Den svenska lokaldemokratin som karaktäriseras av samförstånd har utsatts för ett antal utmaningar under 1900-talet. Ett exempel på en sådan utmaning är en beteendemässig övergång till ett majoritetsliknande styre; som inte går i linje med samlingsstyret som utgör en grund i svensk kommunpolitik. Dessutom finns en utredning (SOU 2015:24) med förslag på ändringar i kommunallagen där det föreslås finnas möjlighet att frångå det kommunala samlingsstyret och istället införa kommunal parlamentarism; ett system som i teorin medför en högre konfliktnivå. Syftet med denna uppsats är att kartlägga den politiska kulturen i två kommuner (Nordmaling och Vindeln) för att undersöka om de präglas av konflikt eller samförstånd. Med teorier från bland andra Lijphart (1999) & Lewin (2002) har en enkätundersökning genomförts för att kartlägga den politiska kulturen samt undersöka graden av konflikt och samförstånd i kommunerna. Med hjälp av den politiska kulturen är målet att diskutera hur kommunerna skulle påverkas av ett eventuellt införande av majoritetsstyre. De empiriska resultaten visade att kommunerna präglades av olika grad av konflikt och samförstånd. Vindelns politiker uppgav en högre grad av samförstånd och Nordmalings kommunpolitiker uppgav en något högre grad av konflikt, men ingen av kommunerna var mycket tydligt konflikt- respektive samförståndsorienterade. Slutsatserna är att dessa kommuner troligtvis kommuner att påverkas olika av ett eventuellt införande av majoritetsstyre eftersom de politiska kulturerna skiljer sig mellan kommunerna.

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This essay examines if the centralized model for municipalities has potential so be a solution for local democracy when it comes to streamlining the organization without reducing the democratic legitimization. To do so, the essay examines documents from five Swedish municipalities which have transformed their organization according to the centralized model: Arvika; Sunne, Bengtsfors, Leksand and Tierp. The material is analyzed through a qualitative text analysis with the help of theories on democratic legitimization and ideals for organizing municipal management.The results show that the centralized model has the potential to be a solution for streamlining the organization while preserving democratic legitimization. The analysis concludes that it takes thorough preparatory analysis and distinct purposes for the reform to give good results, and that a wide perspective as well as political consensus on the organizational issue makes the implementation easier. Further the study concludes that a reform into the centralized model is not a ‘quick fix’ for a troubled municipality. On the contrary, to succeed with the reform it takes a lot of work and commitment from the whole organization as well as a carefully analyzed foundation and directives for the implementation.

The structure of the Swedish public library field has been evolving during the last decades. The traditional mission of educating the citizens to become responsible, democratic and knowledgeable members of society has in a way led to the integration between public and school libraries. Lately new co-operational models have been under debate and a sense of resistance has arisen because of the economical and market influences. In parallel with closure of library branches new libraries have evolved in malls and wash houses and some with self-service with no use of librarians. This work shows how co-operation in rural areas finds the common goals for the people living there who are concerned about keeping the service needed including the public library and thus using existing means and crossing borders of commercial thinking. Participators in the project are interviewed to find out their various wishes and a mutual goal. The degree of local democracy is also investigated. The outcome of this thesis is that in rural areas with tough municipal economy the citizens co-operate over borders to keep the services they want, and in this specific case it is found to be a meeting spot in the centre of the village, where also the library will be located, together with the country store.

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This paper concerns a local political debate about the financing of culture in the mid-sized city Norrköping in Sweden. The purpose of this study is to find what type of content the local newspaper and a Facebook group produce, how the debate is portrayed and how the different media types can contribute to democracy. The material contains 15 articles from the newspaper and 25 posts from the Facebook group. A qualitative content analysis has been applied as the method. Furthermore a framing analysis has been used to find answers about how the debate is portrayed in the media. Results show, among other things, that the newspaper first and foremost portrays the debate as a conflict and that the Facebook group is much more focused on human interest. Furthermore the study shows that both mediatypes should be able to generate democratic functions for the local population. The newspaper more so for its correct informational content and Facebook for its ability to bring people together and create civil political engagement.

The aim of the study is twofold. First, to provide a picture of what happens when groups of citizens cooperate with municipalities and administrations to produce services essential to the community, i.e., elderly care or road maintenance. Second, to compare this picture with the picture of citizens’ involvement that the civil society theories describe. This is done by comparing four different cooperation projects. The empirical material has been gathered through four qualitative case studies – two elderly care cases and two road maintenance cases – and the analytical frame has been drawn mostly from organization theory, especially the resource dependence and the institutional perspectives. In the dissertation it is shown that in the projects with less complications the processes developed in a way that balanced, to some extent, the asymmetry in the dependence relation, i.e., the resources controlled by the groups became more interesting for the administrations and municipalities. These processes did also develop in a way that made it possible for the actors to come to an agreement of what problem the project was supposed to solve. These findings covariates with how interested the municipalities and the Road Administration organizations were to participate in the cooperation projects. It also covariates with the use of institutionalized cooperation forms. The short cut of an already defined and legitimated cooperation form implied that less transaction resources had to be invested in the cooperation itself – but as a result the actors did not communicate sufficiently and therefore did not develop a mutual understanding and trust. Another finding is that both the groups and the municipalities and administrations had pragmatic motives for their involvement in the cooperation projects, which led to an organizational form that was effective for the purpose of solving the identified problem with the elderly care/road maintenance, but not for the unintended consequences described by the civil society theories. As the group of citizens really involved was small, the consequences – greater solidarity and responsibility, and a decentralized democratic process, only comprised a few, mostly resourceful, citizens. Finally, the study shows that the groups’ contributions to the democratic process were limited by their involvement in actually solving the problem in question, i.e., to build and run an elderly home or to work with the improvement of the roads. The findings suggests that the picture of citizens’ involvement often put forward in the political debate in Sweden – as both a complement to the service provided by the public sector and a way to improve the democratic process – ought to be the subject of further research.

The aim of this thesis is to explore the institutional design of Participatory Budgeting (PB) in Sweden and how the design may contribute to realize central democratic goods. The study records the different PB experiences in Sweden and focuses on one particular case, which is the only case that successfully qualifies as a genuine PB-process according to international standards and definitions. To examine this, the following questions are asked: which municipalities in Sweden have implemented Participatory Budgeting? How can the institutional design of Participatory Budgeting be described and to what extent does it enable the realization of central democratic goods? To what extent does the institutional design enable the realization of the democratic goods inclusion, popular control, considered judgment and transparency? To what extent does the institutional design enable the realization of the institutional goods of efficiency and transferability? The study is based on an institutional theory of democracy. The method used is a mixed method ideal type analysis that combines document analysis, surveys and interviews. The results of the study indicates that the PB-institutions has multiple flaws regarding the way it enables the realization of numerous of the democratic goods analyzed. The institutional design does not pay enough attention to inclusion of different social groups including marginalized groups, popular control is restricted to issues of low political salience and the PB process does not live up to the transparency level expected from a democratic institution. On the other hand, the institutional design of the PB process does take into account some aspects of inclusion among the youth inhabitants and the process has been effective in the sense that it has delivered physical results quickly.

This licentiate thesis studies the differences between analogue and digital council meetings in how they are organized and how speaking times are distributed between men and women, and hard and soft issues. The study is based on Swedish municipal council meetings, which share similar features with national parliamentary meetings and seek legitimacy through meetings and debate. Perspectives on meeting sites and components are combined with a time perspective on parliamentary activity, where women's representation and formal meeting procedures are set in focus. By studying video recordings of six council meetings in three municipalities, time is used to measure components of three analogue and three digital meetings. Measures of relative speaking time or speech duration are constructed and applied to meeting structure and how women and men spend their speaking time. Findings indicate that the roles of meeting secretaries and chairmen changed when faced with new digital challenges. The meeting formality decreased in the digital meetings, which is in line with previous research. Women generally accounted for a smaller proportion of speaking time in relation to their numerical representation. They spent more of their speaking time debating soft issues, such as social care, while men spent more of their speaking time debating hard issues, such as economy and infrastructure. The findings are in line with previous research on the policy areas with which women and men most engage. In the digital meetings, differences between men and women where still observed, but less noticeable. This could be interpreted as the digital format having potential benefits for women's representation in certain circumstances. The findings have implications for the understanding on how digital parliamentary meetings strive to create legitimacy. However, more research is needed to be able to generalize beyond the specific context of this study and to understand the mechanisms that can explain differences between men's and women's speaking time. The contribution of the thesis lies primarily in the development of a new method for measuring speaking time which, in relation to previous research, presents greater robustness from a reliability and validity perspective. / Den här uppsatsen studerar skillnader mellan analoga och digitala fullmäktigemöten avseende hur de organiseras och hur talartider fördelas mellan män och kvinnor och hårda och mjuka frågor. Studien tar avstamp i fullmäktige som ett parlamentariskt möte på lokal nivå som söker genomflödeslegitimitet genom att sammanträda och debattera. Teoretiska perspektiv på mötesplatser och möteskomponenter kombineras med ett tidsperspektiv på parlamentarisk aktivitet där kvinnors representation och mötesprocedurer fokuseras. Genom att studera videoinspelningar av sex fullmäktigemöten i tre kommuner mäts hur tiden används i tre analoga och tre digitala möten. Måttet talartid konstrueras för att studera hur mötestiden struktureras och hur kvinnor och män spenderar sin talartid. Resultatet pekar på att mötessekreterares och ordförandes roller förändras när de ställs inför nya utmaningar i digitala möten och att formalitetsnivån sjunker i de digitala mötena, vilket är i linje med tidigare forskning om digitala möten. Kvinnor stod generellt för en mindre andel av talartiden i relation till deras numerära representation. De spenderade mer av sin talartid att debattera mjuka frågor som exempelvis social omsorg, medan männen spenderade mer av sin talartid åt att debattera hårda frågor som exempelvis ekonomi och infrastruktur. Resultatet är i linje med tidigare forskning om vilka politikområden som kvinnor och män engageras i. Skillnaderna bestod i de digitala fullmäktigesammanträdena, men de var inte lika påtagliga. En tolkning är att det digitala formatet kan gynna kvinnors representation under vissa omständigheter. Resultatet har implikationer för förståelsen om hur digitala parlamentariska möten bidrar till legitimitet. Dock behövs mer forskning för att kunna generalisera dessa fall bortom den specifika kontexten samt att förstå vilka mekanismer som kan förklara skillnader mellan män och kvinnors talartid. Uppsatsens bidrag ligger främst i utvecklingen av en innovativ metod för att mäta talartid som i relation till tidigare försök står sig robust utifrån ett reliabilitets- och validitetsperspektiv.

Rätten till politisk delaktighet skapar möjligheter för medborgare att göra anspråk på sina mänskliga rättigheter, och därmed möjliggör för medborgare att påverka sina levnadsförhållanden. Frånvaron av möjligheter till att delta och att kunna påverka beslut är därmed ett betydande rättighetsproblem. Uppsatsen har sin start i den politiska ojämlikheten som har påvisats i Sverige, där den allmänna rösträtten inte verkar räcka till för att garantera politisk jämlikhet. I utredningar föreslås medborgardialog som en lösning. Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka om medborgardialoger, initierade av Hallstahammars kommun och Västerås stad, kan förstås som ett uttryck av deliberativ demokrati. För att studera detta avgränsades deliberativ demokrati till fem normativa deliberativa ideal; argumentation, inkludering, jämlikhet, transparens och beslutspåverkan. Dessa ideal ses som rimliga villkor för deliberativ demokrati och har mätts mot kommunernas medborgardialoger med hjälp av en kvalitativ fallstudie med textanalys.   Uppsatsens resultat visar på att medborgardialog kan förstås som ett uttryck för deliberativ demokrati när det gäller en del normativa villkor, men i det stora hela så brister medborgardialogerna i de utvalda deliberativa idealen. Hallstahammars kommun är ett uttryck deliberativ demokrati i större utsträckning än Västerås stad. Kommunernas fortsatta arbete med att utveckla medborgardialoger är därför av största vikt och i synnerhet genom att utveckla riktlinjer och strategier explicit för att främja den politiska jämlikheten för samtliga kommunmedborgare. Uppsatsen har resulterat i en sammanfattande guide för att genomföra medborgardialoger med deliberativa kvalitéer. / The right to political participation creates opportunities for citizens to claim their human rights, thereby enabling citizens to influence their living conditions. The absence of opportunities to participate and to be able to influence decisions is therefore a significant human rights problem. The paper starts with the political inequality that has been demonstrated in Sweden, where voting rights does not seem to be enough to guarantee political equality. In studies, citizen dialogues are proposed as a solution.  The purpose of this paper is to investigate whether citizen dialogues, initiated by Hallstahammar municipality and Västerås municipality, can be understood as an expression of deliberative democracy. To study this, deliberative democracy was limited to five normative deliberative ideals: argumentation, inclusion, equality, transparency and decision-making influence. These ideals are reasonable conditions for deliberative democracy and have been measured against municipal citizen dialogues in a qualitative case study using text analysis as a tool.   The result of the study shows that citizen dialogues can be understood as an expression of deliberative democracy when it comes to some normative conditions, but overall, the citizen dialogues lack in the chosen ideals. Hallstahammar municipality is an expression of deliberative democracy to a greater extent than Västerås municipality. The continued work of municipalities in developing citizen dialogues is therefore of the utmost importance and by developing guidelines and strategies explicitly to promote political equality for all municipal citizens. The study has resulted in a guide to conduct citizen dialogues with deliberative qualities.