En réponse aux cycles de violences de masse et à la guerre civile qui ont jalonné son histoire douloureuse, le Burundi s’est engagé dans un processus de justice transitionnelle, officiellement depuis la signature des Accords de paix d’Arusha en 2000. Malgré la mobilisation des énergies internationales et l’omniprésence de la problématique au sein du débat public depuis douze ans, seules des consultations nationales destinées à recueillir l’avis de la population burundaise sur le sujet ont été organisées en 2009. Á l’aube de la mise en place d’une Commission Nationale de Vérité et de Réconciliation, à laquelle devrait être associé un tribunal spécial, le constat de la nature globale de la justice transitionnelle s’impose. Cette globalité s’exprime à travers le recours à des instruments à la fois judiciaires et extra-judiciaires mais également à des outils ayant vocation à s’appliquer de façon immédiate (ou conjoncturelle) et durable (ou structurelle). D’une part, dans une perspective normative et légaliste, le processus global de justice transitionnelle semble être cause d’inerties et de blocages comme peut a priori l’illustrer le cas du Burundi. D’autre part, à la lumière d’une approche systémique et inclusive, la globalité est au contraire source d’évolutions et d’émulations qui stimulent la créativité de la justice transitionnelle comme le démontre également le Burundi. Cette justice elle-même en transition est en réalité une justice réconciliatrice porteuse de doutes mais aussi d’espoirs. Elle est une justice complexe qui s’invente chaque jour, qui ne peut être efficace et efficiente qu’à condition d’être adaptée, légitime et appropriée par ceux à qui elle est destinée. Elle implique que soient trouvées des réponses satisfaisantes aux souffrances et aux besoins indissociables des victimes et des auteurs des violences de masse d’hier et des injustices sociales d’aujourd’hui. Elle a aussi pour ambition de prévenir la commission des crimes du futur en participant au renforcement de l’État de droit et, de façon plus globale, de rompre avec l’histoire de violences symboliques et actives subies et perpétrées au Burundi. / As an answer to cycles of mass violence in Burundi, a transitional justice process has been opened. The Burundian case study presents some particularities among this kind of process. Whereas the Arusha peace and reconciliation agreement for Burundi in 2000 decided setting up two transitional justice instruments, a special court and a Truth Reconciliation Commission, the transitional justice process has not begun yet. Only National Consultations were organized in 2009. The negotiations and the mediation occurred during the ongoing war. There were no winners and no losers but just armed men who decided to discuss in order to conquer the power and then to keep it. That may explain why negotiations were so longer and staggered. A sort of consociativisme system was set up in Burundi as the model organization of power-sharing. Inside the politic game of power-sharing the peace-justice dilemma appears through instrumentalization of retributive justice which is assimilated to justice and the truth and pardon which claim referring to peace. Another particularity is found regarding numerous judicial and legal reforms relatively to children rights, lands conflict, electoral law or Criminal Code. On the eve of the implementation of the Truth Reconciliation Commission, the global nature of the transitional justice process is obvious. The Burundian context appears as an illustration of the extensive meaning of transitional justice which represents a justice in transition. The global nature of the matter is emerging through its temporal and disciplinary versatility. On one hand, transitional justice seems to be past justice, currently justice and future justice at the same time and on the other hand it may take several forms out of the official one, initially predicted. In a legalist and normative view, global nature of justice in transition might cause deadlock regarding the case of Burundi. In a systemic and multidisciplinary perspective, global nature of justice in transition reveals change capacities according to the case of Burundi. What really matter in such transitional justice process is relieving victims and perpetrators’sufferings which are undeniably linked and bringing answers to each protagonist of the crime as to the society with the permanent and ambitious aim of reconciliation.

Petróleo Brasileiro S.A. / O trabalho expõe a consolidação do direito à verdade pelo Direito Internacional e a complementaridade entre as comissões da verdade e os tribunais, mecanismos de justiça de transição, como a combinação que melhor lhe confere aplicabilidade. Primeiramente, a tese reivindica que a transição e a consolidação democrática devem se dar por meio da prestação de contas com o passado, o que se torna possível na medida em que se promoveram a partir da 2a Guerra Mundial significativas alterações no Direito Internacional, que se afasta do paradigma vesfaliano de soberania. Aborda-se assim o excepcional desenvolvimento do Direito Internacional dos Direitos Humanos, do Direito Internacional Humanitário e do Direito Penal Internacional, centralizados na ideia de responsabilidade. A tese também abrange o desenvolvimento do direito à verdade no seio da Organização das Nações Unidas e dos sistemas regionais de proteção de direitos humanos, tendo alcançado o status de norma imperativa ou peremptória, sendo explorados os obstáculos ao seu exercício como no caso de anistias e outras medidas similiares como a prescrição, a justiça militar e a coisa julgada. Enfrentam-se, ainda, as potencialidades e limites da verdade que resulta de comissões da verdade e dos tribunais, concebida esta como conhecimento sobre os fatos e o reconhecimento da responsabilidade pelo ocorrido. O trabalho aborda temas como a independência e imparcialidade das comissões de verdade, seus poderes e o alcance de suas conclusões e recomendações. Por sua vez, com vistas a identificar as verdades a serem alcançadas pelos tribunais, privilegia-se o processo criminal, por se entender que a sentença penal pressupõe o exercício mais completo do devido processo. A imperatividade do direito à verdade é também demonstrada pela defesa da participação da vítima no processo criminal e da admissão de culpa por parte do acusado -- ambos consagrados pelo Tratado de Roma. Por fim, a tese analisa alguns cenários para a complementaridade entre estes dois mecanismos de justiça de transição, fazendo o estudo dos casos do Chile, Peru, Serra Leoa e Quênia, casos estes permeados pelo Direito Internacional, seja pela influência da jurisdição universal ou pelo impacto da jurisdição internacional. O caso brasileiro, por certo, não se ajusta a nenhum destes cenários. Sua caracterização como um diálogo em aberto, para efeitos deste trabalho, pressupõe que o Brasil encontra-se em um importante momento de decisão sobre a complementaridade entre comissões da verdade e tribunais - a recente aprovação da Comissão Nacional da Verdade deve conviver com o aparente conflito entre a decisão do Supremo Tribunal Federal, que afirmou a constitucionalidade da Lei de Anistia de 1979, e a decisão da Corte Interamericana no caso Araguaia, que entende nulos os dispositivos da lei que obstaculizam o processamento dos responsáveis, ambas no ano de 2010 - com a oportunidade de demonstrar que a passagem do tempo não arrefece as obrigações a que se comprometeu no cenário internacional. / The dissertation exposes the consolidation of the right to truth by international law and the complementarity of truth commissions and tribunals, both transitional justice mechanisms, as the combination that better confers its aplicability. First, the work claims that transition to and consolidation of democracy should provide accountability for past abuses, what became possible by the changes that have impacted international law after the World War II. The exceptional development of international human rights law, international humanitarian law and international criminal law is explored, considered the idea of responsability. The dissertation takes care of the development of the right to truth within the United Nations Organization and the human rights regional systems, and its status of imperative or peremptory norm, as well the obstacles for its exercise in the case of amnesties and other similar measures as statute of limitation, military justice and doble jeopardy (res judicata). The truth that results from truth commissions and tribunais its potentialities and limits are here conceived as knowledge e acknowledgment of what occured. The work also considers aspects as the independence and impartiality of truth commissions, its powers and the reach of its conclusions and recommendations. On the other hand, considering the truth to be obtained by tribunals, the dissertation priviledges the analysis of criminal procedure, in the sense that a criminal veridict implies due process. The imperativity of the right to truth is also demonstrated by the participation of victims in the criminal procedure and the admission of guilty by the accused both celebrated by the Statute of Rome. The dissertation also covers some sceneries of complementarity between truth commissions and tribunals, making use of the case of Chile, Peru, Sierra Leone and Kenya, cases that suffered significant impact by international law, considered the influence of universal jurisdiction or the impact of international jurisdiction. The Brazilian case, at the end, does not fit precisely in any of these sceneries. Its caracterization as an open dialogue assumes that the country has come face to face with the debate of complementarity the recent approval of the National Truth Commission has to live together with the apparent conflict between two decisions held in 2010: the Supreme Court on the constitutionality of the 1979 Amnesty Law and the Inter-American Court of Human Rights on the Araguaia Case that considered null and void the parts of the law that obstacle the criminal persecution of the ones responsible -, and has opportunity to demonstrate that time has not moderated the obligations to which Brasil has compromised with in the international arena.

Magister Legum - LLM / Even though sexual violence has always been a part and parcel of conflicts and atrocities throughout the ages, it never found any interpretation by subsequent tribunals who were responsible for prosecuting offenders.The case of The Prosecutor v Jean-Paul Akayesu was the first of its kind to give jurisprudential recognition and interpretation to sexual violence as war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide respectively. This case was important for the following reasons:1. It acknowledged that sexual violence can amount to an act of genocide; 2. It acknowledged that sexual violence can amount to a crime against humanity; and 3. It was the first case to define rape within an international context.Following the case of The Prosecutor v Jean-Paul Akayesu many tribunals gave recognition to the extent of which sexual violence takes place during atrocities by correctly convicting accused for either participating in sexual violence or aiding and abetting to sexual violence. Amidst the various interpretations on what constitutes sexual violence and how it is defined, the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda and the Special Court for Sierra Leone all either conceptualised sexual violence as genocide, war crimes or/ and crimes against humanity.At the same time, the development of sexual violence as either a crime against humanity or a war crime did not end with the courts. The case of The Prosecutor v Jean-Paul Akayesu sparked a fire in the international community, which led to it paying more attention to the place of sexual violence in treaty law. Taking into account that rape is listed as a crime against humanity in both the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia and the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda statutes, the Special Court for Sierra Leone and the International Criminal Court statutes both list more than one form of sexual violence as a crime against humanity. It is interesting to note that the latter two treaty developments took place only after the International Criminal Tribunal conceptualised sexual violence as a crime against humanity.Thus apart from merely listing rape as a crime against humanity, the Statute establishing the Special Court for Sierra Leone, states in article 2(g) that sexual slavery, enforced prostitution, forced pregnancy and any other form of sexual violence constitutes a crime against humanity. The Statute establishing the International Criminal Court states in article 7(1)(g) that rape, sexual slavery, enforced prostitution, forced pregnancy, enforced sterilisation or any other form of sexual violence of comparable gravity constitutes a crime against humanity. The interpretation of these acts is further guided by the ‘Elements of Crimes’ which are annexed to the International Criminal Court statute.Once again it is interesting to note that the ‘Elements of Crimes’ for these acts are similar to how the International Criminal Tribunals (both the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda tribunals) conceptualised various acts of sexual violence.On the other hand, the definition of genocide remained the same as it was defined in the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide of 1948. This definition does not expressly mention any form of sexual violence as a form of genocide.However, once again, the trial chamber in the case of The Prosecutor v Jean-Paul Akayesu set the benchmark for sexual violence to constitute a form of genocide by way of interpretation. The definition of genocide did not subsequently change in the Statute establishing the International Criminal Court.Based on these premises, this thesis attempts to investigate the similarities and differences in sexual violence as a form of both genocide and a crime against humanity,by addressing the following question:What are the essential and practical differences between sexual violence as crimes against humanity and genocide and what is the legal effect of the differences, should there be any? Chapter 1 highlights the historical overview and developments of sexual violence as genocide and crimes against humanity, while chapter 2 investigates how sexual violence can amount to a form of genocide. Chapter 3 assesses the advances made in sexual violence as a crime against humanity, while chapter 4 importantly draws a comparative analysis between sexual violence as genocide and a crime against humanity. Chapter 4 draws this comparison by weighing up four differences and four similarities in sexual violence as genocide and a crime against humanity.Chapter 5 highlights the conclusion and provides an answer for the research question that is posed above. Here it is concluded that even though there exist multiple differences in sexual violence as crimes against humanity and genocide, there are also multiple similarities which could possibly amount to a better chance for conviction of an accused under a crime against humanity than genocide. Chapter 5 also provide possible recommendations for the consequences that might flow should sexual violence as a crime against humanity be fairly similar to sexual violence as genocide.

L’étude du dossier de la procédure devant la Cour pénale internationale permet de mettre en lumière les subtilités du procès pénal international, traversé par des cultures juridiques et des techniques procédurales différentes, appartenant tantôt à la common law, tantôt à la civil law. Dénominateur commun à tous les systèmes ainsi qu’à toutes les procédures, le dossier est une notion encore méconnue, bien qu’elle soit une notion clé du système établi à Rome. Le dossier protège en effet l’intégrité des procédures et il permettrait d’en assurer l’efficacité, si son rôle était revalorisé, et si l’accès des juges et des parties à son contenu était facilité. Dans cette perspective, la présente étude a pour ambition de proposer une nouvelle clé de lecture du procès pénal international et de révéler tout le potentiel du dossier de la procédure. Plus précisément, cette étude propose de comprendre la procédure, de manière empirique, à travers le prisme du dossier plutôt que de manière théorique, à travers la vision d’un système. Et il en ressort que le dossier mériterait d’être érigé en notion autonome, au soutien de la procédure devant la Cour pénale internationale. / The study of the record of the proceedings before the International criminal court brings to light the subtleties of the international criminal trial, crossed by legal cultures and different procedural techniques, belonging either to common law, or to civil law. Common denominator to all systems and to all proceedings, the record is still an unknown concept despite being a key notion established in Rome. The record protects proceedings’ integrity and could ensure effectiveness if its role was enhanced and if access to its content by judges and parties was facilitated. In this regard, this study intends to offer a new key to understanding the international criminal trial and to reveal the full potential of the record of the proceedings. Specifically, this project proposes to understand proceedings in an empirical approach through the prism of the record than in a theoretical approach, through the vision of a system. It appears that the record should be erected as an autonomous notion, supporting the proceedings before the International criminal court.

The purpose of this thesis is to analyse the relationship between the EU and the USA with an emphasis on the period after the year 2000. The analysis was only possible with knowledge of preceding milestones that have formed the partnership, the thesis- therefore- begins with the period after the Second World War, to which the European Union can trace its roots. The thesis follows the changes in the relationship during the decades of the Cold War (long-term trends) and in the first decade after its end (short-term trends), and then, due to the broadness of the issue, concrete themes from the period after the year 2000. The thesis also examines the relationship in terms of partnership and conflict, and examines the reasons and events behind the motivation on both sides. The first chapter deals with the Europe-USA relationship development since 1945 and is divided into five parts according to post-war decades. The second chapter deals with the Europe (EU)-USA relationship development after the Cold War up to the beginning of the new millennium. The third chapter represents the centerpiece of the thesis- key issues in the transformation of the relationship. The chapter is divided into four subchapters: divergent and shared opinions on the fight against terrorism (Afghanistan, Iraq), divergent and shared opinions in relation to international organisations and treaties (the Kyoto Protocol, the International Criminal Court), divergent and shared opinions on solving the financial crisis. The fourth subchapter examines the transformation and continuity of the relationship after the accession of the Obama administration.

Avant les Conventions de Genève de 1949, seuls les conflits armés internationaux étaient réglementés par le droit de la guerre. Ce dernier ne pouvait s’appliquer dans les guerres civiles qu’après la reconnaissance des forces rebelles comme partie belligérante. Or, depuis la Seconde guerre mondiale on a assisté à une multiplication des conflits armés non internationaux. Mais les Conventions de Genève de 1949 leur ont consacré seulement l’article 3 commun ; puis le Protocole II additionnel de 1977 est venu le compléter. Ces deux textes comportent de nombreuses lacunes, notamment l’absence de définition des « combattants » et des « civils », rendant ainsi difficile le respect du principe de distinction pourtant essentiel à la protection des populations civiles. Ces dispositions ne réglementent pas non plus les moyens et méthodes de guerre. Outre les lacunes normatives, il y a des problèmes matériels qui compliquent la mise en œuvre efficace des règles pertinentes. Il s’agit notamment de la participation des populations civiles aux hostilités, y compris les enfants-Soldats et les mercenaires. L’absence du statut de combattant dans les conflits armés non internationaux apparaît comme le problème principal compromettant l’efficacité du DIH. Celle-Ci ne contribue-T-Elle pas au non respect de ce droit par les groupes armés ? Faudrait-Il conférer ce statut à ces derniers en vue de les amener à appliquer le droit international humanitaire ou envisager d’autres moyens ? Lesquels ? / Before the Geneva Conventions of 1949, only the international armed conflicts were regulated by the law of the war. This last one could apply in the civil wars only after the recognition of the rebel forces as belligerent party. Now, since the Second World War we attended an increase in non-International armed conflicts. But the Geneva Conventions of 1949 dedicated them only the common article 3; then the additional Protocol II of 1977 came to complete it. These two texts contain numerous gaps, in particular the absence of definition of the "combatants" and the "civilians", making so difficult the respect for the principle of distinction nevertheless essential for the protection of the civil populations. These rules do not regulate either the means and the war methods. Besides the normative gaps, there are material problems which complicate the effective implementation of the relevant rules. It is in particular about the participation of the civil populations in the hostilities, including the children-Soldiers and the mercenaries. The absence of combatant's status in the non-International armed conflicts appears as the main problem compromising the efficiency of the international humanitarian law. Does not this one contribute to the non compliance with this law by the armed groups? Would it be necessary to confer this status to these last ones to bring them to apply the international humanitarian law or to envisage the other means? Which one?

La lutte contre l’impunité telle qu’elle est menée par la Cour pénale internationale est critiquée et suscite la controverse. Les actions de l’institution pénale internationale sont perçues par ses critiques comme reconduisant des formes de racisme, d’ethnocentrisme, d’impérialisme, de néocolonialisme, d’autoritarisme qui corrompent fondamentalement l’aspiration à la justice. Paradoxalement, le besoin d’une justice pénale internationale s’entend comme un impératif de paix et de justice. Ce mémoire questionne et examine les justifications d’un tel impératif moral. Il part de l’hypothèse que celui-ci est catégorique et relève d’une approche éthique déontologique. Les justifications d’une telle hypothèse découlent d’une analyse des différents contextes historiques ayant vus l’affirmation ou les ré-affirmations d’un rejet catégorique des crimes d’inhumanité (article 5 du Statut de Rome de la Cour pénale internationale : le crime de génocide, les crimes contre l’humanité, les crimes de guerre, les crimes d’agression). Ces condamnations ont posé les bases d’une éthique de portée universelle et ont reconnu en l’humanité une communauté morale universelle. Ainsi, indifféremment des particularismes moraux et éthiques, les fondements philosophiques de la lutte contre l’impunité reposent sur un universalisme moral et l’idée régulatrice d’un contrat éthique liant la communauté des États et des peuples. Il est question d’être et de faire humanité. Dès lors, en dépit; des théories réalistes en relations internationales suggérant à la fois l’amoralité des relations inter-étatiques, des motivations prudentielles et de la rationalité instrumentale (moralité de l’intérêt), en dépit des perspectives culturalistes qui témoignent d’un pluralisme moral et éthique, nous voulons démontrer que la lutte contre l’impunité est avant tout un devoir moral universalisable (fondé sur le principe de dignité) de nature déontologique (même si cette lutte implique aussi des considérations conséquentialistes). Face à la complexité de cette problématique, notre recherche sera transdisciplinaire; et notre approche combine et le déductivisme. / The fight against impunity as conducted by the International Criminal Court is criticized and controversial. The actions of the international criminal institution are perceived by its critics as renewing forms of racism, ethnocentrism, imperialism, neocolonialism, authoritarianism that fundamentally corrupt the aspiration to justice. Paradoxically, the need for international criminal justice is understood as an imperative of peace and justice. This research examines the justifications for such a moral imperative. It starts from the assumption that it is categorical and comes from an ethical approach to ethics. The justifications for such an assumption rest analysis of the different historical contexts that have seen the affirmation or re-affirmation of a categorical rejection of crimes of inhumanity (Article 5 of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court: the crime of genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes, crimes of aggression). These condemnations laid the foundations for an ethic of universal significance and recognized humanity as a universal moral community. Thus, despite moral and ethical particularisms, the philosophical foundations of the fight against impunity is based on a moral universalism and the regulating idea of an ethical contract linking the community of states and peoples. It is about being and making humanity. Therefore, in spite of; realistic theories of international relations suggesting both the amorality of inter-state relations, prudential motivations and instrumental rationality (morality of interest), despite the culturalist perspectives that testify to moral and ethical pluralism, we want to show that the fight against impunity is above all an universalizable moral duty (based on the principle of dignity) of a deontological nature (even if this struggle also implies consequentialist considerations). Given the complexity of this issue, our research will be transdisciplinary; and our approach combines inductivism and deductivism.

In the perilous waters of the Mediterranean Sea, migrants find themselves facing limited choices when in distress. Their options are stark: either to rely on the lifesaving efforts of Non- Governmental Organisations (NGO) aid workers conducting Search and Rescue (SAR) Operations, to be intercepted by the Libyan Coast Guard (LCG) and subsequently detained in Libya where their human rights are gravely violated, or to face the tragic fate of perishing at sea. Unfortunately, the criminalisation of SAR Operations, spearheaded by NGO aid workers, hinders the rescue of migrants, thereby exacerbating the risks they face and leaving them vulnerable to interception by the LCG. This interception, as argued in this thesis, inevitably leads to the perpetration of Crimes Against Humanity (CAH) against these vulnerable migrants. This thesis sheds light on the issue of Italy’s increasing criminalisation and vilification of humanitarian aid workers engaged in SAR missions in the Mediterranean Sea. It critically examines the consequences of such criminalisation on the lives and rights of migrants, exploring the complex dynamics between SAR Operations, interception by the LCG, and the commission of CAH. Drawing upon a comprehensive lens of interpretation that integrates legal analysis, human rights principles, and the international legal framework, this study concludes that criminalisation of SAR operations is indeed a contributing factor towards the CAH faced by migrants in Libya. Moreover, it identifies the potential liability of Italian State Officials (ISO) at the International Criminal Court (ICC) for their role in enacting legislations that effectively criminalises SAR operations.

"Mémoire présenté à la Faculté des Études supérieures en vue de l'obtention du grade de LL.M. en Maîtrise en droit Option recherche" / Le crime d'agression se veut etre un des quatre crimes internationaux sous la juridiction de la CPI. Lorsque les delegues a la Conference de Rome n'eurent point atteint de consensus sur une definition du crime, celui-ci resta, depuis, indefini en droit. En consequence, la CPI n'aura juridiction pour entendre des causes portant sur le crime d'agression qu'une fois la definition sera adoptee par l'Assemblee des Etats Parties au plus tot en 2009. Ce memoire traite trois problematiques liees au crime d'agression : la question de la responsabilite penale individuelle, le role du Conseil de securite de l'ONU, et les parametres du crime en tant que tel. La responsabilite penale individuelle est analysee, inter alia, du point de vue du principe des sources du droit international. Quant al'eventuelle implication du Conseil de securite dans le champ de competence de la CPI sur le crime d'agression, l'auteure soutient tel que suit: Si le Conseil de securite se voit accorde un pouvoir plus large que celui dont il est presentement dote en vertu des articles 13(b) et 16 du Statut de Rome, chaque membre permanent aura un veto sur toute situation d'agression qui serait autrement portee devant la Cour. Ceci aura pour consequence de politiser la CPI en ce qui a trait au crime et rendra hypothethique toute definition eventuelle. Si la definition est bien con9ue et redigee, on fait valoir, qu'il n' est point necessaire de limiter davantage la competence de la CPI. Les parametres de la definition du crime proposes par l'auteure sont etablis selon les conclusions d'une analyse des notions composantes de l'agression. L'essentiel du concept se veut un recours illegal et non-necessaire qui constitue une rupture ala paix. Amoins qu'il ne soit exerce en « legitime defence» ou en vertu d'un mandat du Chapitre VII, Ie recours ala force constitue prima facie une agression et s'il est suffisamment grave, il s'agira d'un crime d'agression. Ce memoire termine avec un projet de definition du crime d'agression en vue d'avancer Ie discours vers un consensus sur ces problematiques majeures. Non seulement est-il possible d'arriver aun consensus sur la definition, croit l'auteure, mais nous sommes plus que jamais al'aube d'y parvenir. / The crime of aggression is one of the four international crimes under the jurisdiction of the ICC. When delegates at the Rome Conference were unable to agree on the content of a definition, the crime was left undefined. As a result, the ICC can only begin prosecuting individuals for the crime of aggression once a definition is adopted by the Assembly of States Parties in 2009, at the earliest. This thesis examines three issues associated with the crime of aggression: the question of individual criminal responsibility, the role of the UN Security Council and the general scope of the definition of the crime of aggression itself Individual criminal liability is reviewed, inter alia, from the perspective of international sources doctrine. Regarding the role of the Security Council in relation to the crime of aggression, the author concludes: if the Security Council is vested with more powers than it already has under Articles 13(b) and 16 of the Rome Statute, each permanent member will have a veto over any situation of aggression that might otherwise be brought before the Court. This would result in a complete politicization of the ICC and render moot any future definition of the crime of aggression. If a definition for the crime of aggression is properly conceived and constructed, it is argued, there is no need to further limit the Court's exercise of jurisdiction. The author proposes general parameters for the scope ofthe definition based on conclusions reached in the analysis of the conceptual components of aggression. At its essence, the act of aggression is the unnecessary, unlawful use of force which constitutes a breach ofthe peace. Unless employed in "self-defence" or under a Chapter VII mandate, the use offorce constitutes prima facie an act of aggression, and if it is sufficiently grave, a crime ofaggression. This thesis concludes with a working definition ofthe crime of aggression to promote dialogue and ultimately a consensus on these core issues. Not only is a definition is within reach, the author believes, we are closer to it than we ever have been before.

The study goes beyond knowledge existing in the literature study of the philosophy and theory of knowledge, knowledge management, African knowledge and the management of knowledge by African institutions, including the peace and security architecture of Africa, to reveal a coherent conceptual framework and themes to guide the field research. During the field studies of specific cases in the Great Lakes region of Africa, principles and practices emerged that formed a framework for a constructed Trans-dimensional Knowledge Management Model (TDKM-M) to develop a theoretical model for the management of knowledge for conflict resolution as the first step towards the revival of Africa. The study proposes practical solutions for the management of knowledge that would empower decisionmakers to intervene successfully in conflict situations. Furthermore, the study serves to expand the knowledge base in the field of trans-disciplinary African studies, transcending the boundary between political science and epistemology to navigate the middle ground between disciplines and the space that lies beyond all disciplines and dichotomised thinking towards a new holistic understanding. A systems approach using MIT (multi-disciplinarity, interdisciplinarity and trans-disciplinarity) and qualitative research methodology on a transnational level was followed. The study consists of a literature study and a field study consisting of a pilot study, semi-structured interviews and participation in communities of practice to access the worldviews of diverse cultures. An observable knowledge dimension, consisting of a normative foundation, empirical knowledge domain and analytical knowledge domain, is identified. Furthermore, a tacit metaphysical knowledge dimension is identified that is informed by the observable dimension. The two dimensions transacts with each other to attain a higher level of trans-dimensional knowledge. The TDKM-M proposes principles and practices of how trans-dimensional knowledge, including indigenous African knowledge and external knowledge, can be managed in a collective middle ground to produce holistic understanding. This higher level of understanding can activate intervention into the causes and consequences of conflict. Innovation of African society could follow, achieving desired outcomes such as peace, justice, human rights, self-empowerment and innovation towards transformative growth, competitiveness and negotiate equilibrium with the global community, and ultimately the revival of Africa. / Political Sciences / D. Litt. et Phil. (Politics)