A B S T R A C T This thesis analyzes the impact of the economic crisis in 1929-1934 on the Jablonec glass making with main attention to the district Železný Brod. One of the main causes of decline of the Czechoslovak glass industry in the first half of the 30s of 20th century was formed by pro-export focus. The region of Železný Brod and Jablonec nad Nisou had represented sites with major export, production and refining of glass that were for this reason by the economic crisis strongly affected. Deteriorating economic conditions at the beginning of 30s have resulted in intensified state intervention in industry, including the glass manufacturing as one of the most affected industrial areas. Because mostly cartels had regulatory function in the industry, a number of agreements among the glass producers in Jablonec nad Nisou and Železný Brod area were concluded. This thesis considers with different types of production and refining of the glass in order to offer the complete overview over the glass production in districts Jalonec nad Nisou and Železný Brod. The second part puts also emphasis on the social status of domestic craftsmen considering their relations with employers, which determined in times of economic crisis the legislation enacted after establishment of the Czechoslovak Republic, in the 20s and...

Cette thèse commence par souligner les contextes et les difficultés d'analyse de l'économie chinoise : la première difficulté est la particularité de la Chine qui est également référencée comme «socialisme avec des caractéristiques chinoises», qui comprend le contexte culturel unique et la langue, la nature de l'économie, le manque de données, et les changements institutionnels fréquents. La deuxième difficulté est l'insuffisance des modèles de croissance économique modernes. En outre, les chercheurs souffrent également des problèmes économétriques généraux de la modélisation macroéconomique, par exemple le problème de petit échantillon, la faible identification et l'estimation sensible pour la stationnarité des séries et paramètres tronqués. Par conséquent, nous devons trouver et travailler dans un cadre approprié. Cette thèse montrera l'insuffisance des modèles de croissance économique dominante pour expliquer la croissance économique de la Chine et la nécessité de sortir du cadre néoclassique. L'analyse se tourne progressivement vers les approches marxistes et se concentre sur l'analyse des taux de profit. [...]Cette thèse propose quelques éléments de réflexion méthodologique sur le thème de la croissance de l’économie chinoise dans la longue période. À partir de données statistiques officielles chinoises retravaillées, nous reconstruisons des séries temporelles de stocks de capital physique les plus longues possibles, soit de 1952 à 2014, de façon à remonter au plus près de la date de formation de la République populaire et étendre cette base de données jusqu’au présent, pour tenir compte des derniers annuaires statistiques publiés en 2016. Nous testons ces nouvelles données afin d’estimer les contributions des facteurs de production à la croissance dans un cadre théorique néoclassique, en soulignant les limites de tels modèles – problématiques, car selon nous indépassables. [...] L'auteur a prédit les valeurs de certaines variables économiques de 2015. L'auteur prédit que le taux de profit continuera à baisser même s'il est déjà faible dans 2014. Si le taux de profit continue à baisser, les marxistes pourraient soutenir qu'une crise se produira à l'avenir. Toutefois, l'argument est cohérent avec les faits qu'une crise financière sur le marché boursier se produira en 2015 et 2016. La prévision pour la croissance économique est également très réussie. En outre, l'auteur a également étendu la décomposition économique des taux de profit. L'auteur a proposé trois décompositions différentes puis appliqué un filtre à ces composants. Les cycles économiques et les crises ont été confirmés avec une perspective marxiste revisée. / The rise of emerging economies and their increasing contributions to the world’s economy has led to the development of the science of economics. China is a typical representative of emerging market economies. This economic phenomenon pushes the development of economic growth theory, and the problems in empirical analyses also promote econometric techniques. Though China is still a developing country, China has successfully dragged itself out of absolute poverty. Is the technique of China’s economic development an alternative method for the struggle against the poverty of other poor countries? With the lack of modern international standard data, the empirical analyses of modern economic growth theories in the literature are generally focused on the period after the opening-up reform in 1978 or the period after the fiscal reform in 1993. In this thesis, the author attempts to extend the vision, by further analyzing China’s economy using modern economic approaches since the foundation of the People’s Republic of China in 1949. Alongside the wave of privatization, marketization, and liberalization in the countries of the former Soviet Union, socialist countries, and developing countries, China has also begun its economic reform since 1978 in which it has achieved great economic success. Chinese policymakers themselves contribute the rapid economic growth to the success of the institutional choice. For instance, Hu Jintao’s report at the 17th Party Congress (2007) has the following assertion: “To sum up, the fundamental reason behind all our achievements and progress since the reform and opening up policy was introduced is that we have blazed a path of socialism with Chinese characteristics and established a system of theories of socialism with Chinese characteristics.” However, what does the so-called “socialism with Chinese characteristics” really mean? How does it work on the path of economic growth? All those interesting questions incite this thesis to explore the answers. [...]

This thesis set out to ascertain the position of recent Australian Governments on the latest instalments of Asian regionalism in the context of an assessment of whether there has been a redefinition of Asia and thus a redefinition of Australia???s engagement with Asia. It will concentrate on the broad themes of politico-strategic and economic engagement. Whilst there has been extensive research and documentation on the Asian economic crisis there has been less work on the issue of a new Asian regionalism and the implications for Australia???s complex and variable engagement with the region. This is the basis for the claim to originality of this thesis, a claim supported by its focus on the practical and policy implications of Australia???s engagement, or lack of it, with regional institutions. The process of regional integration has been extremely slow, thus supporting the conclusion that there is no evidence of a major redefinition of Asia. Efforts at Asian regionalism are meeting obstacles that pose immense challenges. Asian regionalism remains nascent and poorly defined. This reflects the diversity and enormous disparities in cultures, political systems and the levels of economic development and differences over economic philosophies within East Asia. What is discernible is that the regionalism is proceeding more rapidly on financial issues than on trade, and in the security area it is conspicuously absent. This research highlights the fact that the question of Asian engagement remains a sensitive issue in Australia and continues to grow more complex. Australia???s engagement with Asia since 1996 has been variable because of the Howard Government???s broader balance of priorities between global and regional issues, and because of the changing nature of the Asian region. The perception gleaned from sources is that, for the Australian Government, regionalism initiatives are characterised by much discussion but lack substance. Consequently, this appears to have led the Government to the position that exclusion from some manifestations of regionalism is not so important. Australia is excluded from some of the regional architectures being constructed. In its efforts to seek inclusion in ASEAN + 3 and ASEM, Australia is facing the same barriers that have stood in the way of an AFTA-CER agreement. Exclusion would be important if the performance of regional groupings was not so indifferent. Exclusion from ASEAN + 3 and ASEM, however, does not equate to Australia???s exclusion from the region.

This thesis investigates the historically composed political and economic contexts that contributed to the late 1990s commercial renaissance of Korean national cinema and that have sustained the popularity of Korean films among local and regional audiences ever since. Unlike existing approaches to the topic, which emphasise the textual characteristics of national film production, this thesis considers relations between film production, distribution, exhibition, and ancillary markets, as well as Korean cinema’s engagement with international cinemas such as Hollywood, Hong Kong, China and Japan. I argue that following the relaxation of restrictive film policy towards the importation and distribution of foreign films between 1986 and 1988, the subsequent failure of the domestic film industry to compete against international competition precipitated a remarkable shift in consensus regarding the industry’s structure and functions. Due to the loss of distribution rights to foreign films and the rapid decline in ticket sales for Korean films, the continued economic viability of local film companies was under enormous threat by the early 1990s. The government reacted by permitting conglomerates to seize control of the industry and pursue vertical and horizontal integration. During the rest of the decade, Korean cinema was transformed from an art cinema to a commercial entertainment cinema. The 1997/98 economic crisis led to the exit of conglomerate finance, but streamlined film companies were able to withstand the monetary meltdown, continue the domestic revitalisation, and, since the late 1990s, build media empires based on the expansion of Korean cinema throughout the Asian region.

De l’avis de nombreux observateurs, le monde a connu en 2008 une crise économique sans précédent depuis la Grande dépression des années trente. Au premier chef des victimes de ces dérives de l’économie globale figurent les travailleurs du monde entier. Investie depuis 1919 d’un mandat de protection à l’égard de ces derniers, l’Organisation internationale du Travail (OIT) se doit d’être une force de propositions en ces périodes difficiles. La présente étude se propose d’analyser l’évolution des réponses normatives produites par l’OIT au lendemain des crises économiques et financières mondiales depuis sa création. Il s’agira également de mettre en corrélation le degré d’audace de l’Organisation et la composition de la scène internationale qui préside à chacune des époques considérées. Le premier chapitre sera pour nous l’occasion de montrer comment l’OIT, née dans un contexte de crise économique dans les années vingt puis confrontée en 1930 à une autre crise majeure, a su tirer profit de ces situations qui confirment sa raison d’être et la pousse à s’enquérir de nouvelles compétences (chapitre I). Nous ferons ensuite étape dans une époque marquée par la prolifération de nouvelles organisations internationales avec lesquelles l’OIT entre en concurrence : l’ère onusienne. Nous verrons comment la position de l’Organisation sur la scène internationale influe sur sa réactivité face aux crises économiques et politiques du moment (chapitre II). Forts de ces considérations historiques, nous serons enfin à même de comprendre la souplesse normative caractérisant la réaction de l’OIT face à la crise de 2008. Nous serons également en mesure de comprendre comment cette crise historique a modifié l’ordre mondial et influé sur la position de l’Organisation dans l’agencement international (chapitre III). / In the opinion of many observers, the world witnessed in 2008 an unprecedented economic crisis since the Great Depression of the thirties. The primary victims of these gobal economic breakdowns are the workers of the world. Invested since 1919 to a term of protection with respect to the latter, the International Labour Organization (ILO) has to be a vector for proposals in these difficult times. This study aims to analyze the evolution of the normative responses produced by the ILO in the wake of global economic and financial crises since its inception. It will also correlate the Organization's degree of boldness and the composition of the international picture in place over each period considered. The first chapter will give us the opportunity to show how the ILO, born in a context of economic crisis in the twenties and then facing another major crisis in 1930, has taken advantage of these situations to confirm its raison d'être and has been driven to inquire about new competencies (chapter I). We will then step in an era marked by the proliferation of new international organizations with which the ILO is in competition: the UN era. We will see how the Organization's position on the international scene affects its responsiveness to economic and political crises of the moment (chapter II). Instructed on these historical considerations, we will finally be able to understand the normative flexibility characterizing the ILO's response to the 2008 crisis. We will also be able to understand how this historic crisis has changed the world order and has affected the Organization's position in the international layout (chapter III).

本文試圖對於北韓在後冷戰時期進行看似複雜與矛盾的內外政策進行分析，並整理出其規律性並予以模型化。而本文發現北韓應付生存危機首重外交與經濟政策，其規律性展現於：當外部危機出現惡化時，北韓外交政策會傾向使用邊緣策略；但外部危機出現好轉的時，北韓外交政策則會傾向使用妥協策略。另外，北韓經濟政策也出現一定的規律性，但其策略的採用必須同時考量到經濟與政治因素。而北韓經濟策略的規律性表現於：當經濟危機出現好轉時，但當局有政治考量的情況下，經濟策略將傾向使用計劃經濟搭配爭取經援，且對經濟改革進行限縮的情形；但經濟危機出現惡化時，當局的政治考量出現(或必須)退位，此時經濟策略將傾向於使用計劃經濟搭配爭取經援，並且進行經濟改革，或放鬆對經改的限縮。而本文依照上述所觀察出北韓外交與經濟策略的規律性，建立出分析模型，並以此預測出北韓未來可能採行的策略。 關鍵詞：北韓、外部危機、經濟危機、邊緣策略、妥協策略、計劃經濟、爭取經 援、經濟改革、受限縮的經改 / This paper tries to analyze and modelize the policies of the DPRK which look like complicated and paradoxical. It explores the DPRK puts emphasis on the foreign and economic policies to deal with he risks of her survival, and her policies or strategies can be formulated into a pattern. The pattern of her foreign strtegies shows that the authorities tend to engage in the brinkmanship after the economic risk getting worse, and they also tend to conduct the compromise after the economic risk getting better. Futhermore, the economic policies of the DPRK also shows the pattern. However, the political and economic factors should be considerated in the pattern. It shows that the authorities tend to engage in the package strategies including planned economy, aid-seeking and reform with restriction when the economic risk gets better and political concern exists. On the other hand, they tend to conduct the package strategies including planned economy, aid-seeking and reform without restriction when the economic risk coming worse and political concern diminishes. According to the pattern of foreign and economic strategies, it can be constructed the model and predicts the responses of strategies by the DPRK. Keywords: North Korea (Democratic Republic of Korea, DPRK); external risk; economic risk; brinkmanship; compromise; planned economy; aid-seeking strategy; economic reform; economic reform without restriction

This thesis set out to ascertain the position of recent Australian Governments on the latest instalments of Asian regionalism in the context of an assessment of whether there has been a redefinition of Asia and thus a redefinition of Australia???s engagement with Asia. It will concentrate on the broad themes of politico-strategic and economic engagement. Whilst there has been extensive research and documentation on the Asian economic crisis there has been less work on the issue of a new Asian regionalism and the implications for Australia???s complex and variable engagement with the region. This is the basis for the claim to originality of this thesis, a claim supported by its focus on the practical and policy implications of Australia???s engagement, or lack of it, with regional institutions. The process of regional integration has been extremely slow, thus supporting the conclusion that there is no evidence of a major redefinition of Asia. Efforts at Asian regionalism are meeting obstacles that pose immense challenges. Asian regionalism remains nascent and poorly defined. This reflects the diversity and enormous disparities in cultures, political systems and the levels of economic development and differences over economic philosophies within East Asia. What is discernible is that the regionalism is proceeding more rapidly on financial issues than on trade, and in the security area it is conspicuously absent. This research highlights the fact that the question of Asian engagement remains a sensitive issue in Australia and continues to grow more complex. Australia???s engagement with Asia since 1996 has been variable because of the Howard Government???s broader balance of priorities between global and regional issues, and because of the changing nature of the Asian region. The perception gleaned from sources is that, for the Australian Government, regionalism initiatives are characterised by much discussion but lack substance. Consequently, this appears to have led the Government to the position that exclusion from some manifestations of regionalism is not so important. Australia is excluded from some of the regional architectures being constructed. In its efforts to seek inclusion in ASEAN + 3 and ASEM, Australia is facing the same barriers that have stood in the way of an AFTA-CER agreement. Exclusion would be important if the performance of regional groupings was not so indifferent. Exclusion from ASEAN + 3 and ASEM, however, does not equate to Australia???s exclusion from the region.

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secret emigration in 1940' and reasons that later let to the mass emigration in The fifth chapter describes the emigrant's situation before they left la Gomera d emigrant's life in Venezuela. It's devided into particular sub

Les conséquences des chocs économiques négatifs sur les ménages ont été documentés extensivement, mais on en sait beaucoup moins sur la manière dont ces chocs sont transmis aux individus à travers la médiation du ménage. Le ménage contribue-il à modérer l'effet des chocs négatifs ? Dans quelle mesure le choc économique pèse-t-il dans la négociation familiale ? À partir de données sur la crise économique argentine de 2001, je montre d'abord que les femmes en couple ont une plus grande probabilité de devenir actives si leur mari a fait l'expérience d'un choc de revenu. Ensuite, je montre que le cycle économique importe dans les décisions d'investissement en capital humain. Sur le long terme, les profils de salaire et d'employabilité des hommes argentins sont affectés de manière persistante par les conditions économiques initiales au moment de l'obtention du diplôme. Enfin, je considère la dimension “man-cession” de la crise économique de 2009 en Espagne et montre que la part des ressources du ménage reçues par les femmes pour leur consommation privée augmente avec la diminution de l'écart des taux de chômage hommes-femmes, confortant l'hypothèse que les chocs négatifs modifient le pouvoir de négociation des individus au sein du ménage. / The consequences of adverse aggregate shocks on households have been repeatedly documented, but far less has been said on the way they are passed over to individuals through the mediation of the household. Does the household contribute in mitigating the effects? Or does the economic shock rather invite itself at the family negociating table? Using the Argentine 2001 economic crisis as a natural experiment, I first show that married women are more likely to enter the labor market if their husband experienced a loss in income, giving credit to the insurance mechanism. Then, I show that the business cycle matters for investments in education, and that long run labor outcomes of Argentine men are persistently affected by the initial conditions upon graduation. Finally, I consider the “Mancession” dimension of the Great Recession in Spain and demonstrate that the resource share accruing to wives for own consumption increases together with the decreasing unemployment gap, which comes in support to the bargaining hypothesis.