Global ETD Search

41	Escravos, senhores, posses, partilhas e um plano insurrecional na Freguesia de Nossa Senhora da Aldeia dos Anjos, RS (1863) Pedroso, Wagner de Azevedo January 2013 (has links) Este trabalho tem por objetivo compreender um plano de insurreição escrava, organizado na Freguesia de Nossa Senhora da Aldeia dos Anjos em 1863, focando, principalmente, na questão da mobilidade espacial dos cativos pela localidade. Para chegarmos a esta compreensão, tornou-se necessário empreender uma análise mais detalhada de aspectos geográficos, sociais e econômicos dessa freguesia, da qual buscamos destacar sua posição geográfica, população, atividades econômicas e tipo de estrutura de posse escrava. Tais informações foram cruzadas com os dados presentes em inventários post-mortem de integrantes dos grupos familiares ligados aos senhores de alguns dos insurgentes. Essa comparação permitiu-nos entender a estrutura das propriedades senhoriais - atividades econômicas, tamanho da propriedade escrava e perfil dos escravos - nas quais os insurgentes viviam, bem como possibilitou-nos compreender fragmentos das redes de relações senhoriais com as quais os escravos estavam acostumados a lidar em seu cotidiano. A compreensão de tais questões permitiu-nos sugerir algumas possibilidades explicativas para a mobilidade espacial dos insurgentes pelas diversas propriedades senhoriais, que estavam diretamente relacionadas a dois pontos fundamentais: 1) as atividades desenvolvidas pelos escravos nas propriedades senhoriais e 2) as redes de relações familiares dos cativos de seus senhores. / This dissertation aims to understand a slave insurrection plan organized in Freguesia de Nossa Senhora da Aldeia dos Anjos (Nossa Senhora da Aldeia dos Anjos Parish) in 1863, focusing on captives’ space mobility in the parish. The understanding of this plan demanded a detailed analysis of geographical, social and economic aspects of that parish. Its geographic position, population, economic activities, and type of structure of slaves' position were thus emphasized. Information gathered was collated with data found in post-mortem inventories of members of family groups connected to the owners of some insurrectionaries. This comparison enabled to understand the structure of slave owner properties - their economic activities, size of slave property, and slaves’ profile - where insurrectionaries used to live. The comparison also made it possible to understand fragments of slave owners’ relationship networks with which slaves were used to deal in their everyday routine. Understanding these issues enabled to suggest some possible explanations for insurrectionaries’ space mobility through slave owners’ properties. Those possible explanations were directly related to two fundamental points: 1. Activities performed by slaves in slave owners’ properties, and 2. Family relationship networks among captives and their owners. História do Brasil História do Rio Grande do Sul História do trabalho Relações de trabalho Relações familiares Escravidão Insurreição Estrutura produtiva Estrutura agrária Força de trabalho Mobilidade humana Rio Grande do Sul Gravataí (RS) Slavery Insurrection Structure of slaves' position Aldeia dos Anjos
42	Escravos, senhores, posses, partilhas e um plano insurrecional na Freguesia de Nossa Senhora da Aldeia dos Anjos, RS (1863) Pedroso, Wagner de Azevedo January 2013 (has links) Este trabalho tem por objetivo compreender um plano de insurreição escrava, organizado na Freguesia de Nossa Senhora da Aldeia dos Anjos em 1863, focando, principalmente, na questão da mobilidade espacial dos cativos pela localidade. Para chegarmos a esta compreensão, tornou-se necessário empreender uma análise mais detalhada de aspectos geográficos, sociais e econômicos dessa freguesia, da qual buscamos destacar sua posição geográfica, população, atividades econômicas e tipo de estrutura de posse escrava. Tais informações foram cruzadas com os dados presentes em inventários post-mortem de integrantes dos grupos familiares ligados aos senhores de alguns dos insurgentes. Essa comparação permitiu-nos entender a estrutura das propriedades senhoriais - atividades econômicas, tamanho da propriedade escrava e perfil dos escravos - nas quais os insurgentes viviam, bem como possibilitou-nos compreender fragmentos das redes de relações senhoriais com as quais os escravos estavam acostumados a lidar em seu cotidiano. A compreensão de tais questões permitiu-nos sugerir algumas possibilidades explicativas para a mobilidade espacial dos insurgentes pelas diversas propriedades senhoriais, que estavam diretamente relacionadas a dois pontos fundamentais: 1) as atividades desenvolvidas pelos escravos nas propriedades senhoriais e 2) as redes de relações familiares dos cativos de seus senhores. / This dissertation aims to understand a slave insurrection plan organized in Freguesia de Nossa Senhora da Aldeia dos Anjos (Nossa Senhora da Aldeia dos Anjos Parish) in 1863, focusing on captives’ space mobility in the parish. The understanding of this plan demanded a detailed analysis of geographical, social and economic aspects of that parish. Its geographic position, population, economic activities, and type of structure of slaves' position were thus emphasized. Information gathered was collated with data found in post-mortem inventories of members of family groups connected to the owners of some insurrectionaries. This comparison enabled to understand the structure of slave owner properties - their economic activities, size of slave property, and slaves’ profile - where insurrectionaries used to live. The comparison also made it possible to understand fragments of slave owners’ relationship networks with which slaves were used to deal in their everyday routine. Understanding these issues enabled to suggest some possible explanations for insurrectionaries’ space mobility through slave owners’ properties. Those possible explanations were directly related to two fundamental points: 1. Activities performed by slaves in slave owners’ properties, and 2. Family relationship networks among captives and their owners. História do Brasil História do Rio Grande do Sul História do trabalho Relações de trabalho Relações familiares Escravidão Insurreição Estrutura produtiva Estrutura agrária Força de trabalho Mobilidade humana Rio Grande do Sul Gravataí (RS) Slavery Insurrection Structure of slaves' position Aldeia dos Anjos
43	"Believe it or not, this is Afghanistan!" : la mise en scène "culturelle" de la guerre dans les entraînements militaires aux États-Unis Martin, Alexandra 09 1900 (has links) La thèse porte sur la mise en scène de la guerre dans les entraînements militaires aux États-Unis. Elle étudie des faux villages moyen-orientaux qui servent pour l’entraînement de pré-déploiement en Irak et en Afghanistan. On retrouve ces villages sur diverses bases militaires, comme au National Training Center (NTC) de Fort Irwin (Californie), où une douzaine de faux villages afghans et iraquiens ont été construits depuis 2007 dans le contexte de la contre-insurrection afin de préparer les troupes aux guerres de type urbaines et asymétriques. Dans ces environnements immersifs, l’armée américaine tente de reproduire les paysages socioculturel et religieux où se tiennent les missions : mosquées, salons de thé, marchés extérieurs, maisons traditionnelles forment le décor. Afin de préparer les soldats au terrain humain, une rencontre culturelle est simulée entre eux et la population locale à travers des jeux de rôle. Des acteurs, qui sont parfois d’origine afghane et iraquienne, sont embauchés pour jouer la population locale, ce qui servirait à prévenir un certain « choc culturel » anticipé sur le terrain et augmenter la sensibilité culturelle des soldats. Des experts de l’industrie du cinéma comme des pyrotechniciens et des artistes-maquilleurs participent également à ces simulations pour les rendre plus « réalistes » à travers leurs effets spéciaux. La thèse étudie les rationalités et les technologies à l'œuvre dans les faux villages et les manières dont elles soutiennent cette mise en scène « culturelle » de la guerre. Elle examine les pratiques matérielles et discursives des performances qui s’y déroulent. En quelles instances les exercices de simulation s’inscrivent-ils dans un régime de représentation racialisé? Comment l’orientalisme américain est-il articulé dans ces espaces? Quels mythes politiques et discours dominants circulent dans ces géographies fictives? La thèse problématise la représentation et la production de savoirs sur l’autre. Ce faisant, elle participe à la discussion sur l’altérité entamée par plusieurs courants théoriques et champs disciplinaires dont elle s'inspire, notamment les cultural studies, les critical race theories et la critique postcoloniale. L’analyse est basée sur une observation de courte durée au NTC. Le Centre offre des visites guidées de la base qui permettent au public d’assister à une journée d’entraînements dans les faux villages. J’ai participé à deux reprises à ces « NTC Box Tours ». J’ai également mené des entrevues semi-dirigées avec plus de vingt vétérans d’Iraq et d’Afghanistan afin de discuter avec eux de leur expérience d’entraînement de pré-déploiement et du rôle de la culture dans les simulations militaires. / The thesis looks at the performance of war in military training in the US. It studies the mock Middle Eastern villages that are used for Iraq and Afghanistan pre-deployment training. These villages are found on several military bases such as the National Training Center of Fort Irwin (California), where a dozen of oriental towns were implemented since 2007 in order to prepare the troops for urban and asymmetrical type of warfare in the context of counterinsurgency. In these immersive environments, the US military tries to reproduce overseas sociocultural and religious landscapes: mosques, tea rooms, street markets, traditional houses and so on form the set. To prepare the soldiers to the human terrain, a cultural encounter between them and the local population is simulated through role play. Actors, sometimes from Iraq and Afghanistan, are hired to enact the local population. This is said to prevent an anticipated “culture clash” on the ground and raise cultural awareness amongst the soldiers. Experts from the filmmaking industry such as pyrotechnics and makeup artists also take part in these simulations – working to make them more “realistic” through their special effects. The thesis examines the rationalities and technologies at stake in the mock villages, and the way they sustain the « cultural » mise en scène of war. The research interrogates the material and discursive practices of the performances taking place in the mock towns. In what instances are the simulation exercices anchored in a racialized system of representation; how is the American orientalism being rearticulated in these spaces; what political myths and hegemonic discourses are circulating in these fictive geographies? The thesis problematizes the ways of knowing and representing the other. Therefore, the research takes part to the discussion on otherness initiated by diverse theoritical accounts and academic fields, such as cultural studies, critical race theories, and postcolonial critique. The analysis is based on a short observation at NTC. The Center offers guided tours of the base, allowing the general public to attend to one day of training in the mock villages. I participated twice in these “NTC Box tours”. I also conducted semi-directed interviews with more than twenty Iraq and Afghanistan veterans, in which they share with me their experiences of pre-deployment training and their thoughts on the place of culture in military simulations. Entraînement militaire Guerre contre le terrorisme Contre-insurrection Guerre d'Irak Guerre d'Afghanistan Performance et performativité Simulations militaires Orientalisme Gouvernementalité Military training War on terror Global war on terrorism (GWOT) Counter-insurgency Irak war Afghanistan war Performance and perfomativity War games Orientalism Governmentality
44	Are Pious Protesters Powerful? : A quantitative analysis assessing the effect of religious support on the success of unarmed civil resistance campaigns Sandyarani, Utami January 2022 (has links) There is an ample body of literature which seek to investigate the role of religion in armed conflict. Yet, the role of religion in unarmed civil resistance has not received an equal amount of scholarly attention. Apart from some single and comparative case studies showcasing the pertinent role of religion on nonviolent campaign success, little has been done to investigate its effect across broader cases. By conducting a large-N analysis of 143 nonviolent campaigns from 1975 to 2013 globally, this study aims to fill in the research gap and answer the following question: How does religious support affect the success of nonviolent campaigns? Furthermore, this study seeks to investigate whether unique forms of religious support, i.e. traditional support and religiopolitical support, have a different effect on nonviolent campaign success. The results indicate that religious support does not have a statistically significant effect on the success of nonviolent campaigns. The study also reveals that religious support type does not have a statistically different effect on the chance of nonviolent campaign success. Thus, this study challenges the generalizability of case studies demonstrating the effectiveness of religiously-supported nonviolent campaigns. Avenues for future research include conducting a large-N study on the effect of religious support on the level of mass mobilisation and the resilience capacity of nonviolent campaigns. nonviolent campaigns protest unarmed civil resistance unarmed civil insurrection civil disobedience religion religious institution religious actors mobilising structure resilience large-N study Övrig annan samhällsvetenskap Social Sciences Samhällsvetenskap Social Sciences Interdisciplinary Religious Studies Religionsvetenskap
45	L’entreprise de guerre au XXIe siècle : Les sociétés militaires privées dans la politique étrangère et la stratégie militaire des Etats-Unis / War Entrepreneuship in the XXIst Century : Private Military Companies in the Foreign Policy and the Military Strategy of the United States Bricet des Vallons, Georges-Henri 12 March 2012 (has links) Les guerres d’Irak et d’Afghanistan ont vu la réapparition massive de sociétés de mercenariat d’un nouveau genre.Le mercenariat occidental est ainsi passé en moins de vingt ans de structures artisanales, arrimées à la politiquepost-coloniale des grandes puissances, à un stade professionnel et industriel tendant à une transnationalisationcroissante de ses activités. Des bavures de la célèbre Blackwater à l’implication d’employés de CACI dans lescandale de la torture au sein de la prison d’Abu Grahib, en passant par les activités de la tentaculaire Aegis, lessociétés militaires privées, omniprésentes sur le champ de bataille, ont rythmé et marqué le récit de ces guerresmajeures du début du XXIe siècle. Fait crucial : c’est la première fois dans l’histoire des opérations militairesaméricaines qu’on assiste à un basculement de la démographie des forces en faveur du secteur privé. Produit del’économie de guerre permanente et ramifications expéditionnaires du complexe militaro-industriel, ces sociétésreprésentent un changement d’expression de la puissance militaire étatsunienne sans précédent. Cettemercenarisation de l’american way of war est désormais une tendance structurelle de la politique étrangère del’Empire et pourrait bien révolutionner à terme le visage même de la guerre. Cette thèse trace le récit historique deces armées privées, décrit les conditions politiques qui ont permis à ce nouveau marché de la guerre d’émerger etse propose d’analyser la portée sociopolitique de ce phénomène de mondialisation de la violence privée quant à laquestion de l’Etat. Cette question du retour du mercenariat à grande échelle dans la politique étrangère des Etats-Unis permet non seulement de former une hypothèse aiguë sur le déclin de la puissance militaire américaine maisaussi sur les évolutions de l’identité sociohistorique du monopole de la violence étatique. / Iraq and Afghanistan Wars have seen a massive return of mercenary companies of a new genre. The Westernmercenaries have transformed in less than twenty years from craft structures, linked to the post-colonial politics ofgreat powers, to a professional and industrial stage that tends to a growing transnationalization of their activities.From the blunders of the famous Blackwater to the involvement of CACI’s employees in the torture scandal inAbu Ghraib prison, through the activities of the sprawling Aegis, private military companies, everywhere on thebattlefield, have marked and labeled the story of these major wars of the early twenty-first Century. Crucial fact:this is the first time in the history of U.S. military operations that we are witnessing a shift in the demographics offorces in favor of the private sector. Product of the permanent war economy and overseas branches of themilitary-industrial complex, these companies represent an unprecedented change in expression of U.S. militarypower. This mercenarization of the American way of war is now a structural trend of the foreign policy of theEmpire and could eventually revolutionize the face of the war. This thesis traces the history of these privatearmies, described the political conditions that led to the birth of this new market of war, and analyzes the scope ofthis sociopolitical phenomenon of globalization of private violence. This return of mercenaries on a large scale inthe foreign policy of the United States not only help to form a decisive hypothesis on the decline of Americanmilitary power but also on the socio-historical changes of the identity of the State monopoly of violence. Sociétés militaires privées Mercenariat Complexe militaro-industriel Privatisation de la guerre Externalisation de la défense Économie de guerre Guerre d’Irak Guerre d’Afghanistan Contre-insurrection Entreprenariat militaire Private Military Companies Mercenaries Industrial Military Complex Privatization of War Defense Outsourcing War Economy Afghan War Iraq War Counter-Insurgency Military Entrepreneurship
46	Les projets politiques et les fondements historiques de la communauté chiite au Bahreïn depuis l’indépendance 1971 / The political projects and the historical foundations of Shi’a in Bahrain since independence in 1971 Al shaikh, Aayat 12 May 2018 (has links) Le chiisme au Bahreïn est un phénomène sociopolitique complexe. A l’époque contemporaine, les projets politiques chiites transnationaux et nationaux ont connu une nouvel ascension. Les analyses politiques et médiatiques dominants réduisent souvent le chiisme dans le champ sociopolitique bahreïni aux projets politiques dominants en Iran, en Iraq, et au Liban, qui projettent le renforcement de leur pouvoir religieux et politique. Or, les chiites de Bahreïn sont souvent assimilés à des adeptes des politiques menées par les clercs influents outre le pays insulaire. Ils sont considérés comme des instruments de l’hégémonie des acteurs chiites. Ces grilles de lecture ne représentent qu’une approche réductrice et partielle du champ chiite. Certes, le chiisme bahreïni est influencé par les acteurs et les politiques régionales et transnationales, mais l’analyse de ses fondements et de son évolution démontre qu’il est spécifique à son contexte local. Le champ chiite local est façonné par des interactions sociopolitiques diverses, tels que des processus de socialisation politique, la transnationalisation, la pratique des rites particuliers, l’organisation des institutions, les relations avec l’Etat, etc. A l’époque contemporaine, les acteurs chiites bahreïnis sont influencés par des théories et des projets qui émanent de la sphère transnationale, cependant ils développent des projets sociopolitiques distincts. Dans ce contexte spécifique du Bahreïn, l’Etat même dominant, ne peut pas contrôler ses acteurs et leurs projets sociopolitiques, qu’ils soient transnationaux ou nationaux. / Shiism in Bahrain is a complicated socio-political phenomenon. The contemporary era is marked by a new rise of national and transnational shi’a political projects. Dominant political and media analysis consider shi’ism in the Bahraini context as a simplest extension of dominant political projects in Iran, Iraq, and in Lebanon.However, Bahraini shi’a are frequently assimilated to unconditional followers of influential non-Bahrainis clerics and their politics. In that framework, shi’a in Bahrain are considered as instruments of the shi’a actors’ hegemony. Those methods of interpretation appear superficial.Certainly, as we noted above, regional and transnational actors and politics affect the shiism in Bahrain, but the examination of its basis and its evolution demonstrate that it’s specific to the local schema. Various socio-political interactions shapes the local political sphere; such as political socialization processes,transnationalization, rites’ practicing, institutions’ organization's, relations avec the State, etc. In the contemporary period Bahrainis shi’a actors are indeed influenced by the theories and the projects stems from the transnational sphere, however, they develops their own and distinct socio-political projects. In this specific context, the State, even dominant, control neither these actors, nor their projects whether they are transnational or nationals. Achoura Akhbarisme Ahl al-bayt Ayatollah Chiisme Chiisme duodécimain Fatwa Fiqh Imam Ja ‘farite Madhab Maraj ‘ Marja ‘iyya Taqqiya Taqlid Umma Usûlisme Wahhabisme Sunnisme Sunnite Chiite Wilâya al-faqîh Waqf Projets politique Association politique Islam Parlement Élection Démocratie Institutions Institutionnalisation Démocratisation Politique Abolition Constitution Séparation de pouvoirs Conflit Confession Confessionalisation Etat Transnationnalisation Sphère Insurrection Groupuscule Militarisation Intifada Procession Fondements historiques Communauté Histoire Mémoire collective Laïcité Islamisation Clerc Réforme Parti Hawza Ashoura Akhbararism Ahl al bayt Ayatollah Chiism Fatwa Feqh Hawza Imam Ja ‘farit Madhab Maraj ‘ Marja ‘iyya Taqqiya Taqlid Umma Usulism Wahhabism Sunnism Sunni Shi 'a Wilaya al-faqih Waqf Political projects Political association Islam Parlement Election Democracy Institutions Institutionalization Democratisation Politics Abolition Constitution Separation of powers Conflict Confession Confessionalization State Transnationalization Sphere Insurrection Groupuscule Militarization Intifada Processions Historicals foundations Community History Collective memory Secularism Islamization Clerc Reform Party 956
47	Libertés, Droit, Désordres : les violences émeutières dans l'espace urbain, dynamique des phénomènes et organisation de la réponse sociale / Liberties – Law – Disorders : rioting acts of violence in Urban Areas, Dynamics of the Phenomena and organisation of the social response Joubert, Didier 03 July 2017 (has links) L’objet de la recherche consiste à mettre en évidence que la prise en compte des violences émeutières requiert une évolution de l’environnement juridique et des méthodes de maintien de la paix publique hérités de notre histoire. Notre dispositif de gestion de l’ordre public est particulièrement adapté au modèle français de manifestation. C’est considérable et exemplaire à beaucoup d’égards mais cela ne peut clore le débat sur les formes de la réaction sociale nécessaires pour répondre aux différentes formes du répertoire de la protestation en particulier à la dynamique complexe des désordres émeutiers.Alors que la manifestation, son encadrement par les forces de sécurité intérieure et son environnement juridique ressortissent à la culture de l’organisation et de l’ordre, les violences émeutières relèvent, quant à elles, de comportements colériques naturels. Elles constituent un objet et un enjeu différents que traduisent notamment la récurrence des crises en milieu urbain et la difficulté d’y faire face de façon satisfaisante.Sur le plan opérationnel comme sur le plan juridique, l’éventail de la réponse aux désordres est particulièrement large, mais il traduit également un double embarras :• Les violences émeutières sont le plus souvent des violences d’expression. Qu’ils en soient conscients ou non, face à ces comportements, le juge et le politique se sont montrés fréquemment indulgents dans un contexte juridique où la liberté d’expression est un droit fondamental et la manifestation une conquête sans équivalent dans notre pays. Les réponses sociale et judiciaire se caractérisent donc par une mansuétude parfois légitime, parfois inadaptée mais souvent mal comprise.• Les modes d’action policiers et les outils du Droit façonnés par l’environnement juridique et la culture de la manifestation, peuvent se révéler inadaptés pour répondre aux émeutes urbaines et conduire à des évolutions aussi variées qu’inappropriées comme la banalisation du recours à des régimes juridiques d’exception et la sédimentation d’une culture d’affrontement entre police et population.Le concept retentissement / identification et l’analyse des colères rebelles et insoumises ouvrent la voie à une adaptation du droit et de la réponse sociale conciliant le respect des droits fondamentaux et le maintien de la paix publique dans l’espace urbain. Tel est l’enjeu de la dialectique « Libertés - Droit - désordres ». / The object of the research is to highlight that rioting violence cannot be dealt with without an evolution of the legal framework and public-order policing inherited from our History. Our way to manage public-order policing is particularly suitable to our French traditional demonstration pattern. It is significant and exemplary in many respects but that alone cannot close the debate about the forms of social reaction that would be necessary to answer the various forms of the repertoire of protest especially the complex dynamics of rioting disorders.Even though the demonstration, its framing by the police and its legal framework are both an order issue and a cultural issue, rioting acts of violence are a natural irascible behaviour of the human nature. Riots are an object and an issue which translate into in recurring urban crises and the difficulty to satisfactorily deal with them.From an operational point of view and from a judicial one, there is a wide range of answers to the disorders but this results in a double embarrassment:• Riots are very often a means of expression. Consciously or not, the judge and the policy-maker have frequently been indulgent with these behaviours in a legal context in which freedom of expression is a fundamental human right and demonstrating a conquest without equivalent in our country. Social and judicial answers are characterized by indulgence, sometimes legitimate, sometimes inadequate and often ill-understood.• Policing and the tools of the law that were shaped by the legal framework and the culture of demonstration can prove to be inadequate to cope with urban riots and they can result in various as well as inappropriate answers like the trivialization of emergency legal schemes and the sedimentation of a culture of clash between people and the police.The repercussion and identification concept and the analysis of the rebel and unsubdued bouts of anger pave the way to an adaptation of the law and the social response aiming at balancing both the expression of the basic rights and the preservation of public peace in urban areas. This is what is at stake with the dialectics « Liberties – Law – Disorder ». Désordre Ordre public Attroupement Emeure urbaine Violences collectives Violences urbaines Responsabilité collective Complicité Co-Action Etat d'urgence Libertés publiques Liberté d'expression Manifestation Rassemblement Rébellion Insurrection Hooliganisme Conflits sociaux Ethique policière Police Colonisation Insécurité Retentissement Ressentiment Disorder Public Order Unlawfull Assembly Urban Riot Collective Acts of Violence Urban Acts of Violence Collective Responsability Complicity Co-Action State of Emergency Public Freedoms Freedom of Expression Demonstration Assembly Rebellion Uprising Hooliganism Social Conflicts Police Ethics Police Colonisation Insecurity Repercussion Resentment 340

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