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Specifika postavení Hong Kongu v rámci Čínské lidové republiky / Spocific position of the Hong Kong within ChinaUlrichová, Anna January 2011 (has links)
The objective of this thesis is to provide the reader with an overview of the issue of the position of Hong Kong within China after 1997. The historical evolution of Hong Kong is treated, the legal background of actual situation and the degree of autonomy in different dimensions.
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一國兩制與基本法在香港的實踐與挑戰—三次人大釋法案例研究 / The challenge of “One Country, Two Systems”in Hong Kong ── A study of the NPC interpretations of Hong Kong Basic Law陳智菡 Unknown Date (has links)
香港在西元1997年7月1日正式脫離英屬殖民地,回歸中國成為中華人民共和國領土的一部分,為了維持香港的穩定繁榮,中共以一國兩制、港人治港做為治港方針,並以中國憲法及在1990年通過並推行香港特別行政區基本法相關條例作為法律依據,給予港人高度自治的權力。
基本法推行至今業已九年,九年當中,中國最高立法機關全國人大常委會對基本法當中的模糊地界先後進行了包括「居港權案」、「雙普選案」以及「特首任期」案等三次釋法;人大釋法雖是寫入中華人民共和國憲法與基本法當中的合理權力,但在這三次釋法的過程中,仍存在有釋法的合法性、與中央是否干涉香港自治的爭議,這些爭議引起香港各界極大的討論,同時也影響了港人對一國兩制在港推行的信心。
香港特區基本法是以中國憲法做為依據的,其法律地位從屬於憲法,換言之,香港特區的自治權乃是由國家主權所派生出之地方自治權利。然而,所謂「一國兩制」,其最高原則就在於所謂「高度自治」之精神,因此,三次主要由北京當局主導的釋法行動難免引發中央過度干涉香港事務的疑慮,本文針對三次人大釋法之源起、內容、過程、及其所引發的爭議為主軸,試圖釐清中共中央是否意圖箝制香港的自治權限、抑或相關爭議只是港人過度恐慌所致?此外,特區政府與特區行政長官在釋法的過程當中又扮演何種角色?他們是否曾如實地反應民意?或者只是積極地配合中央,在相當程度上放棄自我管治的權利?這都是文中所欲釐清的焦點。撰者寄望能由本研究看出中共所大力宣揚的思想成就──「一國兩制」是否真能確實落實,也可為台灣在思考對中國大陸政策時更具體的思考方向。
關鍵詞:香港、基本法、一國兩制、人大釋法、中港關係 / Hong Kong has been a Special Administrative Region (SAR) of People’s Republic of China (PRC) since 1997, it maintains a high degree autonomy except it matters of defense and foreign affairs. It has well-established institutions that support the rule of law and vigorous civil society by the Basic Law.
The Basic Law has been published in nine years. During this period, The Standing Committee of PRC’s National People’s Congress (NPC) has been approved to interpret the law for three times. Although the interpretation rights of The Standing Committee of NPC is undeniable, those moves are still causing a great deal of concerns---such as the validity of judicial procedure of interpretations and whether the PRC government interfere with the Hong Kong’s autonomy affairs or not, and so on…. Those controversial issues are not only causing a huge controversy over Hong Kong society, but also lower people's confidence in “one country, two systems”.
If the Standing Committee of NPC’s thrice interpretation actions were just reflecting part of NPC membership’s opinions and Bejing’s will but totally disregarded of the view of the Hong Kong people. It will not only cripple the power of legal interpretation of Hong Kong’s judicial body. And even worse, it might cause Hong Kong’s judicial system towards to the mainland one. Meanwhile, by vesting power jointly with Bejing and the HK chief executive, the mainland authorities have succeeded in bring public opinions in HK under their thumb.
This essay is aimed at the thrice interpretations, including the source, contents, process and the following issues. The NPC interpretations will have a deep impact on the development of HK’s judicial and political system. I believe, by observing the following situation after the interpretations in the HK, we will have a better understanding of the “one country, two systems”.
Keywords:Hong Kong, Basic Law, One country two systems, the NPC interpretations, National People’s congress.
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中共的民族主義--對港政策之個案研究 (1978-1997) / Chinese nationalism--China's policy toward HongKong(1978-1997林孟和, Lin, Meng-Ho Unknown Date (has links)
為了深入了解中共的民族主義,本文從人類歷史面著手探討以下主題--
1.最初起源於歐洲時的民族主義之意義為何?而民族主義在中國又代表著什麼含義?
2.以「工人無祖國」為號召之馬克思主義建黨的中國共產黨,如何合理化本質為國際主義的馬克思主義與民族主義間的關係,以建立政權並建設國家?
3.以上述問題之探討為基礎,來解讀中共當局為何提出「一國兩制」為理論根據,以及如何透過「一國兩制」將民族主義運用在其對港政策中.
全文共有七章二十節.第一章「導論」;說明全文的研究目的、範圍、方法與架構,以及研究限制.
第二章「民族主義相關概念的定義」;先以起源於歐洲的現代民族主義為主軸,對貫穿全文的重要概念,包括「民族」、「國家」、「民族主義」予以定義,並從民族國家出發,探討民族主義可為國家達到什麼目標與功能,民族主義常以何種形式運作,和具備那些特質.再從世界史的範疇進入中國史,分析「民族」、「文化主義」等概念在帝制時期中國的意義,以及孫中山在十九世紀末引進現代民族主義時,如何詮釋並加以運用.
由於現代民族主義主要是一種基於特定區域和文化歷史結構下,對民族國家之安全與繁榮產生的情感和認同,以及為了達到民族國家之目標的意識型態和政治運動.又基於馬克思列寧主義、毛澤東思想和鄧小平思想在中共政權的意識型態中占有決定性的歷史地位,故第三章「民族主義在中共意識型態中的定位」,擬從這三個向度,來討論民族主義觀從中共建政前到建政後意識型態層面上的演變.
第四章「中共民族主義的運作方式」;筆者限於能力,僅以民族主義的目標與功能為分析主軸,概略歸納1949年後的中國,在種族性民族主義、文化性民族主義和政治性民族主義方面,以情緒、意識型態和政治運動為表現形式的運作.
分析過中共民族主義的整體理論與整體運作後,第五章「鄧小平時代民族主義的政策體現:主權宣示的『一國兩制』」,探討的主題是:以「實事求是建設
有中國特色之社會主義」與「一個中心,兩個基本點」為其意識型態核心理論的鄧小平思想,如何替其民族主義觀建構一套總體政策,即「一個國家,兩種制度」,來銜接鄧小平時代民族主義觀與個別政策的實踐.
第六章「改革開放後民族主義在中共對港政策中的角色」;以香港問題作為中共當局落實 修改「一國兩制」的機會,視國內政經體系與國際體系為中共決策者同時面對的整體情境,並從其對情境因素的認知出發,檢視其透過那些行動、手段,以達到其民族主義的目標.
第七章「結論」;即歸納全文研究發現,從毛澤東到鄧小平的中共民族主義,對於民族主義主觀條件的「社群成員」,一再更動認定標準,導致中國人民對於國家機器的恐懼遠多於認同,並且基於馬克思列寧主義的建國傳統,必須建構理論概念,來合理化其民族主義與國際主義意識型態間的矛盾.而從改革開放後中共對港政策中民族主義的運用,可以發現中共當局在政治性民族主義上,仗恃其與日遽增的國力,雖然試圖對人民塑造一種休戚與共的民族歷史認同感,但實際運作上卻只將香港人民視為和平收回主權的工具,並自法律層面防範香港人民,及剝奪香港人民的個人權利,因而喪失香港多數民心,故又尋求對香港人民訴諸於文化性民族主義.最後並就本論文主題未來更深入的研究,提出反思與建議.
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A Pragmatic Standard of Legal ValidityTyler, John 2012 May 1900 (has links)
American jurisprudence currently applies two incompatible validity standards to determine which laws are enforceable. The natural law tradition evaluates validity by an uncertain standard of divine law, and its methodology relies on contradictory views of human reason. Legal positivism, on the other hand, relies on a methodology that commits the analytic fallacy, separates law from its application, and produces an incomplete model of law.
These incompatible standards have created a schism in American jurisprudence that impairs the delivery of justice. This dissertation therefore formulates a new standard for legal validity. This new standard rejects the uncertainties and inconsistencies inherent in natural law theory. It also rejects the narrow linguistic methodology of legal positivism.
In their stead, this dissertation adopts a pragmatic methodology that develops a standard for legal validity based on actual legal experience. This approach focuses on the operations of law and its effects upon ongoing human activities, and it evaluates legal principles by applying the experimental method to the social consequences they produce. Because legal history provides a long record of past experimentation with legal principles, legal history is an essential feature of this method.
This new validity standard contains three principles. The principle of reason requires legal systems to respect every subject as a rational creature with a free will. The principle of reason also requires procedural due process to protect against the punishment of the innocent and the tyranny of the majority. Legal systems that respect their subjects' status as rational creatures with free wills permit their subjects to orient their own behavior. The principle of reason therefore requires substantive due process to ensure that laws provide dependable guideposts to individuals in orienting their behavior.
The principle of consent recognizes that the legitimacy of law derives from the consent of those subject to its power. Common law custom, the doctrine of stare decisis, and legislation sanctioned by the subjects' legitimate representatives all evidence consent.
The principle of autonomy establishes the authority of law. Laws must wield supremacy over political rulers, and political rulers must be subject to the same laws as other citizens. Political rulers may not arbitrarily alter the law to accord to their will.
Legal history demonstrates that, in the absence of a validity standard based on these principles, legal systems will not treat their subjects as ends in themselves. They will inevitably treat their subjects as mere means to other ends. Once laws do this, men have no rest from evil.
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