This thesis asks why the North American Aerospace Defense Command (NORAD) continues to exist and remain relevant in the defence of North America following the disappearance of the threat of the Soviet Union at the end of the Cold War. This thesis argues that NORAD’s binational nature is key to understanding the command’s continued role in continental defence. By employing the international relation theories of functionalism and neoliberal institutionalism as a lens of analysis to understand binational defence cooperation, NORAD’s origins as a binational defence command tasked with the air defence of North America, and its acquisition of its responsibilities for drug interdiction, the continental interior, and for maritime warning are analyzed. NORAD’s longevity and continued relevance can be attributed to the command’s binational nature, which has allowed the command to focus on and institutionalize specific functional-technical solutions to select issues of mutual concern in continental defence and security for Canada and the U.S. / May 2016

Il existe actuellement des différends frontaliers entre les États circumpolaires-Nord qui entravent la bonne gouvernance de la région. Afin d'identifier des pistes de solution pour améliorer la gouvernance en Arctique et faciliter la coopération, nous analysons le processus qui a mené, à l'autre pôle, à la création du Traité sur l’Antarctique de 1959. Nous utilisons une approche néolibérale institutionnelle comme cadre théorique ainsi qu’une méthodologie basée sur le traçage de processus. Nous avons identifié quatre variables (les intérêts des États, le contexte politique, le leadership, et l’Année géophysique internationale [AGI]) que nous avons étudiés au cours de trois périodes historiques et dont l’évolution a contribué à la formation du régime antarctique. Les étapes menant à l'élaboration d'un régime identifié dans la théorie institutionnaliste dynamique de Frischmann s'appliquent aux différentes périodes que nous avons déterminées. La première période historique correspond à l'identification du problème d'interdépendance. Les États ont d’abord tenté d’assouvir leurs intérêts particuliers envers le continent antarctique par l’intermédiaire de stratégies individuelles. Le statut imprécis du continent antarctique caractérisé par des revendications territoriales conflictuelles, la volonté des superpuissances d’effectuer d’éventuelles revendications territoriales et le leadership exercé par les États-Unis ont toutefois permis de faire évoluer les États vers des stratégies coopératives. La deuxième période historique correspond à l'étape de la négociation de l’entente. Le leadership d’un groupe de scientifiques et des États-Unis ainsi que le contexte politique de la Guerre froide ont favorisé la cohésion des États intéressés par les affaires antarctiques et leur investissement dans une coopération multilatérale souple dans le cadre d’un événement ponctuel, l’AGI. La troisième période correspond à la mise en oeuvre de l’entente, soit l’AGI. Lors de cet événement, une entente tacite, un engagement d’honneur, qui suspendait les considérations territoriales en Antarctique, a été respectée par les parties. La coopération dans le cadre de l’AGI s’est avérée un succès. Les États se sont montrés satisfaits des gains que comportait la coopération scientifique dans un environnement pacifique. L’AGI a permis aux États d’expérimenter la coopération multilatérale et d’observer le comportement des autres participants au sein de l’institution. En raison de la satisfaction des États vis-à-vis la coopération dans le cadre de l'entente souple, l'élaboration du traité de 1959 a été facilitée. Notre étude nous a permis d’identifier des éléments clefs qui ont favorisé la formation du régime antarctique et qui pourraient servir d’inspiration pour l'élaboration de futurs régimes. La présence d’un leadership tout au long du processus a permis de promouvoir les avantages de la coopération sous différentes formes et de renforcer les relations entre les États présents dans les affaires antarctiques. La réalisation d'une entente souple dans le cadre de l'AGI, centrée autour des intérêts communs aux parties, comprenant un engagement d’honneur, permettant de mettre de côté les points de discorde, ont aussi été des points centraux dans la réussite et la poursuite de la coopération au-delà de l’AGI. Cette approche graduelle allant du droit souple vers le droit contraignant est sans aucun doute l’élément le plus important ayant facilité le rapprochement des différentes parties et éventuellement la création du Traité sur l’Antarctique. / There are currently border disputes between North circumpolar states that impede the good governance of the region. In order to identify possible solutions for improving the governance in the Arctic and to facilitate cooperation, we analyze the process that, at the other pole, led to the creation of the 1959 Antarctic Treaty. We use a neoliberal institutional approach as a theoretical framework and a methodology based on the process tracing. We identified four variables (states' interests, the political context, leadership, and the International Geophysical Year [IGY]) that we studied through three historical periods and whose evolution has contributed to elaborating the Antarctic regime. The steps leading to the development of a regime, identified in Frischmann’s dynamic institutionalism theory, apply to the three periods that we have identified. The first historical period corresponds to identifying an interdependency problem. States first tried to satisfy their particular interests pertaining to the Antarctic continent through individual strategies. The unclear status of the Antarctic continent characterized by conflicting claims, the will of the superpowers to potentially make territorial claims, and the leadership of the United States, however, facilitate the states to move to more cooperative strategies. The second historical period corresponds to negotiating the agreement. The leadership of a group of scientists and the United States in addition to the political context of the Cold War facilitated the cohesion of states interested in Antarctic affairs and their investment in a soft multilateral cooperation, the IGY. The third period corresponds to implementing the agreement, that is IGY. During this event, the parties have respected a tacit agreement, a gentlemen’s agreement, which suspended territorial considerations in Antarctica. The cooperation during the IGY proved to be a success. States were satisfied with their gains from the scientific cooperation in a peaceful environment. The IGY has allowed states to experiment multilateral cooperation and to observe the behavior of other participants within the institution. Due to the satisfaction of the states vis-à-vis the cooperation, the development of the 1959 Treaty was facilitated. Through our study, we identified key elements that led to the creation of the Antarctic regime and could serve as an inspiration for the development of future regime. The continuous of leadership throughout the process helped to promote the benefits of cooperation and to strengthen relations between the states involved in Antarctic affairs. The accomplishment of a soft agreement, during the IGY, centered around the parties common interests, and of a gentlemen’s agreement, which put aside divisive issues were also central points in the success and the extension of the coopération after the IGY. This gradual approach from soft law to hard law is undoubtedly the most important element that facilitated the cohesion of parties and the creation of the Antarctic Treaty.

This thesis addresses the Free Trade Agreement between the European Union and the Republic of Korea, which is the first one of the new generation free trade agreements for EU. First, the issue is explained in the theoretical framework of the theory of international systems and the theory of neoliberal institutionalism, which allows to grasp it adequately in the international political context. Then, the work presents the development of the legislative environment concerning the common trade policy and the transformation of strategic thinking in this area. Further, it defines the scope of economic interactions between the two participants and their common interests leading to the conclusion of the agreement. Subsequently, the thesis analyses the existing contractual relationships of both participants and defines the main aspects of the newly accepted agreement. Lastly, the current effect of the efficiency of the agreement on the trade with goods and services is analysed.

Neo-Marxism and neoliberal institutionalism are applied to investigate which factors determine the cooperation of emerging powers and what consequences it may have globally within the case of Russia-China relations in BRICS. To this end, congruence analysis is applied. Based on available data, comparison of predictions with observations reveals that the majority of evidences accord with neo-Marxism. Russia and China affirm their position against the predominance of one center in the international arena and emphasize common commitment to a more equitable multipolar world order that is permanently reflected in the statements of Russian and Chinese leadership. The trade war between the US and China since 2018 is one of the evidence of the growing disintegration of the existing world order. Building a new order is based on the creation of regional coalitions of the countries that share common views on specific issues. Within the framework of BRICS, Russia and China have already taken measures towards own financial institutions as an alternative source of funding. The leaderships of both countries believe that emerging economies should have a greater voice and representation in international financial institutions. Their primary interest is the reform of the International Monetary Fund so that it...

The diploma thesis analyzes the way of promoting the national interest of the Czech Republic in Georgia and describes possible changes as a result of the Czech EU Presidency. The national interest is examined based on the assumption that the state foreign policy is the expression of the national interest. Therefore, the primary sources for this analysis are official foreign policy documents of the Czech Republic. The aim is to confirm or disprove the hypothesis that Czech foreign-policy towards Georgia in the period from 2007 to 2011 was driven by the aim to maximize own profit through EU structures. Given the size of the Czech Republic and its geopolitical importace, the analysis is based on the theory of neo-liberal institutionalism, and in accordance with this theory the national interest operationalized into four criteria, namely: 1) Compliance of EU and Czech interests, 2) Profiting from the EU presidency to promote the Czech interests, 3) Long-term consistency of interests, and 4) Economic interests as the main priority. The set of criteria helped to identify whether the Czech Republic behaved in accordance with the theory of neo-liberal institutionalism, and whether the Czech interests were promoted either through multilateral or bilateral relations. The analysis shows that in the studied...

二十一世紀，水資源問題已經成為國際社會共同關注的焦點。它不僅關係到地球生態系統的維繫和人類社會的可持續發展，還對當代國際關係產生廣泛深遠的影響。尤其是水資源匱乏地區，水資源問題已成為影響該地區國家間關係的重要因素，甚至對地區的和平與發展穩定構成威脅。 受地理因素影響，中亞地區的水資源多為跨境水體，造成了該地區水資源開發主體的多樣性。各國對水資源長期不合理的開發利用，產生了一系列的浪費及污染問題，引發了許多國際爭端。為此，中亞各國簽訂一系列雙邊、多邊協議，試圖通過國際合作來解決跨境水資源問題，然而卻無法形成一個長期有效的合作機制。圍繞國際水資源的利用、開發、管理而產生的爭端依然困擾著中亞。 本文首先是闡述中亞水資源概況及開發歷程，探索中亞水資源問題產生的根源。其次，從中亞各國之間採取的政策互動入手，分析探討中亞在國際水資源開發中的「合作困境」。最後借鑒國際跨境水資源利用現狀與趨勢，分析構建有助於目標實現的制度安排，從而提出中亞國際水資源合作的解決途徑。通過構建切實發揮效能的區域水資源合作機制，推動中亞各國內部實現更好發展，同時促進整個中亞及鄰國、周邊地區的穩定發展。 / In the 21st century, the issue of water resources has become the focus of common concern of the international community. It is not only related to the maintenance of the earth's ecosystem and the sustainable development of human society, but also has a far-reaching impact on contemporary international relations. Especially in water-scarce areas, water resources has become an important factor affecting relations among countries in the region, and even poses a threat to regional peace and development and stability. Due to geographical factors, water resources in Central Asia are mostly transboundary water bodies, resulting in the diversification of water resources development in the region. The unreasonable exploitation and utilization of water resources in a long period of time has brought about a series of waste and pollution problems, which has caused many international disputes. To this end, the Central Asian countries signed a series of bilateral and multilateral agreements, trying to solve international water resources through cross-border issues, but can not form a long-term effective cooperation mechanism. Disputes over the use, development and management of international water resources continue to haunt Central Asia. This paper firstly elaborates the general situation and development process of water resources in Central Asia, and explores the root causes of water resources problems in Central Asia. Secondly, this paper analyzes the interaction dilemma of Central Asia in international water resources development from the policy interaction among the countries of Central Asia. Finally, it draws lessons from the current situation and trend of international transboundary water resources utilization, analyzes and constructs the institutional arrangements that will help the target to achieve, and then proposes the solutions to the international water resources cooperation in Central Asia. Through the construction of effective regional water resources cooperation mechanism, it can promote better development within the Central Asian countries, and stimulate the stable development of the whole Central Asia, the neighboring countries and even the surrounding areas.

The target of this research is to reveal causal factors that influence the way policy goals and instruments of international organizations in the domain of human trafficking are designed. By tracking evolutions of anti-trafficking policies undergone by the Council of Europe and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, the thesis demonstrates impact of specific factors on changes in the functioning of international organizations. To unravel mechanism explaining the internal workings of a policy formation within an IO, the thesis considers and tests theoretical assumptions of three rivalling theories on institutions; the realism, historical institutionalism and neoliberal institutionalism. Premises of respective theories, which offer contrasting perspectives on the functioning of international organizations, will help to formulate corresponding independent variables. The dependant variable being the changing design of institutions, the detailed cross-case analysis spanning a period of one decade uncovers causal relations between independent dependent variables. Thus, by means of time series data collection, patterns revealing which of independent variables can be designed as responsible for observed changes becomes visible. In this way, the study is able to answer to what extent...

二次世界大戰時，美國擊敗日本，使朝鮮半島脫離殖民統治，然而隨後的美蘇冷戰，使得朝鮮半島分裂成南北兩韓，而美國與南韓簽訂條約，成立美韓同盟(U.S.–South Korea Alliance)，成為繼日本之後，美國在亞洲的另一個戰略同盟。冷戰與後冷戰期間，美韓關係雖有波折，但不影響美韓同盟的強度。直到2000年美國小布希就任，其強硬的北韓政策與南韓金大中的陽光政策形成對比，成了美韓關係不協調的開端。而後連任的小布希延續其北韓政策，南韓繼任的盧武鉉將陽光政策擴大實施，推出和平繁榮政策，美韓兩國的北韓政策再度不同調，兩國關係持續跌宕起伏至2008年。本研究試圖以攻勢現實主義分析美國此時期的北韓政策；以新自由制度主義檢視南韓的交往政策，透過理論交鋒研究兩國利益的差異，並檢視外部因素如中國、日本、俄羅斯的影響，進而解釋此時期美韓關係不協調的原因。 / In 1945, the U.S. defeated Japan. The Korean peninsula was liberated from Japanese colonization at the end of World War II. However, the confrontation between the U.S. and the Soviet Union left two Koreas separated by the Demilitarized Zone from the Cold War to the present. In addition, based on the Mutual Defense Treaty Between the United States of America and the Republic of Korea, the U.S.–South Korea Alliance was established. During the Cold War and Post Cold War era, the U.S.-South Korea relations faced hard times, but the alliance remained strong. When George W. Bush became the president of the U.S. in the year 2000, his hardline policy toward North Korea collided with South Korea’s Sunshine Policy, which was made by the president Kim Dae-jung. These different policies toward the North caused tensions to the U.S.-South Korea relations. Then the re-elected Bush continued hardline policy against North Korea, but South Korea’s new president—Roh Moo-hyun—decided to inherit the sunshine policy and develop Peace and Prosperity Policy. Washington and Seoul still failed to reach a consensus on how to deal with Pyongyang. The U.S.-South Korea relations continued to fluctuate until 2008. This study tries to analyze the U.S. policy toward North Korea through offensive realism and examine South Korean engagement policy through neoliberal institutionalism from 2000 to 2008. Besides, this thesis also considers exogenous factors such as China, Japan, and Russia, trying to explain the inconstancy of the U.S.-South Korea relations.

代表國際合作的國際組織對於國家的行為有什麼影響？趨同或趨異？這個問題國關學界主要是新現實主義與新自由制度主義兩個主流理論在進行辯論；前者的研究顯示，國際組織或其它國際合作類型，只是主權國家（特別是強權國家）的工具，本身沒有獨立性，更遑論能制約國家行為或導引國家行為的協調一致。而後者從賽局理論推演出合作的可能與必要性，並認為制度（或建制）是有效維繫合作關係與調和各國行為，進而穩定國際秩序的方法。 然而，在世界貿易組織的架構下，國際貿易合作中食品衛生安全的相關衝突一直存在著。而在國際貨幣基金或世界銀行的架構下，糧食援助的合作似乎造成許多受援國境內的糧食危機未減反增。這樣的結果與新自由制度主義的論點不符，同時暗示著維繫國際合作的制度（或建制）可能具有不當性或偏重對特定法益的保護。另一方面，這樣的情況也無法透過新現實主義得到周延的解釋，因為合作中的權力爭奪並不是只單單發生在體系層次，並且最後影響或主導結果的行為者也非該理論向來強調的主權國家。 當前國際食品貿易的進/出口規範與具有結構調整性質的糧食援助機制究竟是過度保護了貿易自由，還是能為每一個個人可能遭遇的食品衛生風險或糧食危機提供必要之保障？這是本研究的首要顧念。透過個案研究與過程追蹤的方法，本文認為在無政府狀態2.0的環境下，國際食品貿易與糧食援助的制度（或建制）存在著法益失衡與不當性；是一種無法公允保障進口國消費者食品安全或受援國農民糧食主權的合作模式。這樣的結果在既有的國關理論得不到全面性的分析和解釋，因此文中提出「寧靜政治」的論述對之進行補充，說明擁有貿易出口利益的國家，其政府在國內層次如何因為寧靜政治現象而流失權力（退位），成為跨國公司的代理人，而非最高的主權享有者與治權行使者。同時，在體系層次，這些國家還為跨國公司爭取利益最大化，假國際合作之名攻佔食品進口國或糧食受援國的國內市場，釀成公共衛生或糧食主權上的危機。 研究結果顯示，跨國公司是造成國際制度（或建制）成為失衡天秤與喪失正當性的幕後原兇。也是在國際經貿這個議題領域中導致國家退位的關鍵行為者。從強調資本主義和貿易自由化的經濟學角度來看，這或許是市場機制正常的發揮，即使有人不樂見，也毋需過於擔心。然而，任何「自由」都不能是毫無限制地，也不該是無所節度的。全球經貿自由化與市場資本主義的發展若是繼續以目前的方式在運作與擴張，跨國公司累積的財富與權力就會在更多的議題領域超越或擊退主權國家，屆時除了食品衛生安全與糧食安全外，恐怕還會有更多攸關人類安全的法益在商品化的國際市場上漸漸淪為類奢侈財。 從理性選擇的角度來看，此種結果或許是國家在參與經貿合作前本能預見之事，但基於理性選擇，認為這是可以忍受的代價。然而，本文質疑國家（特別是小國）所付出的代價真能讓其在合作過程中換取到大於損失的利益。就像個案中台灣在進口美國牛肉的問題上，或墨西哥在糧食援助的計畫裡，這些國家並沒有在國際合作中得到預期的好處，反而失去了原本可以享有的衛生安全與糧食自主性。退一步言，假設這些國家真的從合作中得到大於損失之利益，那麼這些利益的分配在其國內層次上往往也不否符合公平與正義。毋寧，利益最後只是由特定少數的行為者所享有，但衛生安全風險或糧食基本權的不利益卻轉嫁由進口國或受援國的全體人民買單。

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