By 2020, cancer mortality rates are estimated to increase by 180% in Arab countries, where breast cancer is the most common type of cancer. This thesis explores and evaluates the ‘asabiyya-driven structuration (the cohesive force of the group that gives it strength in facing its struggles for progressive reproduction) of cancer agents, government agents, and the World Health Organization agents for breast cancer prevention and early detection in the Arab region. The layers of the philosophical standing from Ibn Khaldûn’s concept of ‘asabiyya and the theoretical foundation of social systems theory, structuration theory, social network analysis, and social capital theory are peeled in order to explore and evaluate the context, constraints, social networks, autopoiesis, and social capital. Utilizing a qualitative research design, this thesis employs content analysis and in-depth interviews, as well as NVivo as a tool for analysis. Data is collected from 122 publications and knowledgeable informants employed by cancer agencies, ministries of health, and World Health Organization offices in Egypt, Jordan, Morocco, and Oman. The findings are divided into the contextual scope of responsibility and resources, the progressive and hierarchal constraining structure, the optimal and weak social networks, the strong and vulnerable shields of autopoiesis, and the presence and absence of social capital momentum, followed by a discussion on the the struggle for structuration against breast cancer. The findings demonstrate that countries with a national cancer control program witness local strengthening ‘asabiyya and ‘asabiyya-driven structuration, while those without a national cancer control program witness weakening local ‘asabiyya. Ultimately, this thesis proposes strategic recommendations to accelerate the regional ‘asabiyya-driven structuration of breast cancer.

By 2020, cancer mortality rates are estimated to increase by 180% in Arab countries, where breast cancer is the most common type of cancer. This thesis explores and evaluates the ‘asabiyya-driven structuration (the cohesive force of the group that gives it strength in facing its struggles for progressive reproduction) of cancer agents, government agents, and the World Health Organization agents for breast cancer prevention and early detection in the Arab region. The layers of the philosophical standing from Ibn Khaldûn’s concept of ‘asabiyya and the theoretical foundation of social systems theory, structuration theory, social network analysis, and social capital theory are peeled in order to explore and evaluate the context, constraints, social networks, autopoiesis, and social capital. Utilizing a qualitative research design, this thesis employs content analysis and in-depth interviews, as well as NVivo as a tool for analysis. Data is collected from 122 publications and knowledgeable informants employed by cancer agencies, ministries of health, and World Health Organization offices in Egypt, Jordan, Morocco, and Oman. The findings are divided into the contextual scope of responsibility and resources, the progressive and hierarchal constraining structure, the optimal and weak social networks, the strong and vulnerable shields of autopoiesis, and the presence and absence of social capital momentum, followed by a discussion on the the struggle for structuration against breast cancer. The findings demonstrate that countries with a national cancer control program witness local strengthening ‘asabiyya and ‘asabiyya-driven structuration, while those without a national cancer control program witness weakening local ‘asabiyya. Ultimately, this thesis proposes strategic recommendations to accelerate the regional ‘asabiyya-driven structuration of breast cancer.

This research constructs the theoretical framework through documentary analysis; it utilizes the approach of ¡§state and society relations¡¨ on the micro-level of the comparative politics, supplemented with the concept of ¡§corporatism¡¨. This research includes ¡§in-depth interview¡¨ and ¡§case study¡¨ to aim at examining two issues. While the Chinese government has been the central power, the enterprises are the key players in the businesses of modern China. When the private sector has prospered vigorously, the government faced increasing pressure from economic system reform. This indicates that the power of government will shift to the industry and trade association. This research finds that the trade association, deriving from ¡§top down¡¨ model, which can gain more self-Governance, is the successful case of transformation. Its character is that it neither seeks for power from the government during the transformation nor interest from the private sector, but, instead, serves for social welfare and receives more credibility from the public and better organizing autonomy. Since the south patrolling of Deng Xiaoping in 1992, the socialist market economy has been the goal China pursues. In 1998, the ninth session national representatives passed Decision of the structural reform of the State Council plan, and it pointed out ¡§establish a government administrative system with the Chinese characteristics and suitable to the socialist market economic system¡¨. In October 2003, the Third Plenary Session of the 16th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China passed Decision of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China on Some Issues concerning the Improvement of the Socialist Market Economy . Obviously, in addition to the concept of open policy of the trade market, the policy on decentralization of governmental structural reform is in place. Those changes push the market mechanism to expand gradually, and accelerate the transformation of trade association. It makes the influence of trade association on industrial policy making grow. Particularly, Guangdong Province's economy opened early and also led the development of trade association. This research found that the system and development of trade association in Guangdong Province has exceeded that of the central government. ¡§Guangdong Food Profession Union¡¨ is one of the best examples. This research analyzes the development of food industry of both China and the Guangdong Province, in order to explain the relations among government, the business (market) and the society. Second, to analyze the development of trade association's of China and Guangdong Province to explain the formation of civil society. Third, using the case of ¡§Guangdong Food Profession Union¡¨ to study on its philosophy, institution and interest setting in order to map out the interaction among ¡§Guangdong Food Profession Union (GFPU)¡¨, government and business. Finally, it induces the relations among state, the market, the civil society. This research not only points out the similarities and differences between the study case and the general situation in China, but also classifies three kinds of trade association and within which the trade association of successful transformation might be called ¡§NGO with the Chinese characteristic¡¨. In brief, the social scope of trade association derived from ¡§top down¡¨ model, will de unavoidably deprived by the government. In the social scope formed by the trade association of successful transformation, the administrative authority is (Economic and Trade Commission) no longer in charge of them, but the ideology of Chinese Communist Party still exists. It was the ¡§civil society with the Chinese characteristic.¡¨

<p><em>The aim of this study is to analyze the concept of antiracism and explore what characterizes the kind of antiracism that the empirical examples presented in this study represent.</em> The empirical examples are instances of what I call antiracist actors. They are rooted in civil society, but also have strong connections with the government through government funding. The empirical data has been gathered through both qualitative and quantitative methods, mainly in the form of a survey and interviews. In order to explore the antiracist actors I have focused on three themes: (1) the shapes and forms of racism, (2) antiracism as a phenomenon, and (3) antiracism as a social arena. Through these themes I have gathered information about how the antiracist actors interpret their activities and the context in which they are working.</p><p>On the subject of the shapes and forms of racism, I establish that racism is a concept that is hard to define. The antiracist actors lack a common language regarding racism, which affects the antiracist rhetoric. Regarding antiracism as a phenomenon, I conclude that the antiracist strategies mainly consist of three components: (1) <em>knowledge is used as a strategic instrument</em> internally to strengthen the volunteers, (2) <em>knowledge is spread</em> externally to increase awareness of racism, and (3) the antiracist actors <em>deconstruct racist beliefs</em> when opposing racist opinions. Finally, I research antiracism as a social arena and study civil society and theories about social movements in order to explore organizational aspects of the antiracist actors. Using Alberto Meluccis’ social movement theories, there is some evidence to support the thesis that the antiracist actors could be defined as part of an antiracist movement. However, overall there are stronger arguments to suggest the opposite, mainly since the antiracist actors are not in opposition to one or more adversaries. Instead they work with target groups, sometimes targeting the general public, sometimes specific groups like children in a certain school.</p><p>The main conclusion from my study in this respect is that the antiracist actors are part of what I call <em>association-driven antiracism</em>. The associationdriven antiracism is <em>characterized by non-violent methods</em> and the antiracist actors do not focus on racist adversaries, instead <em>they work with target groups</em> trying to influence them in an antiracist way. The association-driven antiracism secures its continuity through networks, since many activities are project-based and only last for a limited period of time. Also, the antiracist actors are not representatives <em>of particular political parties</em>, instead they <em>gather around the question at hand, antiracism</em>. The antiracist actors within the association-driven antiracism are in close collaboration with the government and partly finance their activities with government funding. This collaboration can be explained as a <em>positive steering process</em>, the rulers (the government) and those who are ruled (the antiracist actors) agree on an antiracist ideology and work in the same direction.</p>

古今中外，河川的多重樣貌皆忠實地記錄都市發展變遷，爰此，河川發展與都市規劃密不可分，而結合都市河川整治的水岸發展是一個都市過度成長之再生途徑，而水岸發展之成敗繫於河川保育之良窳。以往圍堵河川之水泥思維，不僅切斷河川生物棲息地，更埋下自然反撲之遠因；然而缺乏當地民意考量之重大公共工程建設，往往侷限於單一目標之達成，忽略當地河川生態紋理與民眾需求等整體考量方向。近年來，都市居民對於生活品質要求提高，民眾參與理念成為落實都市空間改造的重點，以地方性非政府組織形式加入參與式規劃，係屬未來進行干擾自然、人文環境等重大公共工程建設計畫進行時需考量之必然趨勢。 爰此，本研究為建立民眾參與河川保育決策模式，推動自然水岸之都市規劃方向。於重大公共建設危害地方生態與生活之際，以「台北都會區環河快速道路台北縣側建設計畫」永和段之居民抗爭為研究個案，探討民眾透過組織參與、影響決策模式之目的，分別以文獻回顧法、案例比較法及深度訪談法等研究方法進行分析、歸納與整理，進而提出以地方性非政府組織參與公共事務決策之模式運作，作為政府採納民意於計畫之際可採用途徑之參考，並提供相關建議作為法令與配套之修正與努力方向。 基於上述，藉由檢視民眾參與抗爭公共政策事件中之背景脈絡與行動策略，本研究所得出之結果為： 1. 地方性非政府組織得以突破集體行動邏輯困境之原因，係以人數稀少的組織成員與攸關切身利益之房價漲跌等誘因，共同克服因公共財而生搭便車之河川保育及重大計畫決策的參與經驗。 2. 由於考慮自然生態保育及其維護係屬十分長遠的尺度，故現今公共決策的衡量過程中仍未能兼顧「開發」與「保育」，而河川生態保育仍為政策考量上之相對弱勢。 3. 基於參與理論提出之參與主體、時機與策略三個要素，影響地方民眾團體參與決策模式及其成效之重要因素包括組織中的菁英核心領導、公部門回應態度積極、理性策略運作、非政府組織主導及操作媒體。 / Throughout the history of urban development, various images of rivers honestly depict its transition. As a result, river development and urban planning are closely related. Waterfront development combining urban planning with river straightening is a way to regenerate an urban environment. Besides, the key to successful waterfront development is river conservation. In the past, urban construction not only destroys aquatic habitats, but also sacrifices the amenity of inhabitants along the riverbank. However, huge public engineering construction without considering local inhabitants’ opinions usually focuses on one single objective and neglect ecological resources of the river and inhabitants’ demand for living by the riverbank. Nowadays, urban inhabitants have become highly aware of the demand for quality of life. To improve urban environment, the concept of public participation has become a crucial and imperative measure In other words, urban planning with public participation is an inevitable element when it comes to public engineering construction plan. Therefore, this thesis focuses on the participation of the residents of Yongho area. Yongho area is a part of Taipei metropolis, where the government originally planned to build a riverside viaduct along Hsintein River. The reason why Yongho residents oppose to this decision is that this riverside viaduct is nine stories high, which could gravely destroy the skyline of the riverbank area. This may lead to a series of undesirable results that impact on the living quality of Yongho residents. Therefore, they set up a local NGO to protest against this decision. In view of this opposition, this thesis tried to set up a feasible mechanism of public participation for river conservation policy and to build a natural waterfront city model. The study incorporates discussions of the interactive relations between Yongho residents and local authorities as well as the residents’ strategies to participate the policy decision-making. Consequently, by examining the social context and game plans within a series of public protest events, this thesis has obtained the following conclusions. 1. Local NGO overcame the dilemma of free-rider in the logic of collective action with small group and a windfall in real estate prices. 2. Public policy-makers still cannot consider development and conservation simultaneously when making policy decision. 3. Three elements, participative subject, timing and strategies, highly affect the efficiency of public participation. These elements include brilliant leadership, active response in the public sector, rational strategies, domination of Non-Governmental Organization, and media manipulation.

本文以2008年汶川地震與2013年雅安地震為例，探究中國大陸國家與社會關係的變遷，一方面，剖析政府如何建立救災體系及管理社會組織，另一方面，剖析社會組織如何以聯合行動投入災難救援。學理層面，以「統合主義」與「資源動員理論」為基礎；實務層面，汶川地震救災時期選取「NGO四川救災聯合辦公室」、「四川512民間救助服務中心」為研究案例，雅安地震救災時期選取「深圳壹基金公益基金會」、「四川尚明公益發展研究中心」與「NGO備災中心」為研究案例，透過比較研究方式，探討國家結構與社會行動間的轉變。本文認為中國大陸社會組織類型除「官辦組織」（Government Organized Non-Governmental Organization，簡稱GONGO）與「非政府組織」（Non-Governmental Organization，簡稱NGO）外，存在另一社會組織類型領導及處理合法性與聯合性問題，即本文自行界定的「社會聚合型組織」（Society Congregated Non-Governmental Organization，簡稱SCNGO），期以提供新的研究角度。 / This article focuses on the transition of relationship between state and society from Wenchuan earthquake to Yaan earthquake in China. On the one hand, it analyses the government how to build disaster rescue system and manage social organization. On the other hand, it analyses social organization s how to rescue by collective action. The basis of theory is Corporatism and Resource Mobilization Theory. The case study of Wenchuan earthquake is NGO Sichuan Relief Joint Office and Sichuan 512 NGO Services Center. The case study of Yaan earthquake is One Foundation, Sichuan Shang Ming Social Development Research Center and NGO Disaster Preparedness Center. Through comparative study, it explores the transformation of state structures and social action. The type of social organization in China is Government Organized Non-Governmental Organization(GONGO) and Non-Governmental Organization (NGO). The author argues that there is another type of NGO that deal with organizational legality and collective action, and it names “Society Congregated Non-Governmental Organization(SCNGO). ” It wants to provide a new perspective.

Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited / The United States has spent over $2 billion during the last six years to reconstruct and stabilize Afghanistan through the Commander's Emergency Response Program (CERP). This effort is only one of several simultaneous programs attempting to stabilize Afghanistan using approaches including providing humanitarian aid, education, government and security reform, and construction. Construction often involves simple infrastructure development with tangible benefits including increased access, growing commerce and better security. Construction projects can also employ the local population and, if done correctly, develop a sense of community and social capital. What causes construction projects to miss the mark failing to result in creating a stable community? This research compares four different construction programs including CERP, National Solidarity Program (NSP), United States Agency for International Development (USAID), and Provincial Reconstruction Teams (PRT) to determine their potential impact on Afghan stability. It uses a combination of statistical regression, correlation, geospatial and temporal analysis to compare completed construction with recorded SIGACTs (Significant Acts) reported by U.S. forces and NGOs. The results imply that the identified stabilization programs are not using construction effectively to create social capital and stability.

人口販運是一個已經全球化大大增加了全球性的問題，非法貿易的興起，以及冷戰的結束. 販毒後. 販賣人口是脖子到脖子軍火工業作為世界上第二大犯罪行業. 其目的是研究拉丁美洲的人口販賣情況和瓜地馬拉的公私營界別合作推行的反人口販賣活動. 由於在該區域的有限調查, 這項研究將是讀者不知道在拉丁美洲人口販賣的情況作出了貢獻。這項研究將使用輔助數據，如多邊組織的報告，政府機構，而且最重要的進行了訪談，以非政府組織。PPP的工作經歷在瓜地馬拉的兩個信道是積極的。政府機構間和打擊販賣人口的政府機構，非政府組織，政府間組織和非政府組織組成的網絡。這項研究描述了從政府方面所做的努力，以及在打擊人口販運瓜地馬拉非政府組織的知識和專長。 / Human Trafficking is a global issue increased dramatically with globalization, the rise of illicit trade, and the end of the Cold War. After drug trafficking, human trafficking is neck-to-neck with the arms industry as the second largest criminal industry in the world. The purpose is to study Latin America’s human trafficking situation and Guatemala’s Private-Public Partnership in implementing anti-human trafficking activities. Due to the limited investigations in the region, this study will be a contribution to readers that do not know the situation of human trafficking in Latin America. The study will use secondary data such as reports from multilateral organizations, government institutions, and most importantly conducted interviews to NGOs. The PPP work has been positive through two channels of communication in Guatemala. The interagency of government institutions and the network against human trafficking composed of the government institutions, INGOs, IGOs and NGOs. This study describes the efforts from the government side as well as the knowledge and expertise on NGOs in combating human trafficking in Guatemala.

By 2020, cancer mortality rates are estimated to increase by 180% in Arab countries, where breast cancer is the most common type of cancer. This thesis explores and evaluates the ‘asabiyya-driven structuration (the cohesive force of the group that gives it strength in facing its struggles for progressive reproduction) of cancer agents, government agents, and the World Health Organization agents for breast cancer prevention and early detection in the Arab region. The layers of the philosophical standing from Ibn Khaldûn’s concept of ‘asabiyya and the theoretical foundation of social systems theory, structuration theory, social network analysis, and social capital theory are peeled in order to explore and evaluate the context, constraints, social networks, autopoiesis, and social capital. Utilizing a qualitative research design, this thesis employs content analysis and in-depth interviews, as well as NVivo as a tool for analysis. Data is collected from 122 publications and knowledgeable informants employed by cancer agencies, ministries of health, and World Health Organization offices in Egypt, Jordan, Morocco, and Oman. The findings are divided into the contextual scope of responsibility and resources, the progressive and hierarchal constraining structure, the optimal and weak social networks, the strong and vulnerable shields of autopoiesis, and the presence and absence of social capital momentum, followed by a discussion on the the struggle for structuration against breast cancer. The findings demonstrate that countries with a national cancer control program witness local strengthening ‘asabiyya and ‘asabiyya-driven structuration, while those without a national cancer control program witness weakening local ‘asabiyya. Ultimately, this thesis proposes strategic recommendations to accelerate the regional ‘asabiyya-driven structuration of breast cancer.

1999年台灣發生九二一地震之後，中央政府為因應災後重建需要，制定「九二一震災暫行條例」，並依法設置「行政院九二一震災災後重建推動委員會」負責重建事項之協調、審核、決策、推動及監督。其次再將中央政府所收震災捐款設立「財團法人九二一震災重建基金會」，聘任政府相關單位代表與民間社會人士組成董監事會共同管理基金。 財團法人九二一震災重建基金會為一公設的財團法人（GONGO），成立之初主要功能仍是在配合政府施政，並未因面對地震應變而有所調整。然而2000年台灣進行50年來首次的政黨輪替，卻也意外地改變了基金會的組織型態，以「議題導向、主動規劃」成為基金會新的思考方向，並在此基礎之上展開策略規劃。 本文主要以「策略矩陣分析法」對於基金會所推動的住宅重建策略進行分析，並以政府所推動相對之住宅政策作為比較基準（benchmark），透過實務上的驗證分析，說明在一個創新的組織型態下，確實能更為有效地處理「公共」議題，同時為「公設財團法人」或是「行政法人」的角色找出新的價值與定位。 / Following Taiwan’s September 21 (921) Earthquake in 1999, the central government answered post-disaster reconstruction needs by drawing up the Temporary Statute for 921 Earthquake Reconstruction. On this basis it established the Executive Yuan 921 Earthquake Post-Disaster Recover Commission to address problems of co-ordination, policy approval and development, process advancement and overall supervision. In addition, it formed the 921 Earthquake Relief Foundation using donations received by the central government, while placing government representatives from applicable agencies as well as members of the public on a board of directors to manage the foundation’s funds. The 921 Earthquake Relief Foundation was a “government-organized non-governmental organization” (GONGO). Its main function at the time of its formation was to coordinate with the government in the implementation of policy, but it was not able to adjust its role in the face of new contingencies. In 2000, however, Taiwan’s first transfer of political power in fifty years unexpectedly reshaped the foundation. Its line of thinking became “issue-oriented and planning-proactive,” and on this basis it began to be involved in strategic development. This article uses strategic matrix analysis to investigate the residential reconstruction policy advanced by the foundation. With the corresponding residential policy advanced by the government as a benchmark, and using practical verification and analysis, it argues that an organization that has undergone change is indeed able to efficiently deal with “public” themes while at the same time seeking out new value and orientation in the role of a GONGO or the “administrative corporation.”