Spelling suggestions: "subject:"last timor"" "subject:"past timor""
81 |
Rozvojová spolupráce EU se zeměmi ACP : přístup ke Rwandě, Haiti a Východnímu Timoru / EU development assistance and the ACP countries. EU's approach to Rwanda, Haiti, and East TimorPavelková, Kristina January 2015 (has links)
The work looks at EU's development policy through the lens of one of integration theories, namely multi-level governance. The relationship between the EU and three countries from ACP group, Rwanda, Haiti and East Timor is being analysed. From current trends of multi-level governance the research is focusing on the process of strengthening of supranational level and on advancing regionalization, understood in terms of regional integration on one side and the transfer of powers to lower administrative units or local emancipation. The work is inspired by the idea of the author Martin Holland that integration theories are better observable on EU's development policy than on EU's integration itself. Using the comparison of official EU's declarations over development cooperation with ACP group and real agenda implemented in those countries, the work investigates EU's involvement during penetration of surveyed countries into transnational structures, into regional coalitions and the promotion of emancipation of lower administrative units in the country. The research aims to analyze bonds formed between the European Union and Rwanda, Haiti and East Timor, which, according to Martin Holland, the concept of multi-level governance should best describe.
|
82 |
ASEAN, social conflict and intervention in Southeast AsiaJones, Lee C. January 2009 (has links)
This thesis challenges the prevailing academic and journalistic consensus that ASEAN states, bound by a cast-iron norm of non-interference, do not intervene in other states’ internal affairs. It argues that ASEAN states have frequently engaged in acts of intervention, often with very serious, negative consequences. Using methods of critical historical sociology, the thesis reconstructs the history of ASEAN’s non-interference principle and interventions from ASEAN’s inception onwards, drawing on sources including ASEAN and UN documents, US and UK archives, and policymaker interviews. It focuses especially on three case studies: East Timor, Cambodia, and Myanmar. The thesis argues that both the emergence of ideologies of non-intervention and their violation can be explained by the social conflicts animating state policies. Non-interference was developed by embattled, authoritarian, capitalist elites in an attempt to bolster their defence of capitalist social order from radical challenges. Where adherence to non-intervention failed to serve this purpose, it was discarded or manipulated to permit cross-border ‘containment’ operations. After communism was defeated in the ASEAN states, foreign policy continued to promote the interests of dominant, state-linked business groups and oligarchic factions. Non-interference shifted to defend domestic power structures from the West’s liberalising agenda. However, ASEAN elites continued meddling in neighbouring states even as containment operations were discarded. This contributed to the collapse of Cambodia’s ruling coalition in 1997, and ASEAN subsequently intervened to restore it. The 1997 Asian financial crisis dealt a crippling blow to ASEAN. To contain domestic unrest in Indonesia, core ASEAN states joined a humanitarian intervention in East Timor in 1999. In the decade since, non-interference has been progressively weakened as the core members struggle to regain domestic legitimacy and lost international political and economic space. This is expressed most clearly in ASEAN’s attempts to insert itself into Myanmar’s democratisation process after decades of failed ‘constructive engagement’.
|
83 |
Barbaric mistakes: Western print media’s portrayal of “ethnic” conflictsRoff, Katherine Louise January 2013 (has links)
This study addressed the question: “Does Western media framing of different actors in ethnic conflict influence the likelihood of intervention being advocated in the media?” In order to answer this question, this study used a content analysis of USA, UK and Australian print media, and explored the media framing of conflicts in Rwanda, Kosovo, and East Timor. The study examined newspaper articles prior to intervention and, using Piers Robinson’s media framing model (2000), measured the quantity of “empathetic” and “distancing” coverage in relation to suggestions for intervention.
The results of this study show that simplified representations of these complex conflicts often lead to a dangerous polarisation in Western media. Ethnic conflicts are discussed either within a “barbaric” frame, where readers are presented with well-defined heroes, victims and villains and are encouraged to support intervention; or with a “native” narrative, where the situation is reported as a distant problem between “squabbling tribes”, and the media consumer is encouraged to support non-intervention.
|
84 |
Australia's military intervention in East Timor, 1999Pietsch, Samuel, sam.pietsch@gmail.com January 2009 (has links)
This thesis argues that the Australian military intervention in East Timor in 1999 was motivated primarily by the need to defend Australias own strategic interests. It was an act of Australian imperialism understood from a Marxist perspective, and was consistent with longstanding strategic policy in the region.¶
Australian policy makers have long been concerned about the security threat posed by a small and weak neighbouring state in the territory of East Timor. This led to the deployment of Australian troops to the territory in World War Two. In 1974 Australia supported Indonesias invasion of the territory in order to prevent it from becoming a strategic liability in the context of Cold War geopolitics. But, as an indirect result of the Asian financial crisis, by September 1999 the Indonesian governments control over the territory had become untenable. Indonesias political upheaval also raised the spectre of the Balkanisation of the Indonesian archipelago, and East Timor thus became the focal point for Australian fears about an arc of instability that arose in this period.¶
Australias insertion of military forces into East Timor in 1999 served its own strategic priorities by ensuring an orderly transfer of sovereignty took place, avoiding a destabilising power vacuum as the country transitioned to independence. It also guaranteed that Australias economic and strategic interests in the new nation could not be ignored by the United Nations or the East Timorese themselves. There are therefore underlying consistencies in Australias policy on East Timor stretching back several decades. Despite changing contexts, and hence radically different policy responses, Australia acted throughout this time to prevent political and strategic instability in East Timor.¶
In addition, the intervention reinforced Australias standing as a major power in Southeast Asia and the Southwest Pacific. The 1999 deployment therefore helped facilitate a string of subsequent Australian interventions in Pacific island nations, both by providing a model for action and by building a public consensus in favour of the use of military intervention as a policy tool.¶
This interpretation of events challenges the consensus among existing academic accounts. Australias support of Indonesias invasion and occupation of East Timor from 1974 was frequently criticised as favouring realpolitik over ethical considerations. But the 1999 intervention, which ostensibly ended severe violence and secured national independence for the territory, drew widespread support, both from the public and academic commentators. It has generally been seen as a break with previous Australian policy, and as driven by political forces outside the normal foreign policy process. Moreover, it has been almost universally regarded as a triumph for moral conduct in international affairs, and even as a redemptive moment for the Australian national conscience. Viewing the intervention as part of the longstanding strategy of Australian imperialism casts doubt on such positive evaluations.
|
85 |
Proposta de zoneamento ecológico-econômico como instrumento de desenvolvimento sustentável: subsídios para o planejamento ambiental na construção do Distrito de Covalima – Timor-Leste / Zoning proposal for eco-economy as a tool for sustainable development: subsidies for environmental planning in the construction of Covalima - Timor-LesteCruz, Rui António da January 2012 (has links)
CRUZ, Rui António da. Proposta de zoneamento ecológico-econômico como instrumento de desenvolvimento sustentável: subsídios para o planejamento ambiental na construção do Distrito de Covalima – Timor-Leste. 2012. 190 f. : Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal do Ceará, Pró-Reitoria de Pesquisa e Pós-Graduação em Desenvolvimento e Meio Ambiente - PRODEMA, Fortaleza-CE, 2012 / Submitted by Nádja Goes (nmoraissoares@gmail.com) on 2016-04-19T14:18:06Z
No. of bitstreams: 1
2012_dis_racruz.pdf: 4944755 bytes, checksum: f1151a7e06978341a26a5264adc378c1 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Nádja Goes (nmoraissoares@gmail.com) on 2016-04-19T14:18:48Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1
2012_dis_racruz.pdf: 4944755 bytes, checksum: f1151a7e06978341a26a5264adc378c1 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-19T14:18:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
2012_dis_racruz.pdf: 4944755 bytes, checksum: f1151a7e06978341a26a5264adc378c1 (MD5)
Previous issue date: 2012 / The Covalima located in southwestern Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste-RDTL constituted country under a democratic rule of law, sovereign and independent, unitary, based on the popular will and respect for human dignity and the right to an environment a humane, healthy and ecologically balanced and duty to protect and enhance and support of future generations. Recognizing the need to preserve and enhance natural resources, and promote actions to protect the environment and safeguard the sustainable development of economy, stressing that the use of natural resources to maintain balance and prevent destruction of ecosystems. Is attributed to the significant meaning in this present study, to establish Proposal for ecological-Economic-ZEE as a tool for sustainable development. Subsidizes environmental planning is seeking to reconcile the human behavior on the basis of appropriate environmental management, to improve the use of natural resources in the process of sustainable environmental. There was bias from the socio-environmental theoretical framework which shows the relationship between society and nature, claiming self-conscientization, respecting the carrying capacity of nature. It is based on the basis of zoning in which the organization affects the democratic power of public policy, assuming the role of environmental planning and management. Is directed, so the strategic plans focusing on the use and occupancy of the land in search for the rehabilitation and maintenance of functional integrity of environmental systems. Avoidance of negative impacts and consequences of natural biophysical systems, besides the quality of life of the population on the basis of sustainable development. The establishment of the geoenvironmental characteristics, socioeconomic and use of land occupation, based on the reasoning of the zoning application of analytical techniques for digital satellite (TM / LANDSAT 7 ETM + 2000) and GIS, with prior knowledge, as well as documents bibliographic and geocartographic. Resulted in the subdivision within 5(five) environmental Systems, 8 (eight) sub-systems and socioeconomic aspects, allowing to determine the classification of 6 (six) areas of interest, uniquely adopting the definition and function the same as: Zone Environmental Conservation, Zone of the Environmental Recovery-ZRA, Sustainable Use Zone-ZUS, Landscape Protection Zone and Cultural-ZPPc, Urban Zone Expansion-ZEU, Ethnic-Zone Overlay-ZSE. It is obvious that the uniqueness of the function of each zone meets in contributing to dispose finally of the Zoning Environmental generating the emerging scenarios that the system provides for Sustainable Development in the construction of Covalima. It is intended that this zoning will help to subsidize the public politics of Timor-Leste in the pursuit of sustainable development Covalima. / O Distrito de Covalima situa-se no Sudoeste da República Democrática de Timor-Leste–RDTL, constituindo um país sob Estado de direito democrático, soberano, independente e unitário. Está baseado na vontade popular e no respeito pela dignidade da pessoa humana e pelo direito a um ambiente de vida humana, sadio, ecologicamente equilibrado e no dever de proteger e melhorar em prol das gerações vindouras. Reconhecendo a necessidade de preservar e valorizar os recursos naturais, além de promover ações de defesa do meio ambiente e salvaguardar o desenvolvimento sustentável da economia, bem como o aproveitamento dos recursos naturais para a manutenção do equilíbrio e evitar a destruição de ecossistemas. Atribui-se o significado importante nesta presente pesquisa, estabelecer Proposta de Zoneamento Ecológico-Econômico-ZEE como instrumento para o desenvolvimento sustentável. Subsidia-se o planejamento ambiental em busca de compatibilizar o comportamento humano na base da gestão ambiental adequada, para o melhoramento do uso dos recursos naturais no processo do desenvolvimento sustentável. Observaram-se os preceitos socioambientais a partir da fundamentação teórica que sinaliza a relação sociedade-natureza, primando a auto-concientização, respeitando a capacidade de suporte da natureza. Fundamenta-se como base no Zoneamento em que a organização repercute no poder democrático das políticas públicas, assumindo o papel do planejamento e gestão ambiental. Direciona-se, desse modo os planos estratégicos incidindo no uso e a ocupação da terra em busca à recuperação e manutenção da integridade funcional de sistemas ambientais. Evita-se como conseqüências os impactos negativas dos sistemas biofísicos naturais, além da qualidade da vida da população na base do desenvolvimento sustentável. O estabelecimento das características dos sistemas ambientais e dos aspectos socioeconômicos e o uso da ocupação da terra, basearam-se na fundamentação do zoneamento com aplicação de técnicas de análise digital de satélite (TM/LANDSAT 7 + ETM de 2000) e geoprocessamento, com conhecimentos prévios, bem como documentos bibliográficos e geocartográficos. Resultou a compartimentação em 5 (cinco) sistemas ambientais, 8 (nove) sub-sistemas e nos aspectos socioeconômicos, possibilitando o estabelecimento da classificação de 6 (seis) zonas de interesse, adotando singularmente a definição e a função das mesmas, como: Zona da Preservação Ambiental-ZPA, Zona da Recuperação Ambiental-ZRA, Zona de Uso Sustentável-ZUS, Zona de Proteção Paisagística e Cultural-ZPPc, Zona de Expansão Urbana-ZEU, Zona de Superposição Étnica-ZSE. É óbvio que a singularidade da função de cada zona cumpre enfim contribuir dispor do Zoneamento Ecológico-Econômico que gera os cenários tendenciais, propiciando o sistema do Desenvolvimento Sustentável na construção do Distrito de Covalima. Pretende-se que esse zoneamento contribua para subsidiar as políticas públicas de Timor-Leste na busca do desenvolvimento sustentável de Covalima.
|
86 |
Banda Forearc Metamorphic Rocks Accreted to the Australian Continental Margin: Detailed Analysis of the Lolotoi Complex of East TimorStandley, Carl Eldon 29 January 2007 (has links) (PDF)
Petrologic, structural and age investigations of the Lolotoi Complex of East Timor indicate that it is part of a group of thin metamorphic klippen found throughout the region that were detached from the Banda forearc and accreted to the NW Australian continental margin during Late Miocene to Present arc-continent collision. Metamorphic rock types are dominated by (in order of greatest to least abundance), greenschist, graphitic phyllite, quartz-mica schist, amphibolite and pelitic schist. Mineral, whole rock, and trace element geochemical analyses of metabasites indicate that protolith compositions are consistent with tholeiitic basalt and basaltic andesite with mixed MORB and oceanic arc affinities. Metapelitic schist compositions are consistent with mafic to intermediate oceanic to continental arc provenance. Geothermobarometric calculations show peak metamorphic temperatures in pelitic rocks range from 530°C to 610°C for garnet-biotite pairs and peak pressures of 5 to 8 kbar for garnet-aluminosilicate-quartz-plagioclase assemblages. Analyses of amphibole in amphibolites yield temperatures of 550°C to 650°C and pressures of 6 to 7 kbar. Lu-Hf analyses performed on garnet samples from two massifs in East Timor yielded four ages with a mean of 45.36 ± 0.63 Ma, which is interpreted to represent the approximate age of peak metamorphism. Detrital zircons from one amphibolite sample in East Timor yields a bimodal U-Pb age distribution of 560 Ma and 80 Ma, indicating deposition occurred after the 80 Ma closure of the zircon grains. The sequence of deformation as indicated by field measurements is similar to that reported from other klippen throughout the Timor region. Contact relationships with adjacent units indicate that the metamorphic terrane is in thrust contact with underlying Gondwana Sequence rocks. Overlying the metamorphic rocks are Asian affinity volcanic and sedimentary cover units found mostly in normal fault contact on the edges of Lolotoi Complex klippen. Geochemical, age, petrological and structural data imply the Lolotoi Complex formed part of the eastern Great Indonesian arc, which began to collapse in the Eocene, was incorporated into the Banda arc in the Miocene, and accreted to the Austrailian continental margin from Pliocene to Present.
|
87 |
Political Environment and Transnational Agency: a Comparative Analysis of the Solidarity Movement For PalestineCassanos, Sam 20 October 2010 (has links)
No description available.
|
88 |
Processes of feelings in a society with a violent past : A qualitative study of the communication for Societal healing in the Truth Commissions in East Timor, Sri Lanka and Ghana between 2002-2011Lindeby, Susanna January 2013 (has links)
The research investigates in what extent and how communication for meeting feelings is provided in Truth Commission work. It examines if and in what way feelings are addressed in the communication officially published by the Truth Commissions in East Timor, Ghana and Sri Lanka, occurring between 2002-2011. The research is also looking at the healing processes in a time perspective to find out if there is a communication for Societal healing to be continued in a longer term. My conclusion is that two cases of three in my research, the TRCs in Ghana and East Timor, have communication clearly directed to meet feelings caused by the war. One of the three cases (East Timor) has a communication with a clear ambition to heal over a longer period, to continue after the existence of the Truth Commission. The research suggests that communication with a clear ambition to reach out widely in the society, a communication directed to meet and process feelings over a longer period, can make Societal healing more effective. It also concludes that, in the future, Societal healing, as a field in conflict resolution, will be more based on representational media than today, provided through web communication.
|
89 |
Demokratie und pacta sunt servandaFulda, Christian B. 10 October 2002 (has links)
Das Demokratieprinzip ist im Völkerrecht verankert. Seine normativen Grundlagen sind zum einen das Vertragsrecht, insbesondere der Internationale Pakt über bürgerliche und politische Rechte, sowie die regionalen Verankerungen in Europa und in Amerika durch die Satzungen der jeweiligen internationaler Organisationen und ihrer Menschenrechtsinstrumente. Substantielle vertragliche Verpflichtungen ergeben sich auch aus den bilateralen Verträgen der EG. Zum anderen fußt es auf der Staatenpraxis, insbesondere im Rahmen der UNO. So ist die internationale Gemeinschaft auf die Errichtung demokratischer Strukturen verpflichtet, wenn sie staatliche Funktionen in failed states übernimmt oder den Wiederaufbau eines Staatswesens begleitet. Die Demokratieresolutionen der UNO lassen erkennen, daß alle Staaten verpflichtet sind, das Ziel der Demokratie anzustreben und erreichte demokratische Errungenschaften zu gewährleisten. Das Demokratieprinzip beinhaltet normativ die Legitimation staatlichen Handelns durch freie Wahlen und die Absicherung durch Menschenrechte, Gewaltenteilung und Rechtsstaatlichkeit. Staatliche Entscheidungen bedürfen daher einer legitimierenden Rückbindung an den frei geäußerten Willen des konstituierenden Staatsvolkes, wobei die Freiheit dieser Willensäußerung in dynamischer Perspektive die Freiheit der Willensänderung garantiert. Sowohl der Vertragsschluß als Akt staatlichen Handelns als auch der Inhalt des Vertrages bedürfen der Legitimation, und zwar über die Zeit hinweg. Das geltende Völkervertragsrecht berücksichtigt das Demokratieprinzip jedoch nur unzureichend. Die Verletzung innerstaatlichen Rechts beim Vertragsschluß kann nur eingeschränkt geltend gemacht werden. Es existiert auch kein Verfahren, mit dem die fortdauernde Legitimation eines Vertrages überprüft werden könnte. Angesichts der Zunahme von Verträgen, die innere Angelegenheiten der Gesellschaften regeln, bedarf das Spannungsverhältnis einer Lösung. Das Problem wird illustriert durch Frankreichs Ausstieg aus der NATO, Senegals Kündigung der Seerechtskonventionen, den Streit um den deutschen Atomausstieg, das Verfahren um den Donaustaudamm Gabcíkovo Nagymaros, die Frage der Vereinbarkeit von Drogenkonsumräumen mit den UN-Anti-Drogenkonventionen, das Schiedsverfahren zwischen Aminoil und Kuwait sowie der Kündigung des ABM-Vertrages durch die USA. Ein erster Ansatz zur Lösung kann in einer Neuinterpretation der völkervertragsrechtlichen Regeln liegen. So bietet sich der Grundsatz der "demokratiefreundlichen Interpretation" an. Internes Recht, das der Kontrolle der Exekutive dient, muß beim Vertragsschluß Berücksichtigung finden. Und Verträgen, die "innere Angelegenheiten" betreffen, kann ein implizites Kündigungsrecht zugebilligt werden. Der wesentliche Ansatz ist aber kautelarjuristischer Natur. Revisions-, Experimentier- und Kündigungsklauseln können bei der Abfassung von Verträgen die Vertragsbeziehung so ausgestalten, daß zukünftige Meinungsänderungen berücksichtigt werden können. Schließlich ist de lege ferenda ein Recht auf Revision, kombiniert mit einem subsidiären Kündigungsrecht, wünschenswert. Mit einem solchen Mechanismus könnten neue normative Lösungen eingeführt werden und die Legitimation bestehender Normen auf den Prüfstand gestellt werden. / International law provides for a democratic principle. It is based both on treaty law and customary law. The International Covenant for Civil and Political Rights as well as the regional treaties in Europe and the Americas - the statutes of the respective regional organisations and their human rights instruments - form a substantial body of treaty obligations toward democracy, which is complemented by bilateral treaties of the EC safeguarding democracy. State practice, especially within the framework of the UN, indicates an obligation to establish democratic structures whenever the international community takes upon itself the task of nation building in failed states. The democracy resolutions of the UN point out that all member states are obliged to strive for democracy and uphold democratic achievements so far. The normative democratic principle includes the legitimation of public affairs through free and fair elections and the guarantee of human rights, separation of powers and the rule of law. Acts of states therefore must be legitimised through the freely expressed will of the people. Under a dynamic perspective, the free will includes the possibility for changes of policy. The conclusion of treaties as an act of state as well as the content of the treaty as a rule of law need to be legitimised through the times. The current law of treaties does not acknowledge the democratic principle, however. Violations of internal law at the conclusion of a treaty can only be claimed to a limited extent. Nor does international law provide for a formal procedure to validate the on-going support for the content of the treaty. Facing an ever-growing expansion of the number of treaties dealing with the internal affairs of societies, solutions must be found. The problem is being illustrated by France's withdrawal from NATO, Senegal's withdrawal from the Geneva Conventions on the Law of the Sea, the dispute related to the question of the use of nuclear energy in Germany, the judgement of the ICJ in the Gabcíkovo-Nagymaros case, the question of the compatibility of drug consumption rooms with UN anti-drug conventions, the dispute settlement award in the Aminoil case and last not least the denunciation of the ABM treaty by the US. Realigning the interpretation of the law of treaties to the democratic principle is one way to deal with the problem. Interpretation of treaties should take into account the democratic principle. Internal law controlling the executive has to be complied with where conclusion of treaties is concerned. And treaties dealing with "internal affairs" can be considered to contain an implicit right of withdrawal or denunciation. The proper solution lies in respecting the democratic principle when drafting treaties, though. Clauses of revision, clauses allowing for experiments and clauses of denunciation or withdrawal help shaping a contractual relationship that can take into account changes of the political will. Last not least, a right of revision is recommended de lege ferenda, combined with a subsidiary right of denunciation or withdrawal. Such a mechanism allows for introducing new normative solutions and for validating the on-going legitimation of existing treaty rules. (See also the English summary at the end of the thesis.)
|
90 |
Low Intensity Conflict: Contemporary Approaches and Strategic ThinkingSearle, Deane January 2007 (has links)
Low Intensity Conflict (LIC) is a significant feature of the contemporary world and it is a particular challenge to the armed forces of many states which are involved is such conflict, or are likely to become so. This thesis is not concerned with how such difficult conflict situations arise. Rather it is concerned with how, from the point of view of the state, they may be contained and ultimately brought to a satisfactory resolution. The work is thus concerned with the practicalities of ending LIC. More specifically, the purpose of this research is to establish a framework of doctrinal and military principles applicable to the prevention and resolution of LIC. The principles of this thesis are based in numerous historical examples of LIC and six in depth case studies. These distilled principles are analysed in two central chapters, and are then applied in two latter defence force chapters so as to ensure there practicality and resilience. Numerous defence academics and military practitioners have been consulted in the production of this thesis; their contribution has further reinforced the functionality of the principles examined in this research. The research illustrates the criticality of a holistic approach to LIC. The function of this approach is to guarantee the stability of the sovereign state, by unifying civil, police, intelligence and military services. The effectiveness of the military elements must also be ensured, as military force is central to the suppression of LIC. Consequently, the research makes strategic and operational prescriptions, so as to improve the capability of defence forces that are concerned with preventing or resolving LIC.
|
Page generated in 0.0684 seconds