This essay identifies a type of narrative dissonance in the depictions of working-class conditions within Elizabeth Gaskell’s Mary Barton: A Tale of Manchester Life and George Orwell’s Down and Out in Paris and London. In this thesis, the dissonance is argued in part to be the effect created when an author belonging to one social class attempts to portray a class separate from their own. According to Marxist views, class constructs are well-defined and exist in opposition to one another. As such, there is a distinction between describing circumstances while viewing from outside and portraying conditions from within a class consciousness one does not share. The contrast between these perspectives introduces a discordant element into the narrative which interferes with a reader’s immersion. Furthermore, instances of both intranarrational and extratextual unreliability exacerbate the peculiar sense of dissonance when those elements conflict with the experiences of the reader. Understanding and sympathizing with the experiences of the Other, while beneficial in many regards, should not be conflated with knowledge of their lived experience. In order to establish this distinction, a close reading of the books, highlighting examples, is utilized. Additionally, by way of further explanation, Althusser’s concept of “internal distantiation” is used to define conflicting class viewpoints as a contributing factor to the dissonance perceived.

Walter Benjamin warned in 1940 of a certain inconspicuous threat to political thinking, not least of all to materialism, that takes progress as an historical norm. Implicit in this conception is what he describes as an empty continuum of time along which the prevailing tradition chronicles its own mythic development and drains everyday life of genuine historical experience. The myth of progressive history advances insidiously today in consumeristic and technocratic attempts at reconciling cultural imagery with organic nature. In this dissertation, I pursue the contradictions of such images as they crystallize around the natural history of twenty-first century commodity society, where promises of ecological remediation, sustainable urban development, and climate change mitigation have yet to introduce a true crisis of historical experience to the ongoing environmental crisis of capitalism. A more radical way of seeing the cultural representation of nature would, I argue, penetrate its mythic determination by market forces and bear witness to the natural-historical ruins and traces that constitute, in Benjamin's terms, a single "catastrophe" where others perceive historical continuity. I argue that Benjamin's critique of progress is instructive to interpreting those utopian dreams, ablaze in consumer life and technological fantasy, that recent decades of growing environmental concern have channeled into the recovery of an experience of the natural world. His dialectics of nature and alienated history confront the wish-image of organic abundance with the transience of its appropriated expression in the commodity-form. Drawing together this confrontation with a varied literature on collective memory, nature, and the city, I suggest that our poverty of experience is more than simply a technical, economic, or even ecological problem, but rather follows from the commodification of history itself. The goal of this work is to reflect upon the potentiality of communal politics that subsist not in rushing headlong into a progressive future but, as Benjamin urges, in reaching for the emergency brake on the runaway train of progress.

This study is about voluntary productive activities in digital networks and on digital platforms that often are described as pleasur­able. The aim of the study is to relate the peer producers’ perceptions of their activities on a micro level in terms of play, game, work and labour, to their views on Wikipedia’s relation to capitalism on a macro level, to compare the identified ideological formations on both levels and how they relate to each other, and finally compare the identi­fied ideological formations with contemporary Marxist theory on cognitive capitalism. The intention is to perform a critical evaluation of the economic role of peer production in society.Qualitative and semi-structured interviews with eight Wikipedians active within the Swedish language version of Wikipedia con­stitute the empirical base of the study together with one public lecture by a Wikipedian on the encyclopaedia and a selection of pages in the encyclopaedia that are text analysed. The transcribed interviews have been analysed using a version of ideological analysis as it has been developed by the Gothenburg School. The views on the peer producing activities on the micro level has been analysed in a dialecti­cal way but is also grounded in a specific field model.Six ideological formations are identified in the empirical material. On the micro level: the peripheral, bottom-up- and top-down-formation, on the macro level: the Californian alikeness ideology, communism of capital and capitalism of communism. Communism of capital has two sides to it: one stresses the synergies and the other the conflicts between the two phenomena. The formations on the macro level conform broadly to contemporary Marxist theory, but there are important differ­ences as well. The study results in a hypothesis that the critical side of communism of capital and the peripheral and bottom-up-formation could help to further a more sustainable capitalism of communism, and counteract a deeper integra­tion of the top-down-formation with Californian alikeness ideology. The latter is the main risk of capitalist co-optation of the peer produc­tion that is underway as the manifestly dominant formations on the macro level are Californian alikeness ideology and communism of capital. / <p>©<strong> </strong>2015 Arwid Lund, used under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 3.0 license: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/</p><p></p>

由於長期以來根深蒂固的誤解，馬克思的哲學往往被視為一種「經濟決定論」的主張--經濟決定了社會、文化與政治等一切其他領域；此一誤解之必然結果是：「馬克思的國家學說」也被當作國家理論中最典型的「工具主義」--國家是資產階級用來進行階級宰制的工具。為了釐清這點，本論文之作者嘗試性地自「歷史社會學」的角度切入，說明馬克思的研究進路 其實與當代一般歷史社會學學者的研究進路無異，都是自歷史傳承與社會脈絡等眾多複雜的面向來了解「國家自主是否自主」的多種可能性：國家既不是現代資產階級手中的簡單工具，也不是能夠完全獨立於社會之外的政治實體。其次，自馬克思國家學說本身的哲學基礎，即所謂「歷史唯物論」看來，政治與經濟之間的關係也非單向決定的因果關係，而是呈現著 多種不同面向的辯證互動關係，因此也造成了馬克思有關國家自主性的學說中之兩種不同論述：「寄生性國家」與「工具性國家」。本文從馬克思論國家的本質、起源及其與社會的關係開始說起，再逐步論及「寄生性國家」與「工具性國家」這兩種論述中的各種「國家」類型，包括「東方專制主義」、「專制君主制」、「波拿巴主義的國家」、「工具國家在英國 」以及「工具性的國家在法國」等，可以說完整地梳理出馬克思國家學說的發展脈絡，並充分說明它其實就是一種有關國家的歷史社會學。 目 錄 第一章 序言 第一節 研究動機…………………………………………002 一之一：國家研究的歷史發展………………………………………002 一之二：馬克思主義與國家研究……………………………………005 第二節 論題形成的脈絡…………………………………010 二之一：馬克思論「寄生性國家」與「工具性國家」………………011 二之二：馬克思的歷史唯物論與國家研究…………………………019 第三節 研究進路的問題…………………………………025 三之一：歷史社會學的研究進路與國家研究………………………026 三之二：馬克思與「以國家為中心」的國家研究進路………………035 第四節 論述架構與研究限制…………………………041 四之一：論述架構……………………………………………………040 四之二：研究限制……………………………………………………047 第二章 歷史唯物論與國家 第一節 馬克思的歷史唯物論…………………………058 一之一：歷史唯物論與「經濟決定論」………………………………058 一之二：歷史唯物論與整體性觀點…………………………………063 第二節 馬克思論述人類歷史的發展………………072 二之一：分工、所有制與歷史………………………………073 二之二：國家自主性與國家的形式…………………………………080 第三節 小結…………………………………………………085 第三章 寄生性國家 第一節 東方專制主義的社會經濟基礎……………089 一之一：東方專制主義與「亞細亞生產模式」的概念………………089 一之二：東方專制主義國家自主性的形成…………………………095 第二節 向資本主義社會過渡中的專制君主制…100 二之一：專制君主制的歷史背景……………………………………100 二之二：專制君主制中的階級關係與國家自主性…………………105 第三節 波拿巴主義與法國歷史………………………110 三之一：法國歷史中的國家傳統……………………………………110 三之二：波拿巴主義的階級、意識形態因素與國家自主性………116 第四節 小結…………………………………………………122 第四章 工具性國家 第一節 資產階級與工具性國家………………………127 一之一：資產階級的形成……………………………………………127 一之二：資產階級與工具性的現代國家……………………………132 第二節 工具性國家在英國與法國…………………138 二之一：英國資產階級工具性國家的形成…………………………138 二之二：法國資產階級工具性國家的形成…………………………143 第三節 小結…………………………………………………148 第五章 總結與評估 參考文獻…………………………………………………………154 人名索引…………………………………………………………163 主題索引…………………………………………………………170 / For many decades, Marxian philosophy was usually misunderstood as a doctrine that is primarily "economically determinstic", ie., economy determines the social, cultural, and political spheres. What is the corollary of this misunderstanding is that Marxian Doctrines on the State had become one of the most typical types of Instrumentalism among the theories of the state and that state is the instrument of class domination in the hands of the capitalists. In order to clarify this long-term misunderstanding, the author of this thesis try to find his revelation in contemporary Historical Sociology, and to demonstrate the Marxian approaches to the state is no different from the approaches of many Historical Sociologists. Historical Sociology has shown its constant attempts to understand the diverse possibilities of state autonomy from the perspectives of historical heritage and social context. According to this viewpoint, state is neither the simple instrument in the hands of the capitalists, nor a political entity that can be totally isolated from the society. Secondly, in the light of Marxian Historical Materialism, the relationship between politics and economy is not an one-way causation. As the ultimate foundation of the Marxian doctrines of the state, Historical Materialism makes it clear that politics and economy are mutually and dialectically interactive, and this vigorous interaction provides us the two possible doctrines of the state, that is, parasite state and instrumentalist state. This thesis started from the formulations of the nature, origin of the state and its relations to the society, then the author gradually focus upon a "typology" of the state which can be shown in the two Marxian state doctrines, these types including "Oriental Despotism", "Absolutism", "Bonapartism", "Instrumentalist State in England", and "Instrumentalist State in France". The author not only gave an overall exposition of the development of the Marxian doctrines of the state, he also sufficiently proved that the doctrines constitute in fact some kind of historical sociology of the state.

This study examines intricately related questions of consciousness and learning, textually-mediated social coordination, and human relationships within nature, anchored in the everyday life practices and concerns of a remote First Nation community in the Treaty 9 region. Through the use of Institutional Ethnography, community-based research and narrative methods, the research traces how the ruling relations of land use planning unfold within the contemporary period of neoliberal development in Northern Ontario. People’s everyday experiences and access to land in the Mushkego Inninowuk (Swampy Cree) community of Fort Albany for example, are shaped in ways that become oriented to provincial ruling relations, while people also reorient these relations on their own terms through the activities of a community research project and through historically advanced Indigenous ways of being. The study examines the coordinating effects of provincially-driven land use planning on communities and territories in Treaty 9, as people in local sites are coordinated to others elsewhere in a complex process that serves to produce the legislative process called Bill 191 or the Far North Act. Examining texts, ideology and dialectical historical materialist relations, the study is an involved inquiry into the text process itself and how it comes to be put together. The textually mediated and institutional forms of organizing social relations—effectively land relations—unfold with the involvement of people from specific sites and social locations whose work is coordinated, as it centres on environmental protection and development in the region north of the 51st parallel. A critique of the textually mediated institutional process provides a rich site for exploring learning within the context of neoliberal capitalist relations and serves to illuminate ways in which people can better act to change the problematic relations that haunt settler-Indigenous history in the contemporary period. The work asks all people involved in the North how we can work to address historic injustices rooted in the relations and practices of accumulation and dispossession. The voices and modes of governance of Aboriginal people, obfuscated within the processes and relations of provincial planning, must be afforded the space and recognition to flourish on their own terms.

This study examines intricately related questions of consciousness and learning, textually-mediated social coordination, and human relationships within nature, anchored in the everyday life practices and concerns of a remote First Nation community in the Treaty 9 region. Through the use of Institutional Ethnography, community-based research and narrative methods, the research traces how the ruling relations of land use planning unfold within the contemporary period of neoliberal development in Northern Ontario. People’s everyday experiences and access to land in the Mushkego Inninowuk (Swampy Cree) community of Fort Albany for example, are shaped in ways that become oriented to provincial ruling relations, while people also reorient these relations on their own terms through the activities of a community research project and through historically advanced Indigenous ways of being. The study examines the coordinating effects of provincially-driven land use planning on communities and territories in Treaty 9, as people in local sites are coordinated to others elsewhere in a complex process that serves to produce the legislative process called Bill 191 or the Far North Act. Examining texts, ideology and dialectical historical materialist relations, the study is an involved inquiry into the text process itself and how it comes to be put together. The textually mediated and institutional forms of organizing social relations—effectively land relations—unfold with the involvement of people from specific sites and social locations whose work is coordinated, as it centres on environmental protection and development in the region north of the 51st parallel. A critique of the textually mediated institutional process provides a rich site for exploring learning within the context of neoliberal capitalist relations and serves to illuminate ways in which people can better act to change the problematic relations that haunt settler-Indigenous history in the contemporary period. The work asks all people involved in the North how we can work to address historic injustices rooted in the relations and practices of accumulation and dispossession. The voices and modes of governance of Aboriginal people, obfuscated within the processes and relations of provincial planning, must be afforded the space and recognition to flourish on their own terms.

This Sierra Leone Conflict arose from the society’s failure to institutionalize the requisite post-conventional organizing principle for collective will formation and for conflict resolution. In this post-traditional society - one artificially constructed from diverse political and cultural groups, without a shared ethos – only mutual (communicative) understanding can resolve differences and ensure solidarity. A lack of mutual understanding overburdens the adaptive capacity of the society, creating crises tendencies. Repression only intensified these tendencies, ensuring their eventual catastrophic explosion, 11 years civil conflict. State hindrances to social (communicative) interaction rendered the society incapable of realizing the requisite post conventional moral learning i.e. the social intelligence or problem-solving equipment required to resolve conflict, decolonize itself, neutralize normative power, shed dogmatic consciousness, change oppressive conventions, and influential customs. Thus, the study promotes civic virtues of post conventional morality (justice, truthfulness, moral rightness) as the key for liberating the society from its crisis-inducing colonial organizing principle. As the basis of sociology, the discipline the remains focused on society-wide problems, the theory of social evolution is adopted here to reconstruct the crisis in Sierra Leone’s constitutional democratic development. The study uses the rational reconstructive method to explicate problematic validity claims of norms, policy decisions, or the social order. The social order was rendered crisis-ridden because the reasons - the axis around which mutual understanding revolve - adduced for it cannot admit of consensus. The emerging social disintegration exemplifies use of deficient logic in social interaction, one below the requisite categorical moral cognitive consciousness. For this research, colonization is not necessarily externally induced, but forms of understanding in the political, legal, social, and educational interactions. The key point of the study is this: today Sierra Leone achieves solidarity, and decolonize from its conventional organizing principle, only if the state, economy, and civil society can find their limit in the socio-cultural domain.

This Sierra Leone Conflict arose from the society’s failure to institutionalize the requisite post-conventional organizing principle for collective will formation and for conflict resolution. In this post-traditional society - one artificially constructed from diverse political and cultural groups, without a shared ethos – only mutual (communicative) understanding can resolve differences and ensure solidarity. A lack of mutual understanding overburdens the adaptive capacity of the society, creating crises tendencies. Repression only intensified these tendencies, ensuring their eventual catastrophic explosion, 11 years civil conflict. State hindrances to social (communicative) interaction rendered the society incapable of realizing the requisite post conventional moral learning i.e. the social intelligence or problem-solving equipment required to resolve conflict, decolonize itself, neutralize normative power, shed dogmatic consciousness, change oppressive conventions, and influential customs. Thus, the study promotes civic virtues of post conventional morality (justice, truthfulness, moral rightness) as the key for liberating the society from its crisis-inducing colonial organizing principle. As the basis of sociology, the discipline the remains focused on society-wide problems, the theory of social evolution is adopted here to reconstruct the crisis in Sierra Leone’s constitutional democratic development. The study uses the rational reconstructive method to explicate problematic validity claims of norms, policy decisions, or the social order. The social order was rendered crisis-ridden because the reasons - the axis around which mutual understanding revolve - adduced for it cannot admit of consensus. The emerging social disintegration exemplifies use of deficient logic in social interaction, one below the requisite categorical moral cognitive consciousness. For this research, colonization is not necessarily externally induced, but forms of understanding in the political, legal, social, and educational interactions. The key point of the study is this: today Sierra Leone achieves solidarity, and decolonize from its conventional organizing principle, only if the state, economy, and civil society can find their limit in the socio-cultural domain.

Através deste trabalho de pesquisa, pretende-se apresentar uma análise sobre a representação do desenvolvimento tecnológico na dramaturgia de Bertolt Brecht na peça teatral “A Vida de Galileu Galilei”. Na primeira parte, apresenta-se o panorama histórico do século XX, tema que serve como base ao assunto tratado. Na segunda parte do trabalho, apresentam-se as referências que articulam a tecnologia como tema político, no âmbito do período analisado. Por último, a análise refletirá sobre a relação social da tecnologia com a sociedade no decorrer do século XX, investigando a hipótese de que a tecnologia faz parte da ideologia social hegemônica mas pode ser usada também pela militância cultural e democrática. A peça analisada retrata o início da Ciência moderna, e evidencia como desde o seu início a ciência nunca foi imparcial frente aos conflitos ideológicos e sociais. Portanto, analisar a peça e colocá-la no contexto da história contemporânea permite entender a relação da tecnologia com a linguagem e com a estética no escopo de cada período. / In this research work we intend to present an analysis on the representation of technological development in the dramaturgy of Bertolt Brecht. In the first part of this work the 20th century will be presented as the historic base for this study. The second part will reflect on the social relation between technology and society throughout the 20th century, an era in which technological rationality cursed the paths of History. At last, the analysis will be made taking for model the play “Life of Galileo”. The play takes as a scenario the initial phase of the Modern Age, making it clear that Science has never been neutral to ideological and social conflicts. Therefore, making an analysis of this play and putting it in comparison with the events of Contemporary History allows us to understand the relation between technology, language and aesthetics in the scope of each historic period that is analyzed in this work.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:33:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Thiago Ferreira Lion.pdf: 1561226 bytes, checksum: eae75063f0ebc6e2b10efb486893e860 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-02-06 / Fundo Mackenzie de Pesquisa / This research is dedicated to the work of the philosopher, historian and German economist Alfred Sohn-Rethel and the contributions that his theory has to offer for the analyses of law. The analysis of the commodity form made by Marx is the starting point for criticism of the theory of knowledge by the author which shows how humans can have a pure knowledge, separated from the empirical level, which Kant refers to when he says of the existence of a priori categories of knowledge. The emergence of conceptual thinking, of formal logic, is the main discussion of his work and base from which to take elements to the analysis of that social phenomenon which we call law. / Esta pesquisa é dedicada à obra do filósofo, historiador e economista alemão Alfred Sohn-Rethel e às contribuições que sua teoria tem a oferecer para a análise do direito. A análise da forma mercadoria efetuada por Marx é o ponto de partida para a crítica da teoria do conhecimento feita pelo autor, que revela como é possível os humanos terem um conhecimento puro , desvinculado do nível empírico, ao qual se refere Kant quando afirma a existência de categorias a priori do conhecimento. O surgimento do pensamento conceitual, da lógica formal, é o debate principal de sua obra e base a partir da qual se retira elementos para a análise daquele fenômeno social ao qual chamamos de direito.