Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:41:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Aparecida das Gracas Geraldo.pdf: 1140471 bytes, checksum: 955855f953d5756b6455c14bca0ab28f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-06-06 / This study aims at analyzing two Affirmative Action Programs: (1) University for All Program PROUNI (in private institutions) and, (2) System of Preferred Admissions, Quotas, (private institutions that reserve 50% of the vacancies for Negroes and afro descendents social and racial aspects). These programs were created to facilitate and promote the admission of students from less favored social and economic classes in university level courses. These students come from public schools or have full scholarships in private high schools. In more details, we try to understand, from the point of view of students who graduated, how the Affirmative Action Programs have contributed for them to become part of the labor market, as the Programs are intended to help overcome social barriers. In order to reach this objective, 15 students were interviewed; 7 who were granted PROUNI scholarship, 7 were granted COTAS scholarship, and 1 was granted both PROUNI and COTAS. The theoretical framework was composed basically by the Brazilian laws, mainly those referring to education and the historical process of inclusion in Brazil (main focus on schooling). The results indicated that the Programs studied were important for those who took part in the study, as they helped bring a better understanding of the world and the society, developing criticality and self-esteem. Regarding the insertion in the labor market, the programs didn t meet the students expectations because they kept their old jobs which were not related to the academic field they graduated. / O objetivo desta pesquisa é analisar dois Programas de Ações Afirmativas Programa Universidade para Todos (nas instituições particulares) e Cotas (em instituições particulares que destinam 50% das vagas para negros e afrodescendentes recorte social e racial) - criados para favorecer o ingresso no ensino superior de alunos pertencentes aos estratos sociais e econômicos menos favorecidos, oriundos da escola pública ou alunos bolsistas integrais, no nível médio de escolas particulares. De forma mais específica, busca-se conhecer, sob o ponto de vista dos egressos, como a participação nesses Programas favoreceu sua inserção no mercado de trabalho, visto que têm como meta, a médio prazo, a superação de barreiras sociais. Para atingir esse intento foram entrevistados 15 egressos, 7 que usufruíram bolsas do PROUNI, 7 bolsistas de Cotas e 1 bolsista do PROUNI e Cota. O referencial teórico abrangeu principalmente as legislações brasileiras, com destaque para o âmbito educacional e o processo histórico do processo de inclusão (com predomínio da escolarização) no Brasil. Os resultados indicaram que os Programas estudados foram importantes para as pessoas que participaram da pesquisa, pois possibilitaram ampliar a compreensão do mundo e da sociedade e desenvolver a criticidade e a auto-estima. Com relação à inserção no mercado de trabalho, as expectativas iniciais dos entrevistados não foram atingidas em sua totalidade, visto terem permanecido em carreiras não ligadas à área acadêmica em que se graduaram.

Submitted by Celso Magalhaes (celsomagalhaes@ufrrj.br) on 2017-06-13T11:31:44Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2015 - Wallace Lucas Magalhaes.pdf: 2003629 bytes, checksum: 56e30b1fdd5ded336f0d130d388d4221 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-13T11:31:44Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2015 - Wallace Lucas Magalhaes.pdf: 2003629 bytes, checksum: 56e30b1fdd5ded336f0d130d388d4221 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-04-09 / This research focuses on Law n? 5.465, of July 3rd, 1968, popularly known as ?lei do boi?. Elaborated by deputy Ultimo de Carvalho (PSD/ARENA-MG), such law established reservation of vacanciesin technical and high-education schoolskept by the Union in the courses of Agronomy and Veterinary Medicine, for applicants who proved to be related to agriculture and cattle raising. This relation was complexdue to the fact that it involved many possibilitiessuch as the use, possession or ownership of rural real estates, the residence in areas defined as rural and also syndication. Regarding the access to high-education schools, the privilege was given to high-school graduate studentsfrom agriculturaltechnical schools, keeping a relation of continuity with the teaching of agriculture and cattle raising. The law, enacted during the intensification of capitalist relations in agriculture, had its justification based on keeping man in the countryside,duly qualified,in turn, upon education, becoming a fundamental element for the increase of productivity in such sector, widely inducted by the government upon Law n? 4.504, of November 30th, 1964, the Land Statute, and the credit granting, which consolidated financial capital in the agricultural sector and enlarged the trench between large and small rural owners and workers. This research aims, based on the study of ?lei do boi? at Rural Federal University of Rio de Janeiro (UFRRJ - Universidade Federal Rural do Rio de Janeiro),to identify the lawnot only as a privilege to agriculture and cattle raisingrelated groups, but also as a maintenance strategy to certain prerogatives in connection with the agrarian dominant class, by analysingthe gatheringof social forces involved with ?lei do boi?, both in its proposal and approvaland in its utilization. In such scenario, the transfer, in 1967, of the institutions in connection with area ofagrarian sciences of theMinistry ofAgricultureto the Ministry of Education and Culture (MEC - Minist?rio de Educa??o e Cultura), and the uncertainties deriving from it, the university reformwhose impact in UFRRJ must be taken into account and the opening of new courses and vacancies arising from the pressure of groups that supported the Coup of 1964, the modernization process of the agricultural sector and the retakeof social conflicts over the possession of land are fundamental. From the analysis of the entrant students in UFRRJ,that made use of the lawand its relations to the sector, it is discussed the effectivity of the strategy developed by the law, by identifying to whom ?lei do boi? has been advantageous during its 17 years of enforcement / O foco desta pesquisa ? a Lei n? 5.465, de 3 de julho de 1968, conhecida popularmente como ?lei do boi?. Elaborada pelo deputado Ultimo de Carvalho (PSD/ARENA-MG), a lei estabelecia reserva de vagas nas escolas t?cnicas e superiores mantidas pela Uni?o nos cursos de Agronomia e Medicina Veterin?ria, para candidatos que comprovassem rela??o com a agropecu?ria. Esta rela??o era complexa, pois envolvia um conjunto de possibilidades, como o uso, posse ou propriedade de im?veis rurais, a resid?ncia em ?reas definidas como rurais e tamb?m a sindicaliza??o. No caso de acesso ?s escolas superiores, o privil?gio era estendido aos concluintes do ensino m?dio de escolas t?cnicas agr?colas, mantendo uma rela??o de continuidade com o ensino da agropecu?ria. Promulgada durante a intensifica??o das rela??es capitalistas na agricultura, a lei tinha como justificativa a manuten??o do homem no campo, por sua vez devidamente qualificado atrav?s da educa??o, tornando-se um elemento fundamental para o aumento da produtividade do setor, amplamente induzido pelo governo atrav?s de diversos mecanismos, como a Lei n? 4.504, de 30 de novembro de 1964, o Estatuto da Terra, e a concess?o de cr?dito, o que consolidou o capital financeiro no setor agr?cola e ampliou o fosso entre grandes e pequenos propriet?rios e trabalhadores rurais. Esta pesquisa buscou, a partir do estudo da ?lei do boi? na Universidade Federal Rural do Rio de Janeiro (UFRRJ,) identificar a lei n?o apenas como um privil?gio para grupos relacionados ? agropecu?ria, mas como uma estrat?gia de manuten??o de certas prerrogativas ligadas ? classe dominante agr?ria, analisando o conjunto de for?as sociais envolvidas na ?lei do boi?, tanto em sua proposta e aprova??o, como em sua utiliza??o. Neste cen?rio, a transfer?ncia, em 1967, das institui??es ligadas ? ?rea das ci?ncias agr?rias do Minist?rio da Agricultura para o Minist?rio de Educa??o e Cultura (MEC), e as incertezas dela decorrentes torna-se fundamental. Destaca-se ainda a reforma universit?ria, cujo impacto na UFRRJ deve ser considerado principalmente pela abertura de novos cursos e vagas, bem como o processo de moderniza??o do setor agr?cola e a retomada dos conflitos sociais pela posse da terra. A partir da an?lise dos ingressantes na UFRRJ que fizeram uso da lei e de suas rela??es com o setor, discute-se a efetividade da estrat?gia desenvolvida pela lei, identificando a quem a ?lei do boi? favoreceu ao longo dos seus 17 anos de vig?ncia

This study has looked at how the diversity of representatives’ backgrounds changed after the introduction of the Binominal parity vote in the French local elections. The aim was to contribute to our understanding of the impact of gender quotas in other dimensions than gender. Another aim was to explore the workings of the Binominal parity vote, which has a unique design and obligates candidates to run as pairs, constituting of one man and one woman. The diversity of each local council in 2011 and 2015 was measured with the Herfindahl-Hirschman Index (HHI). By looking at the changes in HHI, the study has shown that the diversity of representatives and candidates has increased in terms of age and profession, but decreased in terms of party representation. The exact workings of the mechanisms behind the changes have not been established, but some preliminary conclusions have been made. The relationship between the gender quota’s effectiveness and the change in diversity is strong, but statistically insignificant. Societal gender differences cannot be the sole driver of the changes, as the diversity increased among both women and men. If the increased district magnitude from one to two contributed to the increase in diversity, it was not through the strategic matching of representatives, as they are shown to be almost randomly matched.

Orientador: Vicente Rodriguez / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-27T07:29:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Alphonse_Fritznel_M.pdf: 3526115 bytes, checksum: edc673d815d0ee16e04ba244a183742a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015 / Resumo: Esta dissertação de mestrado objetivando a realizar uma análise do programa de ação afirmativa e inclusão social (PAAIS) implementado pela UNICAMP no período de 2005 - 2014. Este programa foi estabelecido por meio de deliberação do Conselho Universitário da UNICAMP em 2004, este programa pretende-se incentivar a presença de estudantes de baixa renda oriundos de escolas da rede pública de ensino médio brasileiro e usando como um dos critérios ''negro'' (pretos, pardos) e indígenas. Por meio de concessão de pontos ou bônus na nota final dos alunos aprovados para a segunda fase das provas no processo seletivo da universidade e também aqueles desse grupo que se identificarem como negro (pretos, pardos) e indígenas receberam uma nota extra a mais além desse bônus. A tomada desta decisão justifica-se que antes houve uma falta enorme de presença desses grupos de estudantes nos cursos de graduação oferecidos pela universidade porque muitas vezes a opinião pública brasileira apontaria que os estudantes que chegaram ao ingressar nas universidades melhores públicas brasileiras sempre são aquelas que vieram de família com melhores condições socioeconômicas da sociedade brasileira. Esta situação aconteceria no campo de acesso a este setor de ensino devido ao grau elevado das provas que se aplicam no processo seletivo das universidades públicas sejam federais, estaduais ou municipais para selecionar seus quadros de alunos para preencher as vagas em seus cursos de graduação. Quando aos resultados finais desta pesquisa, a análise de dados do PAAIS neste período revelou que os resultados do PAAIS da UNICAMP são bastante tímidas em todos os componentes tanto no universo de dados de acesso da universidade quanto no contexto nacional em que as políticas de ações afirmativas em especial as cotas raciais ou sociais vêm sendo aplicadas no campo de acesso ao ensino superior brasileiro em benefícios dos alunos provenientes da rede pública de ensino médio nas universidades públicas e privadas mas principalmente com a aprovação e implantação a lei federal das cotas nas IFES. Nesta perspectiva, vimos que os resultados alcançados pelo PAAIS da Unicamp ao longo desse período estudado mostram-se com um índice baixo de todos os grupos que foram beneficiários do programa em especial os negros (pretos, pardos) e índios (PPIs) que acessaram a universidade. Desde 2003, quando o modelo foi adotado, o percentual variou entre o mínimo de 10,7% no primeiro ano e de 16% em 2005. No ano de 2014, apenas 17,81% de pretos, pardos e indígenas (PPIs) entraram na Unicamp devido a multiplicação de bônus do PAAIS no Vestibular Nacional Universitário (VNU) de 2014. Contudo, esses resultados devem ser vistos exclusivamente no contexto socio-histórico em que o PAAIS da UNICAMP foi pensado, formulado e aplicado no campo de acesso da universidade no Estado de São Paulo em especial na cidade de campinas e também no contexto nacional de Políticas de Ação Afirmativa Brasileiras implementadas nas IFES para poder compreender melhor este programa / Abstract: This program was established through deliberation of Academical Council of UNICAMP in 2004, this program intends to motivate witnesses her/it of students of low income originating from of schools of the public net of Brazilian medium teaching and using as one of the criteria '' black '' (blacks, brown) and indigenous. Through concession of points or bonus in the approved students' final note for the second phase of the proofs in the selective process of the university and also those of that group that if they identify as black (blacks, brown) and natives received an extra note beyond the from that bonus. The socket of this decision is justified that before there was an enormous lack of he/she witnesses of those groups of students in the degree courses offered by the university why a lot of times the Brazilian public opinion would appear that the students that arrived to enter in the public better universities Brazilian they are always those that came from family with better socioeconomic conditions of the Brazilian society. This situation would happen in the access field to this teaching section due to the high degree of the proofs that you/they are applied in the selective process of the public universities are federal, state or municipal to select their pictures of students to fill out the vacancies in their degree courses. When to the final results of this research, the analysis of data of PAAIS in this period revealed that the results of PAAIS of UNICAMP are quite shy in all the components so much in the universe of data of access of the university as in the national context in that the politics of affirmative action¿s especially the quotas racial or social are being applied in the access field to the Brazilian higher education in the coming students' of the public net of medium teaching benefits in the public and private universities but mainly with the approval and implantation the federal law of the quotas in IFES. In this perspective, we saw that the results reached by PAAIS of Unicamp throughout that studied period is shown with a low index of all of the groups that you/they were beneficiary of the program especially the blacks (blacks, brown) and Indians (PPIs) that accessed the university. Since 2003, when the model was adopted, the percentile varied among the minimum of 10, 7% in the first year and of 16% in 2005. In the year of 2014, only 17, 81% of blacks, brown and indigenous (PPIs) they entered in Unicamp due to multiplication of bonus of PAAIS in the Academical National College entrance exam (VNU) of 2014. However, those results should be seen exclusively in the partner-historical context in that PAAIS of UNICAMP was thought, formulated and applied in the field of access of the university in the State of São Paulo especially in the city of prairies and also in the national context of Politics of Affirmative Brazilian Action implemented in IFES to understand better this program / Mestrado / Ciencias Sociais na Educação / Mestre em Educação

A garantia da igualdade implica a proibição da discriminação. Algumas normas internacionais criaram exceções à proibição de discriminar com o objetivo de permitir a adoção de medidas especiais ou positivas de caráter transitório para acelerar o desenvolvimento e a representação de grupos e categorias que, por motivos discriminatórios, se encontrem em posição de desvantagem diante dos demais. Cabe ao Estado eleger os grupos beneficiários e as medidas de ação afirmativa adequadas para atingir o fim almejado. A constitucionalidade das medidas de ação afirmativa depende da análise em concreto de cada tipo quanto à compatibilidade com os demais direitos e garantias fundamentais por se tratar de medida de exceção quanto à proibição de discriminar. As políticas públicas que incluam medidas de ação afirmativa devem se pautar pelos princípios da razoabilidade e da proporcionalidade, para que a busca da igualdade material não implique o paradoxo de criar novas desigualdades. A política de reserva de vagas por meio de cotas não é o tipo de ação afirmativa mais adequada ao Brasil. As cotas raciais são incompatíveis com a realidade brasileira, carecendo de proporcionalidade na medida em que não se prestam ao fim colimado no tocante ao combate à discriminação e ao preconceito. A formulação de uma política participativa com incentivos à representatividade de grupos sub-representados por meio de metas e cronogramas sem qualquer viés racial tende a atingir melhores resultados sem que o Estado institucionalize a racialização por meio da discriminação reversa. / The equality safeguard implies a ban on discrimination. Some international standards have created exceptions to the ban on discrimination to enable the adoption of special or positive measures, transient in nature, and speed up the development and representation of groups and segments that, because of discrimination, would be at a disadvantage before others. It falls to the government to choose the beneficiaries as well as the appropriate affirmativeaction measures to achieve the desired outcome. The constitutionality of affirmative-action measures depends on a concrete analysis of the compatibility of each type with the other fundamental rights and safeguards since this is an exception to the ban on discrimination. Any policies that include affirmative-action measures must follow the principles of reasonableness and proportionality so that the search for material equality does not entail an inequality-creating paradox. The racial-quota policy is not the appropriate type of affirmative action for Brazil. Racial quotas are incompatible with the Brazilian reality and lack proportionality as they fail to counter discrimination and bigotry. Devising a participatory policy that encourages the representation of underrepresented groups through goals and timetables without any racial bias tends to achieve better results and the government does not have to institutionalize racialization through reverse discrimination.

Le changement climatique est devenu aujourd’hui le fléau environnemental qui préoccupe etmobilise le plus la communauté internationale. L’aboutissement de cette mobilisation générale reste sansdoute la mise en place du régime international de lutte contre le changement climatique dont la Conventioncadredes Nations Unies sur le changement climatique et le Protocole de Kyoto constituent les basesjuridiques. Ce régime innove en ce qu’il fixe des engagements quantifiés de réduction des émissions de gaz àeffet de serre pour les États pollueurs, mais aussi en ce qu’il instaure des mécanismes dits de « flexibilité »dont la mise en oeuvre est assortie d’un contrôle original basé sur un Comité dit de « l’observance ». Mais, endépit de toute cette production normative, il est regrettable de constater aujourd’hui que le régimeinternational du climat est un véritable échec. En effet, si la mobilisation des États ne fait aucun doute, enrevanche, les mêmes États qui ont volontairement accepté de s’engager refusent délibérément d’honorer leursengagements pour des raisons essentiellement politiques, économiques et stratégiques. Ce travail ambitionnedonc de lever le voile sur les causes de cet échec en dressant un bilan mitigé de la première périoded’engagement de Kyoto qui a pris fin en 2012, et propose des perspectives pour un régime juridique duclimat post-Kyoto efficient et efficace, en mesure d’être à la hauteur des enjeux. / Climate change has become the scourge environmental concern and mobilizes more theinternational community. The outcome of this mobilization remains probably the implementation ofinternational climate change regime for which the Climate Convention and the Kyoto Protocol are the legalbases. This system is innovative in that it sets quantified emission reduction commitments for greenhouse gasemissions (GHG) for polluters States, but also in that it establishes mechanisms known as of “flexibility”whose implementation is accompanied by a control based on a Committee known as of “compliance”. Butdespite all this normative production, it is regrettable that today the international climate regime is a realfailure. Indeed, if the mobilization of states is no doubt, however, the same states that have voluntarily agreedto engage deliberately refuse to honour their commitments for essentially political, economic and strategicreasons. This work therefore aims to shed light on the causes of this failure by developing a mixed record ofthe first Kyoto commitment ended period in 2012, and offers prospects for a legal regime of the post-Kyotoclimate and efficient, able to be up to the challenges.

The aim of this diploma thesis is to answer research questions concerning the attitudes of the President of the Czech Republic Miloš Zeman selected political subjects and their chairmen to migration. For selected political subjects the goal is to find out what attitude they are whether their election programs from 2013 and 2017 include the issue of the migration crisis or if so how much this issue is in the programs. For the research where selected political entities which exceeded the threshold for entry into the Chamber of Deputies of the Parliament of the Czech Republic at least in one case of the Parliamentary elections in years 2013 and 2017. Researched political subjects are: ANO, ČPS, ČSSD, KDU-ČSL, KSČM, ODS, SPD, STAN, TOP 09 and Úsvit. The analysis deals with which attitudes to the migration crisis have the chairmen of selected political subjects, whether they change over a given time frame and whether they agree with the political entity they represent. The thesis also deals with the attitude of the President of the Czech Republic Miloš Zeman to the migration crisis and whether it changes during the specified period of time. The researched time period is from January 2013 to December 2017. Research is done through quantitative content analysis. Variables of analysis are: refugee crisis...

Important changes that have taken place within South African politics mean that most companies today are under pressure to implement affirmative action (AA) policies within their organisations (equity policies). These AA policies include employment equity (EE) policies and Black economic empowerment (BEE) policies. Company agendas now include aspects such as equality and social justice and organisations will continue to be evaluated in terms of how well they meet employment equity targets. Many employees and citizens in general view the process and implementation of these policies with great scepticism and even reluctance. It is important to understand and examine these perceptions because employee perceptions influence employee attitudes and behaviour and therefore have an effect on the success (or failure) of an organisation. The effective implementation of EE and BEE policies will to a large extent depend on whether or not these policies fit into the overall culture of an organisation or whether the organisational culture is adapted to accommodate these policies. Previously, corporate cultures largely ignored principles of diversity and difference. It is important that the question of whether this has changed or changed to a large enough degree be answered, especially with regard to the implementation of EE and BEE policies. Some EE and BEE programmes may fail because previous structures, cultural systems and management styles are adhered to without adapting these to suit the needs of these policies. Ultimately, employees’ perceptions of AA in their organisation, namely the EE and BEE policies that are implemented, influence the attitudes and behaviour of employees and ultimately the success of the organisation. These perceptions are related to the culture of the organisation. This study explores employee perceptions of equity policies, specifically EE and BEE, in terms of differences in demographic characteristics, including race, gender, age, years’ service and occupational level; as well as relative to the main factors of these equity policies, as confirmed by a factor analysis performed on the data, namely the importance, impact and clarity of these policies. The sample company’s organisational culture is also explored in terms of these equity policies and perceptions thereof. The ultimate goal of this research is to examine if any relationships exist between the implementation of organisational cultural practices in an organisation relative to equity policies and employee perceptions of these, and if any relationships do exist, to determine the nature of such relationships. The sample size in this study is 476 employees. / Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2010. / Psychology / unrestricted

Following conflict, peace agreements bring an opportunity to profoundly change societal structures and add to women’s empowerment. Using affirmative action tools like electoral gender quotas, women’s numerical presence, or descriptive representation, has more than doubled since the 1995 Beijing Declaration. However, women’s descriptive representation does not always result in women’s representation beyond numbers, or substantive representation. This thesis aims to solve why quotas do not always lead to a rise in women’s substantive representation by exploring one possible explanation: the effect of women’s rights provisions in peace agreements on the outcomes of electoral gender quota-implementation. It argues that women’s rights provisions in peace agreements can affect policymaking outcomes in the postwar context in terms of increased substantive representation of women. The thesis employs the method of structured, focused comparison to compare the two post-war countries, Nepal and Angola. It finds support for the hypothesis that electoral gender quotas implemented following a peace agreement with women’s rights provisions leads to a larger increase in women’s substantive representation than those implemented following a peace agreement without such provisions. However, further qualitative cross-case analysis and large-n quantitative research are needed to draw more certain conclusions.

The refugee crisis in the world, specifically after 2015, which came as a result of the repercussions of the war in Syria and the absence of the right political vision in Iraq and Libya. This migration has led to increased pressures on many countries in the European Union, as a result of the influx of more immigrants from the Middle East and North Africa. The purpose of this research for the bachelor's degree in POLITICAL SCIENCE, is to reveal the impact of the political integration process on solving the refugee crisis that plagued Europe in 2015, with a close focus on the asylum policy adopted by the EU during the refugee crisis in 2015.   The method used in this research is a qualitative case study in order to get an in depth understanding of the selected case and with the help of the data material obtained from the sources used. Through the method, materials and theoretical and empirical analysis, the purpose and questions posed within the research were answered. In this thesis, two theories were used in the research topic, namely, the theory of integration and the constructivist theory in international relations.  The results were as follows. Europe was seeking for solidarity among their countries in solving the refugee crisis that occurred in 2015. Further that solidarity could provide solutions that contribute to the distribution of burdens among the countries of the European Union. Solidarity means establishing compatible solutions among the countries of the Union. The result also showed that the 2013 Dublin III Regulation and European Asylum Policy need to be reformed because they do not work effectively during times of crisis and exceptional events.