurios nesirgo krūties vėžiu mažiausiai skundėsi nuovargiu (38,65 (18,7) balo) (p=0,018). Seksualinės funkcijos... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / The objective. To assess women quality of life after radical modified mastectomy and oncoplastical operation for breast. Method of research. Three groups of women attended in the research. First group composed of women, who were after oncoplastical operation for breast in the KMUK, surgery department. Second group composed of women, who were after radical modified mastectomy in the KMUK branch, oncology hospital. The pilot group composed of women, who weren’t ill breast canser and selected casually from women who came to check profilactic their breast in the KMUK. Women were asked two years after operation from first and second group. Results. The research found out, that general state of health was worest thous women, who were after oncoplastical operation (68,49 (19,02)). Women, who were healthy, their general condition was best. They polled 30,63 (19,97) of points. Physical health was wors thous women, who weren’t ill breast cancer neither thous, who were after mastectomy or after breast oncoplastical operation. Social function was worse for “healthy” women (87,32 (27,74)). Social function of oncoplastical group of women was worse (78,79 (27,72)), neither group of radical modified mastectomy (69,75 (34,3)). The fatigue of mastectomy group was the worst (41,15 (28,38)). Women, who weren’t ill breast cancer felt fatigue the least (38,65 (18,7)) (p=0,018). Sexual function was the best thous women, who were in the group of oncoplasty (36 (31,43)). Sexual satisfaction of... [to full text]
32

Trois cents ans de mesures marégraphiques en France : outils, méthodes et tendances des composantes du niveau de la mer au port de Brest

Pouvreau, Nicolas 26 September 2008 (has links) (PDF)
Les estimations récentes montrent que le niveau moyen de la mer a monté de quelque vingt centimètres au cours du siècle dernier avec un rythme supérieur depuis 1993 (entre 2,9 et 3,7 mm/an).<br />Cette évolution aura un impact sur les populations côtières et sera à l'origine de risques naturels accrus. <br />Ainsi les composantes du niveau marin font l'objet de nombreux travaux scientifiques d'autant qu'ils font partie des meilleurs indicateurs pour évaluer le réchauffement climatique. Les études montrent qu'il faut disposer de séries temporelles de mesures supérieures à 60 ans pour estimer des tendances fiables sur les composantes du niveau marin. L'observation et la reconstitution des fluctuations de ce niveau sur les derniers siècles s'inscrivent au coeur des grands programmes de recherche sur le réchauffement planétaire.<br /><br />Ces estimations masquent une grande variabilité d'une région à une autre. Qu'en est-il pour la côte atlantique française ? Le niveau moyen de la mer a-t-il évolué ? Quand ? De combien ? Autant de questions auxquelles nous allons tenter de répondre dans la partie II avec la série marégraphique de Brest, observatoire exceptionnel où des mesures systématiques du niveau de la mer sont réalisées depuis 1679 !<br /><br />Mais avant cela, il était nécessaire de rechercher toutes les données anciennes de marégraphie potentiellement encore en archives, et dont la validation devait se révéler difficile. La partie I traite alors de l'évolution des méthodes d'observation du niveau marin en France, préalable indispensable au ciblage de nos recherches de mesures anciennes, d'une part, et donnée fondamentale pour compléter les séries d'observations contemporaines par les mesures anciennes retrouvées, d'autre part.
33

Élites, pouvoirs et vie municipale à Brest, 1750-1820 / No title

Baron, Bruno 23 June 2012 (has links)
Brest, ville portuaire et arsenal militaire, est une cité où quelques individus mènent de front une carrière publique et privée en s’appuyant parfois sur les circonstances politiques.Sous l’Ancien Régime, négociants et hommes de loi contrôlent la sphère municipale mais sont dominés par les élites sociales (officiers de marine, intendants de marine, noblesse de l’armée de terre) qui constituent l’essence du pouvoir dans la ville.Avec la Révolution, un nouveau personnel politique se met en place, on assiste alors à un renouvellement des élites. La noblesse militaire perd ses positions, les anciens notables se trouvent relégués à un rôle subalterne et une nouvelle génération de notabilités issue des changements révolutionnaires est toujours bien présente quand la monarchie fait son retour en 1815.Le rapprochement des évolutions institutionnelles et des parcours politiques des élites permet de dresser un état précis des structurations politiques et sociales locales au cours de ces soixante-dix ans.Au cours de cette période, les élites municipales brestoises parviennent à s’imposer à leurs concitoyens mais ne réussissent pas à imposer leurs vues quand il s’agit des relations avec les autorités supérieures. Elles sont toujours sous la coupe d’un commandant militaire ou d’un représentant direct de l’État. Le pouvoir municipal subit des changements et connaît des fluctuations importantes dans la réalité de ses pouvoirs et dans sa marge d’autonomie. / Brest, harbour city and military arsenal, was a city where some individuals managed public and private careers at the same time sometimes by relying on political circumstances.Under the Ancien Régime, traders and jurists controlled the municipal sphere but they were dominated by the social elites (naval officers, Navy quartermasters, Army nobility) who constituted the gist of the power in the city.With the Revolution, a new political personnel was set up, we attended to a renewal of the elites. The Army nobility lost its positions, former notables were relegated to a subordinate role and a new generation of notabilities stemming from revolutionary changes was still very present when the monarchy came back in 1815.The link between institutional evolutions and the political careers of elites enables us to draw up a precise state of local political and social structurings that occurred during these seventy years.During this period, Brest’s municipal elites succeeded in imposing upon their fellow countrymen but did not manage to impose their views concerning relations with superior authorities. They were always under a military governor or a direct representative of the state. The municipal power underwent changes and knew important fluctuations in the reality of its powers and in its degree of autonomy.
34

The Arsenal of the Red Warriors: U.S. Perceptions of Stalin's Red Army and the Impact of Lend-Lease Aid on the Eastern Front in the Second World War

Fancher, James Reagan 05 1900 (has links)
Through the U.S. Lend-Lease program, President Franklin D. Roosevelt sought to keep Joseph Stalin's Red Army fighting Adolf Hitler's forces to prevent a separate peace and Nazi Germany's colonization of Soviet territory and strategic resources during the Second World War. Yet after the Red Army's 1943 counterattacks, Roosevelt unnecessarily increased Soviet Lend-Lease aid, oversupplying Stalin's soldiers with more armament than they required for the Soviet Union's defense and enabling their subsequent conquest of East Central Europe and large parts of East Asia. Roosevelt's underestimation of the Red Army's capabilities, his tendency to readily rely on Soviet-influenced advisers, and his unquestioning acceptance of Stalin's implicit threats to forge a separate peace all contributed to his excessive arming of Moscow from 1943 forward. Expanding on the findings of other scholars, this work identifies and explains the impact of the Brest-Litovsk Treaty on Roosevelt's reasoning, the key role of the Arctic convoys in delivering material to the Red Army, and how the unnecessary aid routes through Iran and Alaska resulted in the oversupplying of Stalin's troops. Had Roosevelt not opened these unnecessary routes, the Arctic convoys could have continued to sufficiently supply the Red Army's defensive efforts without empowering it to aggressively spread Communism at gunpoint.
35

Pan-American dreams : art, politics, and museum-making at the OAS, 1948-1976 / Art, politics, and museum-making at the OAS, 1948-1976

Wellen, Michael Gordon 29 January 2013 (has links)
In the 1950s and 1960s, the Organization of American States (OAS), a multinational political organization headquartered in Washington, DC, attempted to mediate U.S.-Latin American political and cultural relations. This dissertation traces how, in the United States, Latin American art emerged as a field of art historical study and exhibition via the activities of the OAS. I center my analysis on José Gómez Sicre and Rafael Squirru, two prominent curators who influenced the circulation of Latin American art during the Cold War. Part I focuses on Gómez Sicre, who served as head curator at the OAS from 1946 to 1981 and who founded the Museum of Modern Art of Latin America in 1976. I offer an analysis of Gómez Sicre’s aesthetic tastes, contextualizing them in relation to his contemporaries Alfred H. Barr, Jr., Marta Traba, and Jorge Romero Brest. I also discuss his efforts to build a network of art centers across the Americas, indicating how his activities fed into a Cold War struggle around notions of the “intellectual.” Part II examines the activities of poet and art critic Rafael Squirru, who served as Director of Cultural Affairs of the OAS from 1963 to 1970 and who theorized Latin American art in terms of the “new man.” I reconstruct how the phrase “new man” became a point of ideological conflict in the 1960s in a battle between Squirru and his political rival, Ernesto Ché Guevara. Throughout this dissertation, I indicate how Gómez Sicre and Squirru framed modern art within different Pan-American dreams of future world prosperity, equality, and cooperation. By examining the socio-political implications behind those dreams, I reveal the structures and limits of power shaping their influence during the Cold War. My study concentrates on the period from the founding of the OAS in 1948 to the establishment of the Museum of Modern Art of Latin America in 1976, and I contend that the legacies of Pan-Americanism continue to affect the field of Latin American art today. / text
36

Ukraїnas självständighet 1917 i svensk press 1917–1918 / Ukraine’s independence 1917 in swedish press 1917–1918

Bergman, Leo January 2017 (has links)
This dissertation is a quantitative study with elements of qualitative analysis. The purpose of this quantitative study was to investigate WHAT was written about Ukraine's independence 1917 in Swedish press 1917–1918. The qualitative part of the survey was intended to answer the question if the newspaper's political attitude influenced the news reports during the chosen period. The exact periodization was determined to be between March 1, 1917 and June 30, 1918. This periodization was chosen because of the March Revolution in 1917, which triggered independence declarations in a number of countries oppressed by Moscow, who now saw their chance of freedom. June 1918 became the end of the investigation because it was just when the peace agreement between Ukraine and the Soviet Union was signed. The source material has been chosen to represent a multitude of ideological orientations. It was liberal, moderate, conservative, liberal and left-wing orientations. The source material consisted of newspaper articles from the following newspapers: Dagens Nyheter, Aftonbladet, Göteborgs Aftonblad, Svenska Dagbladet, Dalpilen, Kalmar Tidning and Norrskensflamman. Quantitative methodology was used on the source material. This method consisted of a reviewing of newspaper articles in searching of news reports from Ukraine or articles which had something to do with the events in Ukraine. Every newspaper was searched day after day. The crawled material was presented in two chapters representing different periods. The first chapter of the results presented the results from 1917, and more precisely from March to December 1917. The second chapter presented the results from 1918, but also from December 1917, that is, the result from December 1917 through June 1918. The whole result was then discussed in a separate chapter where the qualitative analysis was also discussed. The result of the quantitative analysis showed that it has been written relatively sparcely about Ukraine's independence although the volume of articles increased from December 1917 and even more in 1918. Sometimes there were articles on the first page. But for the most part, the articles with Ukraine issues were placed among other foreign articles. It was also found in the survey that it was the first World War that drew attention to the newspapers, even though the events in Petrograd and then in Ukraine took more space. This survey also showed that what was written about Ukraine's independence was also what appears in the reference literature. The news reports reported how Ukraine proclaimed independence in March 1917 and later on proclaimed an independent republic in November 1917 when the Bolsheviks conducted their coup d'état in Petrograd. The newspapers also wrote how the Russian Communists sent a declaration of war to Ukraine in December 1917 and about the war that followed. The articles also tell us how negotiations on Ukraine Peace went on in Brest-Litovsk, and how they ended up with alliance between Germany and Ukraine with the campaign against the communists. It was told how the German army marched into Ukraine to free it from the bolsheviks. Until May 1918 there were battles between the German-Ukrainian Army and the Communists. In June 1918 the peace agreement was signed and this survey’s investigation ended. The survey showed that it was written about Ukraine's independence in all newspapers. Dagens Nyheter had the most news articles linked to the survey. Although the number of articles was not subject for analysis in this survey. The qualitative analysis was based on using Höjelid's theoretical concepts "positive sound" and "negative sound" on the quantitative analysis material. The qualitative analysis’ result showed that it was almost impossible to see the differences between the newspapers because the articles were traded between the newspapers, i.e. the content was copied straight away. It should be noted that not all content was the subject of copying between the newspapers. Copying occurred to a greater extent, but there were still original articles derived from the respective newspaper. Most of the articles were also direct telegrams that were communicated abroad to the newspaper's editors. A lot of these telegrammic articles were sent with a purpose to mislead society. These angled articles were published without further examination in Swedish press. There were articles from, for example, Dagens Nyheter whose editors noted the "strange Petrograd reports" and informed about it for the purpose of enlightening the public. However, as most newspapers were occupied with World War I, as was shown in the source material, the newspaper editorial office was less interested in other foreign events. Therefore, such angled articles could be found in Swedish press on a larger scale. / Denna avhandling är en kvantitativ studie med inslag av kvalitativ analys. Syftet med denna kvantitativa studien var att undersöka VAD som skrevs om Ukrajinas självständighet 1917 i svensk press 1917–1918. Den kvalitativa delen av undersökningen ämnade att besvara frågan om tidningens politiska hållningen påverkade nyhetsrapporteringen under den valda perioden. Den exakta periodiseringen fastställdes att vara mellan den 1 mars 1917 och den 30 juni 1918. Denna periodisering valdes på grund av marsrevolutionen 1917 som utlöste självständighets-förklaringar i en rad länder som var förtryckta av Moskovitien och som nu såg sin chans till frihet. Juni 1918 blev slutpunkten i undersökningen därför att det var just då som fredsavtalet mellan Ukrajina och Sovjet undertecknades. Källmaterialet har valts att representera en mångfald ideologiska inriktningar. Det var liberal, moderat, konservativ, frisinnad samt vänstersocial inriktningar. Källmaterialet bestod av tidningsartiklar från följande tidningar: Dagens Nyheter, Aftonbladet, Göteborgs Aftonblad, Svenska Dagbladet, Dalpilen, Kalmar tidning och Norrskensflamman. Det användes kvantitativ metod på källmaterialet som bestod i en genomsökning av tidningsartiklarna efter nyhetsrapporter från Ukrajina eller som hade något med händelserna i Ukrajina att göra. Varje tidning genomsöktes dag för dag. Det genomsökta materialet presenterades i två kapitel som representerade olika perioder. Det första resultatkapitlet presenterade resultatet från år 1917, och mer exakt från mars till december 1917. Det andra kapitlet presenterade resultatet från år 1918, men även från december 1917, det vill säga resultatet från och med december 1917 till och med juni 1918. Det hela resultatet diskuterades sedan i ett eget kapitel där även den kvalitativa analysen diskuterades. Resultatet från den kvantitativa analysen visade att det har skrivits relativt sparsmakat om Ukrajinas självständighet även om artikelmängden ökade från december 1917 och ännu mer under 1918. Ibland förekom det artiklar på första sidan. Men för det mesta placerades artiklarna med Ukrajina-frågor bland andra utlandsartiklar. Det framgick också i undersökningen att det var mest första världskriget som upptog tidningarnas uppmärksamhet, även om händelserna i Petrograd och sedan i Ukrajina tog allt mer plats allt eftersom. Denna undersökning visade också att det som skrevs om Ukrajinas självständighet var också det som förekommer i referenslitteraturen. Nyhetsrapporterna berättade hur Ukrajina utropat sin självständighet i mars 1917 tills landet proklamerat en oberoende republik i november 1917 när bolsjevikerna genomförde sin statskupp i Petrograd. Tidningarna skrev också hur de ryska kommunisterna skickade krigsförklaring till Ukrajina i december 1917 och om det kriget som följde efter det. Artiklarna berättar även om hur förhandlingarna för Ukrajinafreden gick till i Brest-Litovsk samt hur dessa avslutades med att Tyskland allierade sig med Ukrajina i kampen mot kommunisterna. Det berättades hur den tyska armén marscherade in i Ukrajina för att befria det från bolsjevikerna. Fram till maj 1918 pågick det strider mellan tysk-ukrajinska armén och kommunisterna. I juni 1918 undertecknades fredsavtalet och där slutade undersökningen.  Undersökningen visade att det skrevs om Ukrajinas självständighet i samtliga tidningar. Dagens Nyheter hade flest nyhetsartiklar kopplade till undersökningen. Även om antalet artiklar ej var i syfte att analysera i denna undersökning. Den kvalitativa analysen gick ut på att använda Höjelids teoretiska begrepp ”positiv klang” och ”negativ klang” på den kvantitativa analysens resultatmaterial. Det kvalitativa resultatet visade att det var nästintill omöjligt att se skillnad mellan de olika tidningarna eftersom artiklarna traderades mellan tidningarna, det vill säga innehållet kopierades rakt av. Det bör påpekas att inte allt innehåll var ämne för kopiering mellan tidningarna. Kopieringen förekom i större utsträckning men det fanns ändå originella artiklar som härstammade från respektive tidning. De flesta av artiklarna var dessutom direkta telegram som kommunicerades i utlandet till tidningens redaktioner. En hel del av dessa telegraferade artiklar skickades med ett givet syfte att vilseleda samhällsopinionen. Dessa vinklade artiklar publicerades utan vidare granskning i svensk press. Det förekom artiklar från exempelvis Dagens Nyheter vars redaktion uppmärksammat de ”märkliga Petrogradrapporter” och informerat om det i möjligt syfte att upplysa allmänheten. Men eftersom de flesta tidningarna var upptagna med första världskriget, som det visades i källmaterialet, var tidningsredaktionerna mindre intresserade av andra utländska händelser. Därför kunde sådana vinklade artiklar förekomma i svensk press i en större omfattning.

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