This research delves into the complex nexus between sustainable development and the participation of Indigenous Peoples (IPs), with a specific emphasis on Amerindians in Guyana. While sustainable development increasingly integrates into global policy, IPs have historically faced marginalisation, often finding their rights overlooked in discussions on climate change and sustainability. The inherent connection of IPs to their territories, marked by their role as stewards of the environment, showcases their critical importance in global sustainable practices. However, mainstream development often disregards the rich mosaic of Indigenous cultures, experiences, and worldviews. Utilising the Guyana-European Union Forest Law Enforcement, Governance, and Trade Voluntary Partnership Agreements (FLEGT VPA) as a case study, this research probes the intricate dynamics of a solution acclaimed for addressing deforestation and illegal logging. Central to the study is the exploration of participatory communication within this development intervention. By highlighting the potential of this communication approach, the study posits that IPs can actively engage, empowering them to reclaim their narrative and enhance their self-determination. Theoretical insights, which include postcolonial and subaltern studies, are complemented by several frameworks such as Communication for Development (C4D) and Communication for Social Change (CSC), among others. By employing a mixed-method approach encompassing individual interviews and focus group discussions, the research presents a comprehensive portrayal of IPs' perspectives on communication processes. The findings aim to augment academic discourse on the communication dynamics around sustainable initiatives, spotlighting avenues for more inclusive, patient, and equitable strategies in support of IPs and local communities. In essence, this thesis calls for an enduring commitment to bridge the chasm between vision and reality in sustainable development.

Cette thèse présente une analyse anthropologique de l’éducation informelle chez deux communautés autochtones de l’Outre-mer français : les Wayana-Apalaï, en Guyane, et les Enata, en Polynésie française. A partir des données recueillies grâce à un travail ethnographique de longue durée, on a pu déterminer le temps consacré aux interactions éducatives dans le milieu domestique, les styles éducatifs dominants et les logiques éducatives des membres des deux communautés. La dynamique éducative a été interprétée en tant que processus de transmission des données culturelles liées à un paysage naturel et social déterminé. Les résultats obtenus montrent que les stratégies éducatives des Wayana-Apalaï et des Enata sont modelées par les contraintes propres à la dynamique postcoloniale et des impératifs imposés par l’économie de marché.Cette proposition de recherche veut investiguer et comparer deux cas d’étude hautement significatifs à propos desquels il existe une évidente lacune dans la littérature scientifique : c’est le cas de la scolarisation des jeunes amérindiens appartenant à l’ethnie wayana et, spécifiquement, au village d’Antecume Pata, dans le Haut Maroni, en Guyane ; et celle des jeunes de langue reo ma’ohi, en Polynésie. L’hypothèse de travail est qu’il existe un évident hiatus entre les curricula qui sont appliqués dans les écoles où sont scolarisés les jeunes natifs et les dynamiques de formation parentale traditionnelles. L’objectif de cette recherche est de démontrer que la prise en compte du contexte culturel et linguistique (et surtout du rôle qu’occupe la famille dans l’éducation des jeunes) doit participer à l'acquisition des compétences citoyennes dès le plus jeune âge, surtout dans un environnement pluriethnique. Pour tester cette hypothèse, un travail de longue durée sur le terrain a été envisagé afin d’obtenir un corpus ethnographique suffisant pour une évaluation transversale en considérant comme variables les styles éducatifs, les perceptions des parents, les attentes des maitres et les curricula scolaires à partir de la question « qu’est-ce que la réussite pour les familles des élèves et en quoi diffère-t-elle de la conception institutionnelle? » / This PhD thesis presents an anthropological analysis of informal education activities among two French autochthonous communities: the Wayana-Apalaï people, living in French Guiana, and the Enata people, in French Polynesia. Thanks to the data gathered through a long term ethnographic fieldwork, it was determined the time dedicated to educational interactions in the domestic environment, the dominant educational styles and the educational logic of both communities. The educational dynamic has been interpreted as a process of transmission of cultural data related to a natural and social landscape. The results obtained show that educational strategies applied by Wayana-Apalaï and Enata educators are shaped by the constraints of the post-colonial dynamics and the requirements imposed by the global market economy. / Esta tesis de doctorado presenta un análisis antropológico de las actividades de educación doméstica en dos comunidades autóctonas de la Francia de ultramar: los Wayana-Apalaï, quienes viven en el sector amazónico de la Guayana francesa, y los Enata, quienes habitan la isla de Hiva Oa, en la Polinesia Francesa. Gracias a los datos recogidos a través de un trabajo etnográfico de larga duración, se determinó el tiempo dedicado a las interacciones educativas en el ámbito doméstico, los estilos educativos dominantes y las lógicas educativas de ambas comunidades. La dinámica educativa se ha interpretado en función de su papel de transmisión de los datos culturales relacionados con un paisaje natural y social. Los resultados obtenidos muestran que las estrategias educativas aplicadas hoy en día por los educadores Wayana-Apalaï y los Enata intentan adaptar las lógicas educativas pre-coloniales (consideradas como “tradicionales”) a las limitaciones impuestas por la dinámica post- colonial y por la economía global. / Questa tesi di dottorato presenta un'analisi antropologica delle attività di educazione informale in due comunità autoctone della Francia d’oltremare: i Wayana-Apalaï, che vivono nel settore amazzonico della Guyana francese, e gli Enata, che vivono sull’isola di Hiva Oa, in Polinesia francese. Grazie ai dati raccolti attraverso una ricerca etnografica di lunga durata (2011-2015), è stato possibile determinare il tempo dedicato alle interazioni educative in ambito domestico, gli stili educativi dominanti e le logiche educative di entrambe le comunità. La dinamica educativa è stata interpretata come un processo di trasmissione dei dati culturali legate ad un paesaggio naturale e sociale determinato. I risultati ottenuti mostrano che le strategie educative applicate dagli educatori Wayana-Apalaï ed Enata sono il prodotto di una tensione tra le logiche precoloniali (considerate come la “vera tradizione”) ed i vincoli imposti dalle dinamiche post-coloniali e dall'economia globale.

Durant la colonisation, le colonisateur n’a pas ménagé ses efforts pour peupler la Guyane. Les différentes populations qui s’y sont installées au gré des différentes opérations de développement-peuplement ont été anéanties par les épidémies et les conditions de vie déplorables. Ce qui valut à la colonie son surnom d’enfer vert. Avec le régime de la départementalisation en 1946, la Guyane connut comme une révolution sanitaire et sociale qui améliora les conditions de vie et la rapprocha des départements métropolitains. S’en suivit une croissance démographique encouragée par une politique migratoire. Une telle composante immigrée influa dans tous les domaines socioculturels du département jusqu’à faire partie de l’identité propre de la Guyane. Malgré cette croissance, l’appel à la main-d’œuvre extérieure demeura encore nécessaire au développement du département : construction de la base spatiale en 1965, grands chantiers de Guyane, agriculture, etc. Le succès de la base spatiale, le système de protection sociale, les hauts salaires, la richesse du sous-sol, les conditions de vie braquèrent les projecteurs sur le département et attirèrent nombre de ressortissants des pays environnants, ceux-là mêmes qui étaient repoussés hors de leurs frontières par les crises sociales, la pauvreté, la guerre civile. Si bien qu’en 1982 le nombre d’immigrés tendait à dépasser le nombre de nés en Guyane et suscita la réticence des Guyanais qui réclamaient de la part du gouvernement une politique migratoire restrictive et d’expulsion. Stigmatisant les populations immigrées, les Guyanais leur imputèrent tous les maux du département : maladies et épidémies, chômage, délinquance, drogue, non-scolarisation, pauvreté, création de bidonvilles, etc. tous ces maux qui rapprochent un peu plus le département des régions et des pays environnants les plus pauvres. / During Colonization, the colonizing country did not hesitate to populate French Guyana. The various populations who migrated there, following numerous attempts to populate and develop the country were eventually wiped out by epidemics and horrid living conditions. These extreme conditions eventually earned the region the nickname ‘The Green Hell’. However with the regime of departmentalization in 1946, French Guyana witnessed a sanitary and social revolution which greatly improved the living conditions and brought the region up to a level comparable with the metropolitan regions. Following this reform there was a great demographic growth encouraged by a policy open to migration. This new migration influenced all socio-cultural domains of life in the department right down to the authentic French Guyana identity. In spite of this growth, the need for an exterior labor force remained necessary for the development of the country: construction of the Space exploration base in 1965, great development of urban French Guyana, agriculture, etc. The success of the Space exploration program, the social security system, increased salaries, the richness of the soil and the improved living conditions put French Guyana in the spotlight and attracted a number of citizens from neighboring countries. Many of these new immigrants were fleeing their own countries, currently amidst social turmoil, intense poverty or even Civil War. The degree of desperation was such that in 1982 the number of immigrants surpassed the number of people born in French Guyana and provoked their resistance, imploring the government for a restrictive migration policy that would even employ expulsion. Stigmatizing these immigrant populations, the people of French Guyana began to blame all the ills of society on these new masses: illness and epidemics, unemployment, delinquency, drug abuse, lack of scholarity amongst children, poverty, the development shanty towns etc. All of these afflictions brought the living standard closer to those of the surrounding regions and the poorest of neighboring countries

O presente trabalho busca compreender a importância que o Banco Nacional de Desenvolvimento Econômico e Social (BNDES) ganha a partir de 2003 com as ampliações dos financiamentos voltados para a construção de sistemas de engenharia, não somente dentro do território nacional, mas também no exterior (sobretudo na América do Sul). Partindo do processo de integração física das nações sulamericanas e da instalação de solidariedades geográficas (Santos, 1996) entre as regiões do continente, procuramos analisar as complementaridades nos territórios envolvidos em financiamentos dos bancos de desenvolvimento, em especial o BNDES, no qual se articulam Estados e empresas privadas na produção de novos sistemas de engenharia no continente. Nesse sentindo, buscamos compreender as verticalidades e horizontalidades geradas no espaço continental, dando ênfase no caso da fronteira do Brasil com a Guiana Francesa, onde foram instalados nos fixos geográficos que afetam diretamente a integração destes dois países (principalmente a Ponte Binacional Brasil-Guiana e a BR-156). / This paper seeks to understand the importance that the National Bank for Economic and Social Development (BNDES) wins from 2003 with the expansion of financing aimed at the construction of engineering systems, not only within the country but also abroad (especially in South America). Starting from the physical integration of South American nations and the installation of geographical solidarities (Santos, 1996) between the regions of the continent process, we analyzed the complementarities in the territories involved in financing from development banks, especially BNDES, which are articulated States and private companies in the production of new engineering systems on the continent. In that sense, we seek to understand the uprights and horizontalities generated in continental space, emphasizing the case of Brazil\'s border with French Guiana, where they were installed in the geographic fixed that directly affect the integration of these two countries (mainly Brazil-Guyana Binational Bridge and BR-156).

This paper investigates the relationship between ethnic conflict, electoral systems, and power sharing in ethnically divided societies. The cases of Guyana, Fiji, Sri Lanka, Lebanon, Mauritius, and Trinidad and Tobago are considered. Electoral systems are denoted based on presidential versus parliamentary system, and on proportional representation versus majoritarian/plurality. The paper concludes that, while electoral systems are important, other factors like the power distribution between ethnic groups, and ensuring a non-zero-sum game may be as important.

In an attempt to close the gaps between diaspora and regional studies an Afro-Asian comparative perspective on African and Indian identity will be explored in the countries of Guyana and South Africa. The overlying aim of the ethnographic research will be to see whether blackness can be used as a unifier to those belonging to enslaved and indentured diasporas. Comparisons will be made between the two race models of the Atlantic Ocean and Indian Ocean worlds. A substantial portion will be set aside for a critique of the concept of Coolitude including commentary on V.S. Naipaul. Further, mixing, creolization, spirituality and the cultural politics of Black Consciousness, multiculturalism, and dreadlocks will be exemplified as AfroAsian encounters.

In an attempt to close the gaps between diaspora and regional studies an Afro-Asian comparative perspective on African and Indian identity will be explored in the countries of Guyana and South Africa. The overlying aim of the ethnographic research will be to see whether blackness can be used as a unifier to those belonging to enslaved and indentured diasporas. Comparisons will be made between the two race models of the Atlantic Ocean and Indian Ocean worlds. A substantial portion will be set aside for a critique of the concept of Coolitude including commentary on V.S. Naipaul. Further, mixing, creolization, spirituality and the cultural politics of Black Consciousness, multiculturalism, and dreadlocks will be exemplified as AfroAsian encounters.

Orientador: Jose Luiz dos Santos / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-05T18:27:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Silva_CarlosAlbertoBorgesda_D.pdf: 4248231 bytes, checksum: c7257d0d5f589cc01341ecffa9328332 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005 / Resumo: A Revolta do Rupununi, acontecida em 1969, no sul da Guiana, foi um movimento armado preparado por fazendeiros com objetivo de criar um novo país na região. Apoiada pela Venezuela, que através do auxilio militar dado aos fazendeiros, anteviu a possibilidade de recuperar a Zona en Reclamación, a Revolta contou com a participação de alguns índios, principalmente aqueles tidos como parentes de H. P. C. Melville, o primeiro estrangeiro a criar gado no Rupununi. Depois de dois dias de iniciado o movimento, alguns fazendeiros, acompanhados por um grupo de índios, retiraram-se para a Venezuela na condição de exilados, outros fugiram para o Brasil ou foram capturados pela Guyana Defense Force, chamada por Forbes Burnhan, presidente da Guiana, para sufocar o movimento armado. A preparação, a organização, o desfecho e o fracasso do movimento explicam relações políticas e sociais densas entre a Venezuela e a Guiana, fazendeiros e índios, bem como revelam disputas étnicas conseqüentes da colonização britânica no país / Abstract: The Revolt of Rupununi, happened in 1969, in the south of Guyana, it was an armed movement prepared by farmers with the objective of creating a new country in the area. Leaning to Venezuela, the military help the farmers that saw the opportunity to recover the zona en reclamación, the Revolt counted with the participation of some Indians, mainly those had as relatives of H. P. C. Melville, the first stranger to grow up cattle in Rupununi. Two days after the movement, some farmers, accompanied by a group of Indians, left for Venezuela as political exiles', others fled to Brazil or were captured by the Guyana Defense Forces, which were ordered by Forbes Burnhan, president of Guyana, to quell the armed movement. The preparation, the organization, the ending and the failure of the movement revealed the profound relationship regarding the political and social sphere between Venezuela and Guyana, also between the farmers and the Indians, as well reveals the consequent ethnic disputes to the British colonization period / Doutorado / Doutor em Ciências Sociais

O presente trabalho busca compreender a importância que o Banco Nacional de Desenvolvimento Econômico e Social (BNDES) ganha a partir de 2003 com as ampliações dos financiamentos voltados para a construção de sistemas de engenharia, não somente dentro do território nacional, mas também no exterior (sobretudo na América do Sul). Partindo do processo de integração física das nações sulamericanas e da instalação de solidariedades geográficas (Santos, 1996) entre as regiões do continente, procuramos analisar as complementaridades nos territórios envolvidos em financiamentos dos bancos de desenvolvimento, em especial o BNDES, no qual se articulam Estados e empresas privadas na produção de novos sistemas de engenharia no continente. Nesse sentindo, buscamos compreender as verticalidades e horizontalidades geradas no espaço continental, dando ênfase no caso da fronteira do Brasil com a Guiana Francesa, onde foram instalados nos fixos geográficos que afetam diretamente a integração destes dois países (principalmente a Ponte Binacional Brasil-Guiana e a BR-156). / This paper seeks to understand the importance that the National Bank for Economic and Social Development (BNDES) wins from 2003 with the expansion of financing aimed at the construction of engineering systems, not only within the country but also abroad (especially in South America). Starting from the physical integration of South American nations and the installation of geographical solidarities (Santos, 1996) between the regions of the continent process, we analyzed the complementarities in the territories involved in financing from development banks, especially BNDES, which are articulated States and private companies in the production of new engineering systems on the continent. In that sense, we seek to understand the uprights and horizontalities generated in continental space, emphasizing the case of Brazil\'s border with French Guiana, where they were installed in the geographic fixed that directly affect the integration of these two countries (mainly Brazil-Guyana Binational Bridge and BR-156).

La notion d’appropriation des langues est définie au regard du contexte guyanais. La Guyane est positionnée au carrefour de la Caraïbe et de l’Amérique du Sud, c’est-à-dire au cœur d’un processus migratoire et de nouvelles problématiques, dont celle du vivre ensemble. Il s’agit de mettre en évidence la réalité dans laquelle s’ancre le locuteur et de présenter les éléments de l’appropriation dans ce contexte plurilingue. L’appropriation de la langue est entendue comme une action – parler – en train de se faire, au cours d’une interaction déterminée sur une échelle espace-temps. La problématique, suivant une approche interactive et interdisciplinaire, repose sur la relation entre les deux volets de ce travail : recherche de terrain et réflexion théorique, laquelle est menée autour des notions d’appropriation, de langue, de sujet et de contexte. La place accordée à l’arrière-plan ethnographique et social, induit une méthodologie basée sur la compréhension des éléments des contextes à décrire, supports des pratiques déclarées par les sujets recueillies par le biais de questionnaires, mais surtout au cours d’entretiens. Deux attitudes sont identifiées, l’une d’ouverture et l’autre de repli sur soi. La première conduit le sujet à s’approprier les langues de son environnement : le sujet développe une identité plurielle, qu’il revendique comme telle, et s’épanouit dans le plurilinguisme, à condition qu’il soit légitimé dans les différentes sphères auxquelles il se réfère. La deuxième consiste à définir la communauté linguistique et culturelle à laquelle le sujet appartient, et dont il réclame l’identité et la légitimité. / The notion of the appropriation of languages is defined under the Guyanese context. French Guyana is placed at the junction of Caribbean and South America, that is at the heart of a migration process and new problems which invites reflection on the « living together ». This is to highligth the reality into which someone is anchored, and to present the components of appropriation in this multilingual context. The appropriation of languages is understood as an action – speak – in the making, during an interaction on a scale determined space-time. The problem, according to an interactive and interdisciplinary approach, is based on the relationship between the two components of this work : the field research and the theoretical thought, which is conducted around the notions of appropriation, language, subject and context. The emphasis on the ethnographic and social background leads consequently to a methodology based on comprehension of the contexts components to describe, supports of linguistic practices declared by subjects collected through questionnaires, but especially during interviews. Two attitudes are identified, one of openness and one of withdrawal. The first leads the subject to appropriate the language of his environment : the subject develops a plural identity, he claims as such, and thrives in multilingualism, provided that he’s legitimized into the spheres he refers to. The second is to define the linguistic and cultural community to which the subject belongs, and that he claims identity and legitimity.