The diploma thesis Rewievs of French Literature in the Book Series Světová četba (World Reading) between years 1948 and 1999 analyses the forewords of one of the most important Czech book series of the 20th century. The main aim of the thesis is to find out to what extent the contemporary culture policy influenced the content of the respective texts that were published together with the translations of francophonic literature. The author has chosen the method of qualitative analysis, which has provided the basis for the subsequent quantitative analysis. She tries to describe the way in which the slant in the forewords can present itself and to find out if it truly presented itself in the Světová četba book series. As there is not enough processed materials available concerning the book series and the policy of the Odeon publishing house (formerly SNKLU or SNKLHU), the thesis also covers an extensive historiographic background research based on archive materials and controlled conversations with witnesses.

Solomon Islands along with other Pacific Islands nations is adopting legislation designed to protect traditional knowledge and expressions of culture from misappropriation, attrition and loss of economic opportunity for owners. These developments require the state to engage across a highly pluralistic customary and social landscape. Ethnographic studies have shown that owing to such plurality unintended consequences may arise from attempts to rationalise indigenous conceptualisations such as customary laws to render them accessible to outside interests. The preservation of intangible cultural heritage requires understanding of the communicative processes that maintain its significance and value and which are involved in its continuation, transformation and transmission. This study approaches this challenge from the perspective of social knowledge; the common-sense and empirical reality experienced by the owners of a representative aspect of the culture. The case chosen for this research is the ritual taukuka tattooing practice of the Bellonese people of Solomon Islands. Social representations theory is used to show that the field of representation of this cultural practice is heterogeneous with consensual and non-consensual features. Whilst revival of the taukuka is unlikely due to prerequisite religious ontology, its preservation as significant heritage where ownership remains with the lineages and families may best be assured through cultural education and artistic representations.

隨著全球化所帶來的社會全面變遷，國家為了因應此巨大挑戰紛紛提出各式政策，其中具有代表國家民族精神的文化政策尤為重要。而在民主發展、公私協力概念的催化下，政府將視角移至蘊含豐沛能量的民間，此間的「社區」更成為其主要的政策選項，至於兩者之間的關係即為本研究的關注焦點。 而經由本研究發現，從《2004年文化白皮書》之文本分析中可歸納出我國文化政策的目標有四：發揚多元文化、建立文化主體性、促進經濟發展，以及營造生活美學。其中篇幅最多者為建立文化主體性，而社區發展則屬達成該主要目標的重要手段。此外，從個案中可以了解到社區其實是落實整個文化政策目標的基本單位，並且具體而微地展示了我國文化政策的全部內涵，故吾人可謂文化政策的推行即奠基於社區發展之上。最後，我們從社區發展的成功經驗中獲得了欲使文化政策更上層樓的重要啟示—政府內部精進部際之協調工作、政府外部加強與非營利和營利組織的合作、傳播媒體的經營，以及文化教育的傳承與發揚。 / With the whole aspects of social changes which globalization brings, nations have made kinds of policies facing these giant challenges. Among these policies, the culture policy representing nations’ spirit is especially important. In addition, because of prevailing ideas of the democracy development and public-private partnership, governments start to focus on the non-governmental circles filled with abundant energy, and the ‘‘community’’ is the main policy choice. As to the connection between the culture policy and community development is the focal point of this thesis. According to the text analysis of the book ‘‘ A White Paper on Culture in 2004,’’ my research concludes that there are four goals of Taiwan’s culture policy: exalting diverse cultures, establishing the culture body, facilitating economic growth, and constructing living aesthetics. Among them, establishing the culture body occupies the most pages and the community development is the important means to achieve that main goal. Moreover, from the case studies we know that communities are actually basic units of fulfilling all goals of culture policies, and they miniature the whole content of Taiwan’s culture policy. So, we can say that the implementation of culture policies is based on the community development. Finally, we have the important revelations making culture policies better from the successful experience of the community development: enhancing coordination between government departments, intensifying governments’ cooperation with NGOs and for-profit organizations, using the mass media, and the inheriting and promoting of culture education.

The aim of this thesis is to show how Europe is constructed at the intersection between archaeology, money and politics within EU cultural actions. Ever since the 1970s, the European Community has invested money and prestige in the idea of a common cultural heritage for Europe. Alongside symbolic attributes such as the flag and anthem, archaeological sites have been used as rhetorical fuel to create a sense of European belonging, much like in national identity building. As a result, archaeologists and heritage professionals have benefitted from EU funding for restoration of sites, training schools and cooperation projects since 1976. In order to address this mutual engagement, the research in this thesis explores the ways that EU grant systems in culture have fostered specific approaches to Europeanness, and how supported projects have responded to notions about a common heritage. By considering EU officials, expert reviewers, consultants and archaeologists as co-creators of the frameworks they participate in, this study raises the idea of financial ties as a place of interaction. The study takes an ethnographic approach and uses discourse analysis and tools from Actor-Network Theory. The material consists of observations made during an internship at the European Commission, 41 interviews with different actors, as well as policy documents, budgets and collected information about 160 supported projects with archaeological themes. This research demonstrates how the expectations linked to archaeology have turned it into both a problem and a promise in the search for a 'usable past' for the EU. On the one hand, archaeology has functioned as an anchor, mooring the notion of a common heritage to something solid. On the other, because of its strong commitment to nationhood, what archaeology claims for its own has often undermined the very idea of a shared European inheritance. Projects benefitting from EU support have taken advantage of the expectations placed upon archaeology to help create a European identity, using buzzwords and 'application poetry' in their proposals. Many projects continuously used EU goals and symbols in their outputs. Sometimes a European past and present was connected by rhetorically tying archaeological periods (such as the Middle Ages and Roman Era) and phenomena (rock art or landscapes) to the EU political project. This link was more manifest in public settings than in academic ones. Taken together, the considerations brought up in this study show that funding matters. The EU strategy of vagueness, in which instructions and evaluation criteria foremost decide the frames but not the content of the projects, has inspired applicants to 'think Europe without thinking.' Once an application is written and submitted, a chain of translations by different actors works to depoliticise the act of constructing Europe. The EU, just as other funding bodies, has become entangled in the political ecology of archaeology. An entanglement which is unavoidable, but which needs to be critically addressed. Funding sources matter for the way we understand both the past and the meaning of archaeology in the present. / Denna avhandling undersöker hur Europa skapas i gränslandet mellan arkeologi, pengar och politik inom den Europeiska Unionens kulturpolitiska finansieringsprogram. Vid sidan av symboliska attribut såsom flagga och nationalsång har företrädare för den Europeiska Gemenskapen och EU engagerat sig i idén om ett gemensamt europeiskt kulturarv, på ett metaforiskt såväl som ett materiellt plan. Politisk legitimitet har sökts med hänvisning till en mångtusenårig samhörighet. I samband med detta engagemang har arkeologer och kulturarvsarbetare sedan 1970-talet erhållit finansiellt stöd för restaureringsprojekt på platser av europeisk betydelse och transnationella samarbetsprojekt som kan skapa europeiskt mervärde. Studien undersöker banden mellan EU och arkeologi genom att lyfta finansiering som en plats för interaktion och meningsskapande. En etnografisk metod har tillämpats, där empirin består av fältobservationer från en praktikantperiod på Europeiska kommissionen, 41 intervjuer med olika aktörer, samt policydokument och arkeologiska texter. En databas med 160 arkeologiska projekt har även skapats. Diskursanalys och nätverksteoretiska begrepp såsom översättningar och svarta lådan har använts för att lokalisera och begreppsliggöra iakttagelser och meningsfulla skärningspunkter i materialet. Studien visar hur EU-tjänstemän, expertgranskare, konsulter och arkeologer alla deltar i utformandet av arkeologiska problemställningar och byggandet av professionella nätverk. EUs mjuka strategier, inom vilka instruktioner och utvärderingskriterier främst bestämmer ramarna men inte innehållet i de finansierade projekten, har inspirerat sökande att tänka Europa utan att tänka. När en ansökan skrivs och lämnas in startar en kedja av översättningar som leder till att olika aktörer avpolitiserar skapandet av Europa i samtiden. I resultaten framkom att arkeologiska projekt, genom att använda EUs målformuleringar i sina projektansökningar, ofta har utnyttjat EUs förväntningar på arkeologi om att skapa en europeisk identitet. I flera projekt knöts en europeisk samhörighet i det förflutna samman med dagens EUropa. Dessutom fortsatte många projekt att använda EUs mål och symboler i sina outputs. Här var EU-kopplingen tydligare i publika sammanhang än i akademiska. Sammantaget visar studien att val av finansieringskälla spelar stor roll. EUs finansieringsprogram har blivit en del av arkeologins politiska ekologi, en sammanflätning som är oundviklig men viktig att kritiskt uppmärksamma. Dessa band påverkar både vår syn på det förflutna och samhällets syn på arkeologi idag.

The aim of this study is to describe and interpret Anders Sunna's painting "30 km constraint" from a sami and cultural political perspective. In the study, the financial culture support for Sami culture is described and compared via Sweden’s cultural policy, the regions in north Sweden, as well as the Sami Parliament. The study examines which cultural concept one uses when discussing support for the Sami art. The study applies a hermeneutic approach in which the purpose is to see more perspectives and understanding of the Sami culture and art. The method is based on a qualitative approach with content-based idea analysis with the analysis tools ideal types and dimensions. Ideal types are Dorte Skot-Hansen’s three legitimacy grounds and the dimensions “anthropological-wide” and “artistic-narrow”. Through the study it emerges that support for the Sami culture is under-financed, partly because of lack of knowledge of the Sami culture, and that both the national cultural policy and the regions use mainly sociological and instrumental motivations and the artistic-narrow culture concept.

This study set out to explore the ways in which non-STEM academics, working within UK universities that had positioned themselves publicly as ‘entrepreneurial’ institutions, interpret and negotiate the related concepts of the entrepreneurial academic and university. The entrepreneurial university concept has become a ubiquitous theme in higher education and policy literatures in recent decades, having been described variously as an ‘idea for its time’ (Shattock, 2010) and the ‘end-point of the evolution of the idea of the university’ (Barnett, 2010, p.i). This research set out to interrogate some of the key ways in which this institutional form, and the corresponding concept of the entrepreneurial academic, have been discursively constructed by advocates in the UK and beyond. Further to this, the study aimed to collect narratives of experience from non-STEM academics employed by self-described ‘entrepreneurial’ universities, both to enquire into how they interpreted the ‘entrepreneurial paradigm’, and to invite them to report on how they felt that their university’s assumption of an enterprise mission had, or had not, influenced its organisational ‘culture’ and their subjectively experienced academic work-lives. The researcher’s interest in the relationship between enterprise discourse and the organisational ‘culture’ of universities stemmed from the apparent consensus within the scholarly and policy literature about the need for universities to develop an integrated ‘entrepreneurial culture’ (Clark, 1998, p.7)(Gibb, 2006b, p.2)(Rae, Gee and Moon, 2009) by pursuing a policy of ‘organisational culture change’, with culture here denoting ‘the realm of ideas, beliefs, and asserted values’ (Kwiek, 2008, p.115) which inhere within institutions. To this end, a series of semi-structured, interpretive interviews were carried out with participants from a range of non-STEM disciplines, working in a variety of university types in the UK. The researcher then employed a discourse-analytic method to delineate some of the ‘discursive repertoires’ that participants used to account for their professional practices, and report on their experiences in - and understandings of - the entrepreneurial university. What emerged from this analysis was a complex picture of ‘enterprise discourse’ within the contemporary university setting, as well as a general tendency amongst participants to adopt a position of ontological scepticism where the issue of ‘university culture’ was concerned. Further to this, it was determined that the ‘inclusive’ interpretation of entrepreneurialism typically employed by advocates for the paradigm had not generally been taken up by participants, for whom it was, for the most part, a phenomenon associated variously with ‘managerialism’, ‘market values’, ‘the business agenda’, ‘income generation’, ‘money making’, and the figure of the ‘individual, lone, romantic, heroic capitalist’. Additionally, where subjects were conversant in broader, more ‘social’ conceptions of academic entrepreneurialism, they typically reported that it was rarely articulated in the internal communications of their respective universities.

Submitted by ANA KARLA PEREIRA RODRIGUES (anakarla_@hotmail.com) on 2017-09-13T14:10:20Z No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 2185465 bytes, checksum: cccf5154cc1129d293e82e68955d329e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-09-13T14:10:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 2185465 bytes, checksum: cccf5154cc1129d293e82e68955d329e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-05-13 / This study was developed by the Graduate Program in History with specialization in History and Historical Culture and the search line in History and Rationalities objected as the process which ended slavery in Brazil and more specifically in the province of North Parahyba from the actions of abolitionists, politicians and enslaved people. The cutting time corresponds to the last decades of the XIX century (1870-1888), because at that time the slavery crisis deepened. So we rely on the theoretical contributions of Social History with the considerations of E. P. Thompson, more specifically the concept of experience. The methodology used to achieve the goals was basically discoursed analysis and microhistory. The centuries of slavery were responsible for forging a slave Political Culture able to influence from everyday actions between free and poor, especially with regard to conservative positioning by the political elite, even actions of judges and landowners. We used a diversified documentary corpus that includes: newspapers, correspondence of classification boards, the provincial presidents reporting, freedom and other actions. Our research analyzes three segments that complement each other as follows: a) The acting of the abolitionists, their speeches and actions with the creation of abolitionism and newspaper associations; b) The positioning of two political representatives of the province on slavery to the debate on chinese immigration led by Manoel Pedro Cardoso Vieira with "separate vote" to the project Saraiva-Cotegipe Law of Souza Carvalho Viscount; and c) The resistance of enslaved people through the actions of freedom. Among the results we see that even the province with a small number of slaves there was strong opposition to the end of slavery. / Este trabalho foi desenvolvido junto ao Programa de Pós-Graduação em História, com área de concentração em História e Cultura Histórica, e na linha de pesquisa em História e Regionalidades. Tem como objeto o processo no qual findou a escravidão no Brasil, e mais especificamente na província da Parahyba do Norte, à partir da atuação dos abolicionistas, dos políticos e dos escravizados. O recorte temporal são as últimas décadas do século XIX (1870-1888), anos nos quais a crise do escravismo se acentuou. Para tanto, nos apoiamos aos aportes teóricos da História Social, com as contribuições de E. P. Thompson, mas notadamente o conceito de experiência. A metodologia empregada para alcançar os objetivos propostos, foram basicamente a análise do discurso e a micro-história. Os séculos de escravidão foram responsáveis por forjar uma Cultura Política Escravista, capaz de influenciar desde ações cotidianas entre a população livre e pobre, sobretudo o posicionamento conservador de parte da elite política, ou ainda na insistência de juízes e proprietários. Utilizamos um diversificado corpus documental que incluem: jornais, correspondência das juntas de classificação, relatórios dos presidentes de província, ações de liberdade e outros. Nossa pesquisa, analisa em três segmentos que se complementam assim, a atuação dos abolicionistas, seus discursos e ações, com a criação de associações abolicionistas e jornais; o posicionamento de dois políticos representantes da província, sobre a escravidão, como o debate sobre imigração chinesa travado por Manoel Pedro Cardoso Vieira o “voto em separado” ao projeto da Lei Saraiva-Cotegipe, do Visconde de Souza Carvalho; e a resistência dos escravizados através das ações de liberdade. Percebemos que mesmo a província ter um pequeno número de escravizados, houve uma forte oposição ao fim da escravidão.

The purpose of this study is to analyze the Sweden Democrats’ cultural policy by using two high profile cases in two different counties. The questions can be summarized as follows: What types of discourses can be found within the debates on the county- and national level about the Sweden Democrats’ cultural policy in general and their view on the so-called arm’s length principle in particular? What actions are taken in counties with a Sweden Democrats leadership?What type of role does culture politics play as an instrument for different actors? By using critical discourse analysis, I analyze the debates regarding socio-cultural practice, drawing on a perspective of sociological neo-institutionalism. The result of this study shows that there is a cultural- freedom discourse and a democratic discourse hegemony contested by a rightwing populist discourse and a cultural heritage discourse. This hegemony still maintains the arm’s length principle, while the rightwing populist discourse and the cultural heritage discourse challenge it’s meaning. This has led to institutional changes in form of research about the state cultural freedom and the arm’s length principle from the department of culture.

The difficulties faced by services in the cultural sector have been immediate and challenging. Public services that are cultural in nature have faced funding cuts, closures and redundancies. Museum services are low in political importance and unable to provide clear evidence of their policy impact. Despite these challenges, there has been limited evidence about the policy process at ground-level. This thesis builds on theoretical and empirical ideas in social and cultural policy to present museum workers’ perspectives within a cultural theory framework. Following Lipsky’s (1980) work on street-level bureaucrats, this thesis presents an analysis of street-level workers’ roles in delivering social and cultural policy. Museum workers’ perspectives are presented through a series of case studies (drawing on qualitative interviews and observations) from three local-authority museum services in England, Scotland and Wales. The findings showed evidence that top-down cultural and social policies have had an influence on workers actions, but service-level workers’ understandings were central to the policy process. Museum workers actively shaped museum policy through ground-level interactions with visitors and groups. Workers experienced policy in the cultural sector as fragmented, vague and difficult to engage with at the ground-level. Workers mainly viewed policy as meaningless rhetoric. Despite this, those working at ground-level often utilised policy rhetoric effectively to gain funding and manipulate activities towards their own needs and interpretations. Policy evaluation was also fragmented and underdeveloped within the services studied. Workers found themselves under pressure to fulfil policy objectives but were unable to show how they did this. Furthermore, there was a perceived distance from managers and local authority structures. This allowed a space for workers to implement and shape policy towards their own professional and personal ideals. Vague policies and a lack of formal mechanisms for evaluation led to high levels of worker discretion at ground-level. Economic policy expectations were resisted by workers, who tended to have more egalitarian views. Museum workers effectively managed policy expectations through a mixture of discretion and policy manipulation. Delivery at the ground-level was seen as effective – despite, not because of, cultural sector policies.

Antonin Proust (1832-1905), homme politique, ami des artistes, historien, critique et salonnier, joua un rôle politique et culturel important. La vie de ce républicain libéral est un plaidoyer pour la défense des arts au service de la République. Il lie étroitement structure économique et institutions artistiques soutenant sans cesse les arts utiles. Son but est économique : former des artistes au service de l’industrie. Il crée des écoles d’art et favorise l’introduction du dessin dans les programmes scolaires. Rapporteur du budget, il soutient la protection et le développement des arts. La réunification des arts qu’il prône aboutit à la création du ministère des Arts. Protecteur des arts, il participe à la fondation des musées de sculpture comparée et des arts décoratifs et crée l’école du Louvre pour former des conservateurs. Achetant pour l’État les œuvres de Millet, Courbet et Manet, il promeut des artistes insoumis à l’Académie et s’affirme comme le promoteur d’œuvres polémiques. Organisant des expositions à la gloire de Courbet ou Manet, il prône l’audace, l’individualité, la liberté, le naturalisme. Véritable propagande artistique, industrielle et politique, l’Exposition universelle de 1889 qu’il organise concrétise ses ambitions, il y rassemble beaux-arts et arts industriels. L’art nouveau y prend racine et rayonnera en 1900. Ses succès n’ont pas permis à Proust d’entrer dans l’histoire, mais son action a porté ses fruits dans la pérennité des structures dont il a défendu la création ou dans l’explosion des arts décoratifs et du marché de l’art. / Antonin Proust (1832-1905), political figure, friend of the artists, historian, critic and salonnier, played an important political and cultural part. The life of this liberal republican is a plea for the protection of arts in the service of the Republic. He connects economic structure with artistic institutions and constantly advocates the useful arts. His aim is economic: to train artists in the service of the industry. He creates art schools and encourages the introduction of design at school. As budget rapporteur, he supports the protection and the development of arts. The unification of the arts which he advocates results in the creation of the ministry of the Arts. Advocate of the heritage, he takes part in the foundations of the Musée de sculpture comparée, of the musée des Arts décoratifs, and founds the École du Louvre to train curators. Buying for the State the works of Millet, Courbet and Manet, he promotes rebellious artists, unruly to the Academy of fine arts, and emerges as a partisan of controversial works. Organizing exhibitions to the glory of Courbet or Manet, he advocates boldness, individuality, freedom and naturalisme. Real artistic, industrial and political propaganda, the World Fair of 1889 which he organizes concretizes his ambitions. He gathers fine arts and useful arts. The Art Nouveau takes root there to blow up in 1900. His successes did not allow Proust to enter the history, but his action bore fruits in the sustainability of the structures he defended the foundation of or in the boom of craft arts and of the art market.