The constitutionality of affirmative action in terms of section 8 of Act 200 of 1993 is investigated. The study contends that in constitutional interpretation it is permissible to have recourse to ethical precepts as long as these are anchored within the four corners of the Constitution. It is contended that the •equality clause• does not prescribe equality of outcome in favour of substantive equality of opportunity. It is asserted that group-based affirmative action may justifiably be attacked as being unconstitutional; either on the basis that it infringes the nonbeneficiary's equality rights in terms of sections 8(1) and 8(2) or that it falls beyond the constitutional protection afforded to affirmative action in terms of section 8(3). Furthermore, group-based modalities of affirmative action may also not constitute a permissible limitation on the fundamental right to equality, if compared to an individual-based socio-economic affirmative action model. / Jurisprudence / LL. M.

« Voix, vote et violence : Essais sur les dynamiques des régimes autoritaires électoraux » porte sur l'expression des voix généralement exclues sous des régimes autoritaires électoraux (« AE »), depuis les défis des processus institutionnalisés (en particulier les élections et la démocratie) jusqu’aux rationalisations des comportements extra-institutionnels (notamment la violence politique). Les essais sont présentés en deux parties. Les deux essais de la partie I ont trait aux cadres analytiques d’étude des comportements des partis au pouvoir et des oppositions dans les régimes semi-autoritaires. Les trois essais de la partie II examinent un sous-domaine spécifique de ces régimes : la participation politique des femmes. Chaque chapitre propose des découvertes comme résumé ci-dessous. Le chapitre 1 explore les défis méthodologiques dans l'étude des régimes semi-autoritaires (comme AE) en analysant de manière critique un cadre d’analyse important dans le domaine. Une réplication indépendante du modèle de classification de l'autoritarisme compétitif (« AC ») de Levistky et Way (2010) révèle des anomalies de codification dans la sélection des cas qui influent sur la théorie générale des régimes AC et qui ont des implications méthodologiques pour l'étude comparative des régimes hybrides en général. Le chapitre 2 examine le comportement des partis de l'opposition sous des régimes AE. Je fais l'hypothèse que les objectifs électoraux et les objectifs de régime des oppositions dans les EA (les « jeux parallèles ») s’alignent dans des conditions où il existe une certitude relative concernant les résultats, mais divergent lorsque l’incertitude des résultats de régime ou des élections est plus importante, ce qui entraine quatre types de comportement identifiables. Je teste mes hypothèses sur 55 élections dans 29 États d'Afrique sub-saharienne et je démontre que les quatre types de comportement dépendent du degré de répression de l'État et du niveau de capacité organisationnelle des oppositions. Le chapitre 3 révèle et définit la nature sexuée de la violence électorale (une caractéristique commune des régimes AE). Une base de données originale de plus de 2 000 incidents de violence électorale dans six pays, ainsi qu’un travail de terrain dans plus de cinquante pays révèlent l'existence d'importantes distinctions dans la manifestation de la violence électorale, ainsi que la présence d'un phénomène auparavant non reconnu, la violence électorale basée sur le genre (« VEBG »). Le chapitre présente les définitions, une taxonomie et la typologie des deux formes de violence. Le chapitre 4 se penche en profondeur sur le sujet, en examinant la relation complexe entre les technologies de l'information et de la communication (TIC) et la VEBG. Les notions de la violence électorale différenciée selon le genre ainsi que la VEBG sont étendues à la violence politique en général. Je démontre que les TIC facilitent les formes sexuées de la violence politique, mais qu’elles contribuent également à résister et atténuer ces violences, grâce à certaines qualités spécifiques aux TIC. Le dernier chapitre fournit la solution à une énigme de longue date dans l'exclusion politique dans les régimes AE (et autres) en démontrant la complémentarité des formes spécifiques de mesures temporaires spéciales (MTS) dans les systèmes électoraux fondés sur des circonscriptions uninominales (CU). Le chapitre présente une classification en cinq parties des options MTS dans les CU, y compris une interprétation originale des « seuils parallèles ». L'analyse des cinq types de MTS à travers des études de cas de pays illustre que les divergences dans l'adoption de quotas entre les systèmes électoraux sont le résultat d'un manque de connaissances plutôt que des traits intrinsèques des systèmes électoraux, comme supposé précédemment. / “Voices, Votes and Violence: Essays on Select Dynamics of Electoral Authoritarian Regimes” concerns the expression of commonly excluded voices under electoral authoritarian (EA) regimes, from the challenges of institutionalized processes (specifically, elections and voting) to rationalizations for extra-institutional behaviors (notably political violence). The essays are presented in two parts. The first two essays in Part I concern frameworks for studying incumbent and opposition behaviors in semi-authoritarian states. The three essays in Part II examine a specific sub-field of EA regime dynamics: political participation of women. Each chapter provides findings as summarized below. Chapter 1 explores methodological challenges in studying semi-authoritarian regimes (such as EA) by critically engaging with a leading framework of analysis in the field. An independent replication of Levistky and Way’s 2010 classification model of competitive authoritarianism (CA) reveals coding discrepancies in the authors’ case selection which impact the broader theory of CA regimes and have methodological implications for the comparative study of hybrid regimes in general. Chapter 2 examines opposition party behavior under EA regimes. I hypothesize that EA oppositions’ electoral and regime objectives (“dual games”) align under conditions where there is relative certainty of outcomes but diverge where either regime or electoral uncertainty is greater, resulting in four identifiable behavior types. Testing the theory on 55 elections in 29 sub-Saharan African states, I demonstrate that the four behavior types are functions of the degree of state repression and the level of organizational capacity of the opposition. Chapter 3 reveals and defines the gendered nature of electoral violence (a common feature of EA regimes). An original database of over 2000 incidents of election violence in six countries as well as fieldwork from over fifty countries reveal the existence of significant gender-differentiation in the manifestation of election violence as well as the presence of a previously unrecognized phenomenon, gender-based election violence (GBEV). The chapter introduces definitions, a taxonomy and typology of both forms of violence. Chapter 4 delves deeper into the topic by examining the complex relationship between information and communication technologies and gendered election violence. The notions of gender-differentiated and gender-motivated violence are extended to political violence in this chapter. Information and communication technologies are found to both facilitate gendered forms of political violence as well as empower resistance and violence mitigation. The final chapter provides the solution to a longstanding puzzle of political exclusion in EA (and other) regimes by demonstrating the complementarity of specific forms of temporary special measures (TSMs) in electoral systems based on single-member districts (SMDs). The chapter presents a five-part classification of TSM options in SMDs, including an original interpretation of “Alternate Thresholds”. Analyzing the five TSM types through country case studies, Chapter 5 illustrated that discrepancies in the adoption of quotas between electoral systems are the result a knowledge gap rather than intrinsic traits of electoral systems, as previously assumed.

Der Austausch von Waren, Dienstleistungen und Arbeitskräften wird im Falle von politischen Konflikten gestört. Im Palästinensisch-Israelischen Konflikt macht die Machtasymmetrie die palästinensische Wirtschaft abhängig von Israels Politik. Obwohl dieser Konflikt wegen seiner Gewalt und seinen politischen Entwicklungen in den Medien viel beachtet wird, wurden politische Optionen in den Bereichen Handel und Arbeitsmärkte und deren Auswirkungen auf die palästinensische Ökonomie bislang wenig untersucht und bewertet. Dies ist das Ziel der vorliegenden Arbeit, die sich auf die Ökonomie des Westjordanlands konzentriert. Diese Arbeit macht vier Beiträge zur Wissenschaft: Der erste ist die Entwicklung der ersten Sozialrechnungsmatrix für das Westjordanland. Der zweite ist die empirische Analyse von Auswirkungen unterschiedlicher Arbeitsmarktbedingungen in Gleichgewichtsmodellen. Der dritte ist die Anwendung einer verschachtelten Nutzen-Funktion, die die Vorteile von linearen Ausgabesystemen und konstanter Elastizität von Substitutionsfunktionen kombiniert. Schließlich hat diese Arbeit wichtige politische Implikationen für die Palästinensischen Autonomiebehörde (PA). In Bezug auf die Arbeitsmärkte wird gezeigt, dass es für die PA sinnvoll ist eine verstärkte palästinensische Beschäftigung in Israel anzustreben. Dabei sollten die negative Auswirkungen von aus Israel zufließendem Arbeitseinkommen („Holländische Krankheit“) gelindert werden. Dies könnte die PA durch Besteuerung von palästinensischer Beschäftigung in Israel und Schaffung von Anreizen zur Erhöhung der internationalen Wettbewerbsfähigkeit erreichen. In Bezug auf den Handel zeigt diese Arbeit, dass das die PA eine liberale, nicht diskriminierende Handelspolitik verfolgen sollte. Da Israel auch in Zukunft wohl der dominierende Handelspartner für das Westjordanland bleiben wird, sollte die PA die freiest mögliche Mobilität von Gütern und Dienstleistung zwischen dem Westjordanland und Israel anstreben. / The movement of goods, services and labour is disrupted when conflicts arise. In the case of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, the asymmetry of power between the two parties leaves the Palestinian economy vulnerable to policies implemented by Israel. While this conflict attracts considerable media attention for its violence and political developments, the assessment of the economy-wide implications of trade and labour market policy options on the Palestinian economy is understudied. Exploring these implications is the objective of this thesis, focusing on the West Bank economy. This thesis makes four contributions to science. The first original contribution is the development of the first social accounting matrix for the West Bank. Second, this thesis contributes to the current state of knowledge by assessing empirically the implications of different labour market conditions in general equilibrium models. Third, this thesis contributes to model development by adopting a nested utility function combining the benefits of linear expenditure systems and constant elasticity of substitution functions to depict household preferences. Finally, this thesis has important policy implications for the Palestinian National Authority (PNA). Seen the limited development options in the West Bank, it is interesting for the PNA to seek an increased Palestinian employment in Israel in order to improve the welfare of Palestinian households. Meanwhile, the “Dutch disease” effects of labour income inflow from Israel can be mitigated by collecting a tax on Palestinians employed in Israel and incentivising the private sector to invest and create employment opportunities in the domestic market. With respect to trade, this thesis finds that the West Bank would be better off with a liberal and non-discriminatory trade policy. As Israel will remain the main trade partner for the West Bank, the PNA should seek the freest possible movement of goods and services between the West Bank and Israel.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:30:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Maria Ivone Fortunato Laraia.pdf: 946170 bytes, checksum: c67574dcc6b983cc5c8ed61aee97c845 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-11-23 / The master s degree dissertation demonstrates the person with deficiency path in the search of the recognition of his rights, focusing the protection foreseen in several international diplomas destined to the reconstruction of the human values, in the the Federal Constitution of 1988 and in several infraconstitutional laws. It defines the person with deficiency in our juridical system, enlarging the list of the Ordinances ns. 3.298/1999 and 5.296/2004, based in the international legal system and in the jurisprudence. The development of the concepts of human dignity, equality and non discrimination are the foundations for the creation of affirmative actions, seeking to the social inclusion of the persons with deficiency, and they are object of a fast approach. In Brazil, the equalization of access opportunities to the job market for persons with deficiency is looked for through the adoption of a system of quotas or legal reserve. The Brazilian system of quotas forces to the persons with deficiency recruiting in the formal market of work, through contract between employee and employer, or through the use of reserved vacancy in public contest. The compulsory nature of person with deficiency recruiting, the increase of the fiscalization by the Labor Department and by the Labor Public Prosecution Service and the recruitings without any planning are cause of legal and social questions. To guarantee the economical function of the companies and to motivate the Brazilian system of quotas, this work proposes the adoption of fiscal and social security measures, the creation of subsidies and the alteration of the Law n. 8.742/93, in order to increase the forecast of a temporary suspension of the payment of the benefit of the special attendance when of the beginning of a labor activity of any species, until the person with deficiency returns to the inactivity. The person with deficiency social inclusion is accompanied of a series of important subjects, treated by the work, that should be faced by the State and by the whole society / A dissertação de mestrado demonstra a trajetória da pessoa com deficiência na busca do reconhecimento de seus direitos, enfocando a proteção prevista em diversos diplomas internacionais voltados à reconstrução dos valores humanos, na Constituição Federal de 1988 e em diversas leis infraconstitucionais. Define quem é a pessoa com deficiência em nosso ordenamento jurídico, ampliando o rol constante nos Decretos ns. 3.298/1999 e 5.296/2004, com fundamento no ordenamento internacional e na jurisprudência. O desenvolvimento dos conceitos de dignidade humana, igualdade e não discriminação são os fundamentos para a criação de ações afirmativas, visando à inclusão social das pessoas com deficiência, e são objeto de uma rápida abordagem. No Brasil, busca-se a equiparação de oportunidades de acesso ao mercado de trabalho da pessoa com deficiência, através da adoção de um sistema de cotas ou reserva legal. O sistema de cotas brasileiro obriga à contratação de pessoas com deficiência no mercado formal de trabalho, por meio de contrato entre empregado e empregador, ou através da utilização de vaga reservada em concurso público. A obrigatoriedade de contratação de pessoas com deficiência, o aumento da fiscalização do Ministério do Trabalho e do Ministério Público do Trabalho e as contratações sem qualquer planejamento são causa de questionamentos legais e sociais. Para garantir a função econômica da empresa e incentivar o sistema de cotas brasileiro, propõe este trabalho a adoção de medidas fiscais e previdenciárias, a criação de subsídios e a alteração na Lei n. 8.742/93, no sentido de acrescentar a previsão de uma suspensão provisória do pagamento do benefício da assistência especial, quando do início da atividade laboral de qualquer espécie, até que a pessoa com deficiência volte à inatividade. A inclusão social das pessoas com deficiência é acompanhada de uma série de questões relevantes, tratadas no trabalho, que devem ser enfrentadas pelo Estado e por toda a sociedade

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:30:27Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Guilherme Diniz de Figueiredo Dominguez.pdf: 757597 bytes, checksum: 4f7baa814dd2ab6aa32018f6a3d38f1e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-06-09 / This paperwork is the result of a research that intends to investigate possible relations between Law and development, based upon an empiric study of the affirmative actions implemented by the Brazilian federal universities, mainly by means of the reservation of enrollment slots to minorities on its admission exams (social and racial quotas), but through the perspective of Court s decisions on the matter. The research focused on the analysis of whether or not such affirmative actions were held constitutional by the Regional Federal Courts of Brazil and by the Brazilian Supreme Court. Also the research intended to verify if such Courts recognized these quotas as public policies or affirmative actions (and thus if this recognition made them adopt a more detailed judicial review of such programs). Furthermore the research intended to study how the apparent conflict between the Executive Branch (universities) and the Legislative Branch, on whether a specific law is needed in order to authorize the adoption of such affirmative actions, was settled and how Courts acted when called to impose affirmative actions in the event of an omission by the Executive Branch. In addition to these specific issues, and assuming that affirmative actions are State policies directed to assure equality and, thus, reduce poorness and prejudice, aiming to promote social development, the main purpose of the research was to examine if such elements were part of the judicial debate that was studied and what was its importance on the examined decisions. We have verified that, considering absolute numbers, the quotas affirmative action is held constitutional by Federal Courts in Brazil. But by analyzing the decisions in each region of the Country we have noticed that a consensus on the subject is far and that there is no precedent of the Brazilian Supreme Court on the matter. In general, the Court s decisions value university autonomy on the implementation of affirmative actions, recognizing that such attribution does not belong only to the Legislative Branch, assessing such measures as public policies (and eventually, in more cases than anticipated, establishing or modulating these policies), although this assessment does not imply a deeper judicial review of the quotas programs, examining all its aspects. Beyond the debate on the constitutionality of the studied affirmative actions, the research detected a number of other problems related to its application, such as, for instance, the lack of a general and common provision on who could be considered a student from a public school in order to benefit from the social quotas, what suggests the need for a federal law determining the guidelines (standards) in order for such affirmative actions to be adopted by the federal universities in Brazil. Nonetheless, the debate on the constitutionality of such policies is marked by a clear discussion on its contribution or not to the development of the Country and, although that is not the main issue discussed on the decision, it is a strong element on the appreciation of the matter / Este trabalho é o resultado de uma pesquisa voltada a investigar possíveis correlações entre Direito e desenvolvimento a partir do estudo de um caso concreto: a implantação de ações afirmativas nas universidades federais brasileiras, especificamente por meio da reserva de vagas a minorias em seus vestibulares (cotas sociais e raciais), mas analisando a perspectiva da jurisprudência a respeito do assunto. O levantamento realizado tinha como objetivo examinar se essas medidas eram tidas como constitucionais pelos Tribunais Regionais Federais e pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal, se essas Cortes reconheciam tais medidas como políticas públicas ou ações afirmativas (e se esse fato as induzia a realizar um controle judicial mais pormenorizado desses programas). Adicionalmente, a pesquisa buscou estudar como se decide o conflito de competência entre o Poder Executivo (universidades) e o Poder Legislativo a respeito da necessidade ou não de lei específica autorizando a adoção de ações afirmativas pelas universidades e qual era a postura dos Tribunais no caso de existir pedido de implantação de ação afirmativa em virtude de omissão administrativa. Além desses aspectos pontuais, a hipótese maior que pautou a pesquisa cujos resultados ora se apresentam partia da premissa de que ações afirmativas são medidas de Estado voltadas à promoção da igualdade material com redução de desigualdades econômicas e sociais, visando o desenvolvimento nacional. Nesse contexto, examinou-se se esses elementos estavam presentes ou não nos debates judiciais estudados e qual era o peso que tinham na decisão dos magistrados. Constatou-se que, em número absoluto de decisões analisadas, as cotas são tidas como constitucionais, porém examinando-se o conjunto de decisões em cada região do País, percebe-se que o assunto está longe de alcançar um consenso, não havendo ainda pronunciamento definitivo do Supremo Tribunal Federal sobre o tema. Em geral, a jurisprudência valoriza a autonomia universitária na implantação de ações afirmativas, afastando o possível conflito de competência com o Legislativo e reconhecendo tais ações como políticas públicas (e em mais casos do que se supunha o próprio Judiciário fixou ou modulou tais políticas), embora isso não implique uma revisão judicial mais aprofundada desses programas, contemplando todos os seus aspectos. Para além da discussão a respeito da constitucionalidade dessas ações afirmativas, a pesquisa levantou uma série de outros problemas relacionados à sua aplicação, como, por exemplo, a ausência de uma padronização a respeito de quem pode ser considerado estudante egresso do ensino público para ser beneficiário das cotas sociais, o que sugere a necessidade de uma lei federal fixando diretrizes (standards) para implantação dessas ações pelas universidades federais. Todavia, o debate sobre a constitucionalidade dessas medidas é pautado por uma discussão a respeito da sua contribuição ou não para o desenvolvimento do País, não sendo o fundamento principal das decisões, mas um elemento fortemente presente no exame da questão

Submitted by Eunice Novais (enovais@uepg.br) on 2017-09-04T22:00:48Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 811 bytes, checksum: e39d27027a6cc9cb039ad269a5db8e34 (MD5) Daiane Franciele M Quadros.pdf: 4920482 bytes, checksum: fbd14b14735447404bb0aebb48e967d6 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-09-04T22:00:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 811 bytes, checksum: e39d27027a6cc9cb039ad269a5db8e34 (MD5) Daiane Franciele M Quadros.pdf: 4920482 bytes, checksum: fbd14b14735447404bb0aebb48e967d6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-05-08 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Será apresentada através desta dissertação, a pesquisa de mestrado iniciada no primeiro semestre de 2015, no Programa de Pós-Graduação em Estudos da Linguagem, da Universidade Estadual de Ponta Grossa (UEPG). Cujo objetivo principal consiste em analisar os discursos e encaminhamentos presentes nos embates, que resultaram na Resolução UNIV. Nº 17 de 9 de dezembro de 2013 da UEPG. Os objetivos secundários consistem em contextualizar a elaboração da atual resolução, através de investigações das articulações e manifestações, que contribuíram para que os Movimentos Sociais fossem ouvidos durante o Conselho de Ensino, Pesquisa e Extensão e do Universitário, que ocorreu no final do ano de 2013. Por último, analisaremos o desdobramento da atual resolução, a cartilha informativa sobre as políticas de cotas na UEPG. Para este fim, na fundamentação epistemológica, discutiremos sobre a temática das políticas de cotas, através do eixo teórico-metodológico da Análise Crítica do Discurso (ACD), baseando-nos em Fairclough (2005 e 2008), Van Dijk (2001, 2008 e 2005), Magalhães (2005), Ottoni (2007), Pereira (2011), Sales (2012), Resende e Ramalho (2005), Pagano e Magalhães (2005) e Marcuschi (2008). Também refletiremos sobre a relação entre discurso e poder dentro de um sistema social de desigualdade racial, pautando-nos em: Van Dijk (2001, 2008 e 2010), Muniz (2009), Oliveira (2006), Moita Lopes (2013), Rivas e Diez (2014) e Blommaert (2006). A metodologia impregnada foi de base qualitativa, a qual também envolveu Estudo de Caso, Pesquisa Documental e ACD. Desta maneira, apresentaremos as análises que realizamos em diferentes tipos de textos que registraram o Conselho Universitário de 2013. Em nossas considerações, apresentamos algumas conclusões baseadas em tudo o que discutimos durante nossas reflexões teóricas, onde avaliamos a trajetória que a presente pesquisa seguiu até então, junto com algumas considerações acerca dos resultados obtidos. / It will be introduced trough this dissertation, the research of the master program started in the first semester of 2015, in the Postgraduate Programs of the Language Studies, of the State University of Ponta Grossa (UEPG). Which key objective consists in analyzing the discourses and directions present, in the follow Resolution UNIV. N° 17 of 19th, December 2013 of the UEPG. The supporting objectives consists on the contextualization and elaboration of the current resolution, trough investigations of demonstrations that contributed for the social movements to be heard at the meeting of the Conference of Education, Research and Extension and the University, that happened by the end of 2013. In conclusion, we will analyze what followed the current resolution, the introductory textbook about quotas at UEPG. To do so, in the epistemology we will discuss about the theme of quotas trough the theoretical and methodological axis of the Critical Analysis of Discourse (CDA), based in Fairclough (2005 and 2008), Van Dijk (2001, 2008 and 2005), Magalhães (2005), Ottoni (2007), Pereira (2011), Sales (2012), Resende and Ramalho (2005), Pagano and Magalhães (2005) and Marcuschi (2008). Also, we will be reflecting about the relation between discourse and power within a social system of the racial inequality based in, Van Dijk (2001, 2008 and 2010), Muniz (2009), Oliveira (2006), Moita Lopes (2013), Rivas and Diez (2014) and Blommaert (2006). The impregnated methodology was of qualitative base, which also implicated in Case Study, Documentary Research and CDA. By this mean, we will be introducing the analysis that we realized in different kind of texts that registered the the University Conference of 2013. In our considerations, we introduced some based conclusions in all that was discussed during our theoretical reflections, where we evaluate the trajectory that the present research followed until then, along with some conclusions of the obtained results.

Cette thèse couvre deux sujets : le dessin des permis à polluer et la gestion des déchets. Le premier chapitre analyse la mise en œuvre des permis à polluer. Le chapitre se concentre sur les impacts de la distribution liés à la sévérité de l’allocation gratuite basée sur la production courante quand deux secteurs sont couverts par le marché des permis et le plafond reste constant. Un nouveau type d’augmentation des profits dans les secteurs qui ne sont pas exposés à la concurrence internationale a été démontré théoriquement. Le deuxième chapitre traite la question de la différenciation de l’allocation des permis dans les différentes régions, liée à la possibilité des entreprises à délocaliser. Les conditions dans lesquelles le bien-être décroît avec la délocalisation sont déterminées. Dans ce cas, des distributions gratuites de permis peuvent être utilisées pour éviter la délocalisation des entreprises. Le troisième chapitre compare l’efficacité des programmes de la responsabilité élargie du producteur (REP) avec l’efficacité d’une ex-ante taxe. La taxe permet plus de flexibilité ex-ante quant aux conditions du marché, mais la REP permet plus d’adaptation ex-post aux réalisations des coûts. Ainsi, l’efficacité relative de la REP augmente avec l’incertitude des coûts et la compétitivité du marché. / This thesis covers two subjects. One is the design of pollution permits and the other is the waste management. The first chapter analyses the implementation of pollution permits. It focuses on the distributional impacts linked with the stringency of output-based allocation,when two sectors are covered by the market for permits and the total cap is held constant. Theoretically demonstrated is a new type of profit increase in sectors that are not exposed to international competition. The second chapter addresses the issue of differentiating permit allocation across areas, this being linked to the possibility of firms to relocate. The conditions under which welfare decreases with relocation are determined. In such a case, free allowances may be used to prevent firms from relocating. The third chapter compares the efficiency of extended producer responsibility (EPR) programs and the efficiency of an ex-ante tax. The tax allows more ex-ante flexibility regarding market conditions, but the EPR allows more ex-post adaption to cost realizations. As a result, the relative efficiency of the EPR increases with uncertainty of the costs and competitiveness of the market.

The constitutionality of affirmative action in terms of section 8 of Act 200 of 1993 is investigated. The study contends that in constitutional interpretation it is permissible to have recourse to ethical precepts as long as these are anchored within the four corners of the Constitution. It is contended that the •equality clause• does not prescribe equality of outcome in favour of substantive equality of opportunity. It is asserted that group-based affirmative action may justifiably be attacked as being unconstitutional; either on the basis that it infringes the nonbeneficiary's equality rights in terms of sections 8(1) and 8(2) or that it falls beyond the constitutional protection afforded to affirmative action in terms of section 8(3). Furthermore, group-based modalities of affirmative action may also not constitute a permissible limitation on the fundamental right to equality, if compared to an individual-based socio-economic affirmative action model. / Jurisprudence / LL. M.

En France, où les droits de pêches ne sont pas transférables, la gestion des quotas de pêche est essentiellement déléguée aux organisations de producteurs (OP), lesquelles se voient attribuer des allocations collectives et sont responsables de la gestion des possibilités de pêche de leurs adhérents. On peut ainsi s’interroger sur la manière dont la présence des OP au sein des institutions peut permettre d’améliorer les performances écologiques,économiques et sociales de la gestion des pêches en comparaison avec d’autres formes institutionnelles telles que les systèmes de quotas individuels transférables (QIT). Les recherches de thèse, comprenant une partie théorique et s’appuyant sur le cas de la pêcherie de sole du golfe de Gascogne pour les applications empiriques,sont organisées autour des questions suivantes : (1) Par quels mécanismes les OP peuvent-elles permettre d’améliorer le respect des réglementations et influencer l’émergence de normes sociales ? (2) Quels sont les effets redistributifs de la gestion des quotas par les OP ? (3) Comment les mécanismes de gestion des quotas par les OP peuvent-ils être intégrés dans la modélisation bio-économique pour l’évaluation d’impact de scénarios de gestion ? Les analyses développées établissent l’intérêt de prendre en compte des contraintes induites par différents arrangements institutionnels et les résultats sont notamment examinés au regard des trois dimensions (écologique, économique et sociale) nécessaires à la gestion durable des pêches. Les compromis entre ces différentes dimensions sont mis en évidence dans le cadre de scénarios prospectifs visant une meilleure compréhension des enjeux liés à la gestion des pêches. / In France, where fishing rights are non-transferable, the management of fishing quotas is essentially delegated to producer organizations (POs). POs are granted collective allocations based on the aggregate fishing rights of their members and are then responsible for managing their fishing opportunities. The goal of this research, which contains theoretical developments as well as empirical analyses applied to the Bay of Biscay sole fishery, is to determine how outcomes of fisheries management are altered by the presence of POs within institutions as compared to alternative governance systems such as individual transferable quotas (ITQs). This dissertation notably brings together bio-economic approaches and institutional analyses to better anticipate the ecological, economic and social impacts of potential governance options. The research questions are the following: (1) What mechanisms could ensure a high level of compliance and what are the potential gains of placing the POs between the regulator and the fishermen? (2) What are the distributional effects of catch share management by POs? (3) What is the added value of integrating institutional arrangements involving POs into bio-economic modelling for the impact assessment of catch share management options? The analyses that were developed establish the ability of institutional design to influence outcomes in catch share systems in terms of compliance, distribution, and ecological-socioeconomic trade-offs achieved by alternative management options.

Toute procrastination à lutter contre le changement climatique aura pour conséquence une augmentation croissante des coûts à l'avenir (voir par exemple Stern, 2006). Le manque de changement dans le comportement des individus, indépendamment de l'investissement dans les technologies de réduction des émissions, pourrait entraîner des coûts exorbitants. Ces derniers sont déjà aujourd'hui très élevés en raison du faible nombre d’options disponibles pour réduire les émissions (Abrell, 2007; Bottrill, 2006; Proost, 2008; SDC, 2005). Par conséquent, des efforts sont nécessaires pour introduire des mesures politiques efficaces le plus rapidement possible. Bien que cette question concerne de nombreux secteurs de l’économie, cette thèse se concentre sur le secteur des transports car il s’agit de l'un des plus grands émetteurs de CO2 (CE, 2012). C’est également un secteur, qui se caractérise par des coûts de dépollution élevés. Cela signifie que tout progrès vers une technologie moins carbonée sera coûteuse et prendra du temps (Kesicki, 2012).Ostrom et al. (2012) signalent qu’une solution peut être trouvée en établissant et en appliquant des limites sur les ressources communes. De nombreuses études ont été entreprises à ce sujet (voir par exemple Dudley, 1993; Hackett et al., 1994; Kramer et al, 1986;. Randall, 1975, 1978;. Walker et al, 1991, 1992). Cependant, ce dernier n'a pas encore été épuisé. Au contraire, de nouveaux instruments de politique soulèvent de nouvelles discussions et suscitent le besoin pour de nouvelles recherches. Les « Personal Carbon Allowances » (PCA), aussi dénommés en français par le terme « permis d’émission », sont un de ces instruments. Le PCA est un instrument de politique publique de plafonnement et d’échange (« cap-and-trade ») dans lequel les droits d’émissions de carbone sont attribués à des individus. D'un point de vue néoclassique, les permis d'émission constituent un instrument de politique efficace et efficient dans la lutte contre la pollution (Weitzman, 1974; Montgomery, 1972). Ils entraînent une augmentation des prix qui couvre le montant exact des émissions produites par un individu. Toutefois, des éléments socio-psychologiques compliquent le problème. Cette thèse tente d’apporter un éclaircissement sur la manière dont l'économie comportementale pourrait être utilisée pour lutter contre la pollution de l'environnement du transport personnel. Elle fait des propositions concernant la mise en place des PCA et comment ces derniers pourraient influencer les choix personnels de déplacement. Plusieurs conclusions et recommandations en matière d’économie comportementale sont formulées dans quatre articles. Aux fins de cette thèse, trois des quatre articles sont basés sur des expériences. Dans les expériences de laboratoire, les sujets ont géré leurs quotas sous la dénomination française de « permis d'émissions » (et non de PCA) dans la mesure où l'étude a été menée en France. Une des conclusions mise en évidence par les expériences est que l'étiquetage a une influence positive sur les participants. L'effet de l'étiquetage pourrait être introduit dans le système PCA de différentes manières. Par exemple, les quotas de carbone personnels accordés à l’ensemble des activités pourraient être étendus sous forme de quotas pour les transports en commun. Les transports en commun pourraient être étiquetés dans le budget. Il s’agirait d’une alternative moins polluante que les transports privés., Les expériences montrent que les sujets, qui disposent d’un certain nombre de PCA à dépenser exclusivement pour les transports publics sont incités à privilégier ce mode de transport. Une autre leçon qui peut être tirée de cette thèse est l’importance du retour d’informations et d’expérience. Les individus peuvent non seulement s’appuyer sur leurs expériences personnelles passées pour faire des choix (y compris des choix de transport) mais aussi vouloir étendre leurs connaissances grâce au retour d'expérience ... / The excessive anthropogenic activities related to burning of fossil fuels emit around 80 percent of greenhouse gases (GHG) in the atmosphere per year, according to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC, 2014). Among the GHG emissions, the anthropogenic CO2 emissions belong to the most dangerous ones. About 40 percent of these CO2 emissions have remained in the atmosphere (880 ± 35 GtCO2) since 1750, contributing to the global warming effect (IPCC, 2014). Since the 1950s, humanity is clearly responsible for more than half of the observed increases in temperatures (IPCC, 2014). The world energy consumption in 2011 tripled when comparing to 1965 and it has increased more rapidly than the world population (BP and UN, 2012). The above problem concerns a number of sectors, but only one of them has become the main subject of this dissertation. More precisely, this dissertation focuses on the transportation sector, which belongs to one of the greatest contributors of CO2 emissions to the atmosphere ((EC, 2012). Researchers warn that if the personal transportation demand continues to augment, which is likely due to the steady increase in population and greater accessibility to transport modes, the levels of congestion could become intolerable and even more costly to mitigate (Stern, 2006; EEA, 2010; Ostrom et al., 2012). Lack of changes in individual’s behavior, irrespectively of investment in abatement technologies, could lead to excessive costs, which already today are estimated to be high due to a very few low-carbon alternatives available (Abrell, 2007; Bottrill, 2006; Proost, 2008; SDC, 2005). The essays presented in this dissertation shed some light on how insights from the behavioral economics could be used to tackle the environmental pollution from personal transportation. At the core, lies the implementation of a market-based policy instrument (i.e., personal carbon allowances) in hypothetical commuting choices. The personal carbon allowances, abbreviated as PCA, constitute “a right to pollute” the atmosphere during personal activities, such as commuting and traveling (Roberts and Thumim, 2006; Howell, 2008; 2012; Parag et al., 2011). This dissertation provides suggestions on how a PCA design could influence personal choices of commuting. On the basis of four essays, a number of conclusions were drawn, and policy recommendations were formulated. For the purposes of this dissertation, PCA was defined to be any ‘cap-and-trade’ public policy instrument in which carbon emission rights are allocated to individuals. Three out of four essays encompassed laboratory experiments. The experimental subjects managed their allowances under a term emission permits (les permis d'émission, in French) because the study was conducted in France. One of the conclusions that should be highlighted is that the labeling effect had a positive influence on the experimental subjects and that it would be beneficial to consider it in the PCA scheme. For example, the personal carbon allowances that are granted for all activities could be extended by allowances that would be valid for public transportation only. The public transportation should be labeled in the budget because it is a less polluting alternative to private transportation. Having a certain number of allowances for public transportation at their disposal, subjects may be more willing to use this transport mode in replacement of commuting by private transportation. Another lesson that can be drawn from this dissertation is that the provision of feedback matters. Moreover, individuals may not only rely on their personal past experiences but also may want to extend their knowledge by the feedback on activities of their peers or neighbours....