in English The theme of this dissertation is the subject matter jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court (ICC). Offences such as aggression, genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes, sometimes called the "core crimes", are the most serious crimes ever indentified under international law. These crimes do not violate only some particular rights, but they threaten the whole international community, peace, security and well-being of the world. Therefore it is essential to have a precise legal definition of these grave crimes and to establish an effective judicial mechanism for prosecution of the most dangerous criminals. However, it is not easy to find general consent on these matters among the international community. There is not much space for internationalisation in the field of criminal law, which was traditionally considered an important part of national sovereignty. Thus the path towards establishment of the ICC, which is the first permanent international criminal judicial body ever, was extremely difficult, as was definition of the four core crimes falling within its jurisdiction. This thesis scrutinises the concrete provisions of the ICC Statute, the "Rome Statute", which constitute substantive law by defining the crime of genocide (art. 6), crimes against humanity (art. 7), war...

The present study describes the nature, scope and application of universal jurisdiction as an important tool against impunity in international criminal law, in a straight forward manner, where inquiry into the recent developments of universal jurisdiction is undertaken. Forthwith, the formation of the principle of universal jurisdiction - especially its practical application - must be guided by international consensus, not through advocacy action of states with short term and narrow objectives. The thesis seeks to identify and observe how far the law of universal jurisdiction has actually evolved and how far we should expect it to evolve in the near future, considering its restrains and challenges. It is argued that the concept of state sovereignty, which constitutes the greatest impediment on the exercise of universal jurisdiction, has seen various changes to its fundamentals elements in the 21st Century. The aim is to look at the universality principle, not as an isolated part, but as part of a broader framework in modern international law and thus special attention is given to the relationship between universal jurisdiction and the principle of aut dedere aut judicare. These principles are interrelated, yet distinct, parallels in deterring commission of the most heinous offences of international...

Die Dissertationsschrift stellt die erste systematische Studie des transatlantischen Konflikts über den Internationalen Strafgerichtshof (IStGH) aus politikwissenschaftlicher Perspektive dar. Der Fall des IStGH wird häufig als ein Beleg für transatlantische Spannungen im Hinblick auf das Völkerrecht und die Arbeit internationaler Organisationen zitiert bzw. als ein Indikator für eine zunehmend unilaterale Außenpolitik der USA aufgefasst. Obwohl der IStGH somit einen prominenten Platz auf der Agenda der transatlantischen Beziehungen einnimmt, wurden die Umstände, die zu dem Konflikt über seine Errichtung zwischen Europa und den USA führten bis dato noch nicht eingehend wissenschaftlich untersucht. In dieser Hinsicht betritt die eingereichte Dissertation Neuland. Sie geht über die vage Klassifikation von US-amerikanischem Unilateralismus versus europäischem Multilateralismus hinaus, indem sie sich systematisch den folgenden Fragen zuwendet: Was sind die Gründe für die unnachgiebige Opposition der USA gegen den IStGH? Warum gaben sowohl Großbritannien als auch Frankreich ihre Allianz mit den USA hinsichtlich des Gerichtshofs auf und unterstützten schließlich einen unabhängigen IStGH? Die Hypothese der Dissertation lautet, dass die wesentlichen Ursachen für den transatlantischen Konflikt über den IStGH in unterschiedlichen Auffassungen von Kernnormen der internationalen Beziehungen liegen, insbesondere in voneinander abweichenden Interpretationen des Prinzips der Souveränität und des Konzepts der Menschenrechte. / The dissertation provides the first systematic study of the transatlantic conflict about the International Criminal Court (ICC) from an international studies point of view. Although the case of the ICC has often been quoted as an example of increasing US unilateralism or as an indicator for a growing divergence in US-American and European approaches to international law and international organisations, it has been rarely analysed on its own. The book therefore makes a contribution on a pertinent and timely topic in the field of transatlantic relations. It aims to go beyond the rather sketchy classifications of US unilateralism versus European multilateralism by systematically addressing the following questions: What accounts for the US’ unrelenting opposition to the ICC? Why did both France and the United Kingdom abandon the alliance with the US with respect to the ICC and eventually opted for a strong and independent Court, thereby aligning themselves with the other EU member states? The hypothesis of the book is that the main reason for the transatlantic differences in the positions towards the court lies in divergent understandings of core norms of international relations, most importantly sovereignty and human rights.

Les États ont depuis de nombreuses années incriminé la corruption des agents publics nationaux. La crise de l'énergie de 1973 et la fin de la guerre froide de 1989 ont néanmoins stimulé l'apparition d’une forme spécifique de corruption jusqu’alors passé sous silence par les textes juridiques : la corruption d’un agent public étranger. La lutte contre la corruption des agents publics étrangers a récemment connu un essor international normatif considérable notamment avec l’entrée en vigueur de plusieurs conventions internationales à visée régionale et universelle. La genèse de cette réaction internationale est avant tout d’inspiration étatsunienne. Promulgué aux États-Unis en 1977 dans le sillage de l’affaire du Watergate, le Foreign Corrupt Practices Act fut la première loi nationale incriminant la corruption d’un agent public étranger. Cette loi est progressivement devenue la matrice des textes internationaux ultérieurs. La lutte contre la corruption internationale doit faire face aux difficultés de mise en œuvre qui sont inhérentes à l’application des conventions internationales. Il est parfois estimé que ce dispositif juridique international n’est pas toujours d’une efficacité parfaite. Un premier niveau de recherche qui consiste à opérer une analyse des textes juridiques, conduira à étudier la dimension opératoire des dispositifs en vigueur. A la lumière des avis des praticiens contemporains de lutte contre la corruption, un second niveau d’analyse complétant le premier aura pour objectif final de formuler des propositions d’amélioration des mécanismes juridiques existants en droit international positif. / States have criminalised the corruption of their national public officials for many years. The 1973 energy crisis and the end of the Cold War catalyzed however the increase of a specific form of corruption which had been until that point largely ignored by the legislators: the corruption of a foreign public official. The combat against the corruption of foreign public officials has recently witnessed major international normative developments notably with the entry into force of several international conventions at regional and global levels. The genesis of this international reaction can largely be attributed to the United States. In the wake of the Watergate scandal, the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act was signed into law by President Carter in 1977 becoming the first national legislation criminalising the corruption of foreign public officials. This law progressively became the template of the future international texts. The fight against this form of corruption faces many of the enforcement difficulties which are inherent to the application of international conventions. The efficacy of the international legal framework can logically be questioned. A primary analysis of the pertinent legal instruments will therefore attempt to highlight the strengths and weaknesses of this framework. In the light of the opinion of various experts in the combat against corruption, a second level of analysis which completes the first shall formulate proposals to improve the existing legal mechanisms in current international law.

This dissertation answers the question of what the proper balance is for victims with respect to the formation of a truth or truth and reconciliation commission that is formed to address the aftermath of an authoritarian regime or armed conflict. A review of the historical operation of entities that have operated in the aftermath of authoritarian regimes and armed conflict is conducted in this dissertation. From the Nuremberg and Tokyo trials to the present day, nations have struggled to try to devise a systematic way to deal with the aftermath of harm caused to victims as a consequence of authoritarian regimes and armed conflict. An examination of the various past truth and reconciliation commissions, the International Criminal Court, and various treaties is here juxtaposed with the Colombian Justice and Peace program implemented a decade ago to bring about peace and reconciliation in Colombia. This dissertation concludes that an entity formed with the purpose of achieving the proper balance for victims of an authoritarian regime or armed conflict, must have a truth-telling component that works in tandem with a specialized court conceived with the objective of operating alongside the commission. Thus, while there is a punitive aspect, the focus is more on the relationship between the events, solutions, and relief provided for victims. An entity with such a focus has various components, including truth-telling and some form of sanction or punishment, but always with the betterment of the past, present, and future victims as well as the subject society or country as its priority. In that vein, a set of proposed flexible guidelines are presented as the culmination of this dissertation. The flexible guidelines proposed here set forth a balanced system between the commission and the court that will provide for both punishment and reconciliation for particular countries and the victims. / Includes bibliography. / Dissertation (Ph.D.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2015. / FAU Electronic Theses and Dissertations Collection

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-10T10:46:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 ROGERIO PEREIRA LEAL.pdf: 1284063 bytes, checksum: 2c16b716700711c959358f508b69712f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-05-30 / This thesis aims to propose the adoption of the International Criminal Court and the Draft Law no.: 4.038/2008 as instruments for the implementation of Human Rights. For this, we analyzed the form of organization, structure, jurisdiction, powers, operations performed by the International Criminal Court and the Draft Law no.: 4.038/2008, in its characteristic for the implementation of Human Rights. This analysis concluded that the lack of effectiveness has been the biggest problem facing actions for protecting international human rights. Under this aspect was studied lack of an institute that guarantees the effectiveness of their legal actions when they depend on cooperation with States. Thus, it argues the need for transformation of the Draft Law no.: 4.038/2008 in law as a counter measure under the responsibility of a State before the International Criminal Court. / Esta dissertação tem por objetivo propor a adoção do Tribunal Penal Internacional e do Projeto de Lei n.º: 4.038/2008, como instrumentos para a implementação dos Direitos Humanos. Para isto, foram analisadas a forma de organização, estrutura, jurisdição, competência, operações realizadas pelo Tribunal Penal Internacional e o Projeto de Lei n.º: 4.038/2008, em sua característica para a implementação dos Direitos Humanos. Esta análise concluiu que a falta de efetividade tem sido o maior problema enfrentado pelas ações voltadas à proteção internacional dos direitos humanos. Sob este aspecto foi estudada a falta de um instituto que garanta a eficácia de seus atos jurídicos quando estes dependem da cooperação com Estados. Sendo assim, defende-se a necessidade da transformação do Projeto de Lei n.º: 4.038/2008, em Lei como uma contra medida no contexto da responsabilidade de um Estado perante o Tribunal Penal Internacional.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-10T10:47:35Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 JOSE CRISTIANO LEAO TOLINI.pdf: 911083 bytes, checksum: 794185d2515c8517b8a890373ea575d4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-10-15 / The Brazilian Federal Constitution foresees in the article 5º the prohibition of the delivery and extradition of born Brazilians. As well as of the national elementary schools, however, is verified in the Statute of Rome of International the Criminal Court, of which Brazil is signatory, is evidenced that its adhesion and promulgation had occurred without exceptions to the Statute, a time that the same does not admit reserves, safe in the crimes foreseen in the alluded Statute when practised in war time. Where it weighs the Court to understand that the extradition and delivers has meant diverse, in the reality the two expressions are similar, fulfilling the same purpose, therefore, being contrary the forecast contained in the Federal Constitution of 1998, that it forbids to the extradition or delivery of born Brazilians. / A Constituição Federal Brasileira prevê no artigo 5º a vedação da entrega e extradição de brasileiros natos. No entanto, verifica-se no Estatuto de Roma do Tribunal Penal Internacional, do qual o Brasil é signatário, que sua adesão e promulgação ocorreram sem ressalvas ao Estatuto, uma vez que o mesmo não admite reservas, salvo nos crimes previsto no aludido Estatuto quando praticados em tempo de guerra. Em que pese o Tribunal entender que a extradição e entrega tenha significado diverso, na realidade as duas expressões são semelhantes, cumprindo a mesma finalidade, por isso, sendo contrária a previsão contida na Constituição Federal de 1998, que proíbe a extradição ou entrega de brasileiros natos.

L'absence de définition du crime international d’agression, qualifié pourtant comme la mère de tous les crimes internationaux, par la Cour pénale internationale ainsi que l'incapacité du Conseil de sécurité de qualifier et de sanctionner de telles violations afin d’établir la justice et la paix internationales, participent au fait que l’agression, au travers du recours à la force armée, reste malheureusement de nos jours une vieille tradition aussi fréquente que dangereuse. Au-delà de la difficulté conceptuelle, il existe une autre difficulté difficilement surmontable sur les scènes nationale et internationale, à savoir la question de la répression de ces guerres. L’absence d’identification des auteurs et la non reconnaissance des victimes conduisent à une totale impunité, source de répétition de cette violation, par les grandes puissances. Afin de savoir s’il est réaliste et opportun de poursuivre les auteurs de ce crime en tant qu’acte de l’État sans cependant oublier principalement la dimension individuelle de l'acte, l'objet de cette recherche a été de déterminer tous les recours possibles tant par la voie judiciaire que par la voie politique (l’ONU, les organisations régionales, les parlements nationaux, l’opinion publique). Concernant la voie judiciaire, il s'est agi d'analyser tant la répression par le juge interne (dans les systèmes français, allemand, américain et anglais) que par le juge international devant la Cour pénale International et les autres tribunaux internationaux.Cette thèse s’efforce de faire une présentation de toutes les possibilités réelles d’engager la responsabilité pour crime international d'agression, aussi bien en ce qui concerne l’agression en tant que faute politique majeure que comme crime, l’étude de ces deux aspects étant dressée par une analyse des obstacles rencontrés par l’application du droit international et national dans le contexte du crime d’agression. / The lack of definition of the international crime of aggression, described as the mother of all international crimes, by the International Criminal Court, and the inability of the Security Council to qualify and punish such violations to establish justice and peace, participate that the aggression, through the use of armed force, remains unfortunately nowadays a tradition as often as dangerous. Beyond the conceptual difficulty, there is another problem that is as difficult to overcome in the national and international scenes, namely identifying the way to repress these wars. The lack of identification of the authors of these wars and the non-recognition of the victims lead to lack of punishment which is the main source of repetition of the violations by the great powers.In order to know whether it is realistic and appropriate to prosecute this crime as an act of the State, without forgetting the individual dimension of the act, the purpose of this research was to identify all remedies whether through the courts or by political means (the UN, regional organizations, national parliaments, public opinion). Concerning judicial matters, this research analyzes internal repression by the judge (in the French, German, American and English systems) and by the international judge to the International Criminal Court and other international tribunals. This thesis aims to present all real possibilities of engagement and liabilities for international crimes of aggression, whether these are treated as major political mistakes or crimes, through an analysis of the obstacles encountered by the application of international and domestic laws in the context of crimes of aggression.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:57:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Daniela Norcia Goncalves.pdf: 572704 bytes, checksum: 526e0796ca6ae2f67df796ac73702c55 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-05-22 / The process of disintegration of the Yugoslavia has immensely attracted international attention as by its violent character and for showing that the hopes of peace and international stability of the post-Cold War were an illusion as by the reflections around the conflict itself and about themes co-related to the limits of both International Order and System and the function of the states. Studying this experience is very relevant for evaluating the meaning of international interventions and its consequences. The present research analyses the question f the sovereignty having as a case study the Balkans crisis during de 1990´s as a result to Tito´s death and the collapse of the region after the Cold War. It talks about the history of the region, the interventions occurred in the 1990´s, the creation of the International Criminal Court and OTAN´s action in Kosovo. It will rises two important points: the practice of humanitarian intervention that, undoubtedly, imply in a reinterpretation of the sovereignty as a society´s central regulator principle; and the problems resulted from the processes of (re) construction of the states during the post- Cold War / O processo desintegração da ex-Federação Iugoslava atraiu intensamente a atenção internacional tanto pelo seu caráter violento e por demonstrar a ilusão das esperanças de paz e estabilidade internacionais no pós-Guerra Fria quanto pelas reflexões que foram geradas em torno do conflito em si e sobre temas correlacionados aos limites e alcances do Sistema Internacional, da Ordem Internacional e sobre o papel dos Estados. Estudar esta experiência é de grande relevância para avaliar o significado das intervenções internacionais e suas conseqüências. O presente trabalho analisa, portanto, a questão da soberania, tendo como estudo de caso a crise ocorrida nos Bálcãs na década de 1990 em decorrência da morte do marechal Tito e do colapso da península depois do fim da Guerra Fria. Aborda o histórico da península, as intervenções ocorridas na região na década de 1990, a instituição de um Tribunal Penal Internacional e a ação da OTAN no Kosovo. A preocupação é levantar dois importantes pontos: a prática da intervenção humanitária, que inegavelmente, implica uma reinterpretação da regra da soberania como princípio regulador central da sociedade internacional; e os problemas resultantes dos processos de (re) construção dos Estados no pós-Guerra Fria

L'action humanitaire a connu un développement exponentiel au sein de la société internationale au cours de ces dernières années. Multiplication des résolutions humanitaires votées par les Nations unies, mise en place d'une justice pénale internationale chargée de réprimer les violations du droit international humanitaire, émergence de la responsabilité de protéger impliquant un recours à la force à des fins humanitaires, développement des organisations non gouvernementales en sont les manifestations majeures. Toutefois, la portée de ces évolutions récentes de l'action humanitaire tant sur le plan de la normativité que de l'opérationnalité est à relativiser. Si les insuffisances du droit de Genève ont pleinement justifié l'émergence d'un droit de New York, ce droit de nature essentiellement déclaratoire éprouve de réelles difficultés à palier les lacunes du droit de Genève. En outre, la mise en oeuvre contemporaine de l'action humanitaire, soulève de nombreux questionnements juridiques liés aux modalités et aux conditions de mise en oeuvre. La présente étude a pour objet d'analyser les évolutions et les limites du cadre juridique de l'action humanitaire afin de faire des propositions pour améliorer la condition juridique des victimes des catastrophes humanitaires. / Humanitarian action has seen such an exponential growth in international society in recent years that humanitarianism seems to be carrying increasing weight in international relations. Some of the main examples of this phenomenon are the increased number of humanitarian resolutions passed by the United Nations, the creation of an international court of justice to reprimand violations of international humanitarian law, the emergence of a sense of responsibility to ensure protection by means of force for humanitarian purposes, and the development of non-governmental organizations. However, the scope of these recent developments in humanitarianism, on both the normative and operational levels, needs to be put into perspective. Indeed, while the shortcomings of Geneva law fully justify the emergence of New York law, this essentially declaratory law faces real challenges in overcoming the short comings in Geneva law. Further more, humanitarian action as it has been carried out in recent years gives rise to a number of legal questions relating to the conditions under which such action is taken. This study aims at analyzing the developments and limits of the humanitarian action legal framework, in order to put forward proposals for improving the legal position of the victims of humanitarian disasters.