Uppsatsen ämnar undersöka ett företags implementering av miljöstrategier. Det undersökta företaget är OKQ8. Miljö och hållbarhet är aktuella ämnen inom organisationen och dagens samhälle. Syftet är definiera hur ett “leading the pack”-företag med hjälp av avgörande framgångsfaktorer kan förenkla implementeringen av miljöstrategier. Baserat på fynden i den första forskningsfrågan har fyra avgörande framgångsfaktorer identifierats vid implementering av miljöstrategier. De fyra funna framgångsfaktorerna är (I) tydligt arbetssätt, (II) hög legitimitet, (III) tydlig kommunikation och (IIII) balanserat styrkort. De fyra avgörande framgångsfaktorerna kombinerat ökar chansen till en lyckad strategiimplementering. / Background: The thesis intends to investigate the implementation of a company's  environmental strategies. OKQ8 is the investigated company. The environment and sustainability are important fields within the organization and in today's society.   Purpose: The purpose is to define how a “leading the pack”-company can, with  help from crucial success factors, simplify the implementation of the environmental strategies. Method:The study is a qualitative study. The thesis has a deductive research  approach with some inductive elements. It is a single case study, and the empirical data was gathered through semi-structured interviews.    Conclusion:  Based on the findings from the first research question four crucial  success factors have been identified when a company's environmental strategy is  being  implemented. The success factors are (I)  distinct working methods, (II) high legitimacy, (III) clear communication and (IIII) having a balanced scorecard. The combination of the four crucial success factors increases the chance of a successful implementation of the strategy.

This paper will investigate what role human rights can play in the reconstruction of a post-conflict society. The true root causes of conflict are not addressed by prior peace interventions, often governments are unable to deliver to their populations what they were promised. This thesis is guided by an overarching research interest in how during these situations, peacebuilding, human rights, and the construction of a new, accountable social contract can go hand-in-hand. The case study of the Central African Republic’s conflicts will be used to investigate the hypothesis. Nurturing and restoring society’s trust in the peacebuilding process is often underestimated. To break the vicious cycle of self-enforcing conflicts and their recurrence, a revitalisation of the social contract may be a strategy to optimize working towards reconciling the post-conflict society. The research finds that a human rights-rooted social contract approach in a post-conflict society can impact the peacebuilding positively.

No description available.

[pt] Nesta tese, olho para a Natureza como mais uma dimensão sobre a qual a colonialidade incide. Para isso, proponho dois movimentos teóricos. O primeiro é aprofundar a noção de colonialidade da Natureza, por entender que mesmo em um movimento crítico como o pensamento decolonial a Natureza é posta à margem, sendo necessário, portanto, reposicioná-la e compreender como a colonialidade incide sobre ela. O segundo é apresentar o Contrato Ambiental, inspirado principalmente pelo Contrato Racial de Charles Mills, enquanto um contrato subversivo que realça como o subjugo da Natureza é relevante para o domínio social, político e epistemológico colonial. Ambos os movimentos são relacionados com a disciplina de Relações Internacionais, posicionando este texto como uma proposta de pensar o internacional. Para essa análise, as metodologias escolhidas são a interseccionalidade, justamente por permitir a análise da incidência de hierarquias em mais de uma dimensão das vidas humanas e não-humanas, e a cartografia, que permite que a pesquisa seja afetada pelo campo e que o caminho também seja traçado enquanto se anda. Por fim, parto do conhecimento cultivado sobre crise climática com a intenção de propor um rompimento da hegemonia da organização social, política e produtiva centrada no Estado, no capitalismo e na colonialidade-modernidade, sem, no entanto, acreditar em uma volta ao passado e sem romantizar formas de organização não-modernas, tendo o movimento campesino de luta pela terra, em especial o Movimento de Trabalhadoras e Trabalhadores Sem Terra (MST), e em sua contraparte internacional, a Via Campesina, como práticas decoloniais e interseccionais de transformação social, política e epistemológica, bem como das relações entre humanos e a Natureza e entre grupos humanos. / [en] In this dissertation, I look at Nature as another dimension on which coloniality affects. To this end, I propose two theoretical movements. The first is to deepen the notion of coloniality of Nature, understanding that even in a critical movement such as decolonial thinking, Nature is placed on the margins, making it necessary, therefore, to reposition it and understand how coloniality affects it. The second is to present the Environmental Contract, inspired mainly by Charles Mills s Racial Contract, as a subversive contract that highlights how the subjugation of Nature is relevant to the colonial social, political and epistemological domain. Both movements are related to the discipline of International Relations, positioning this text as a proposal for thinking about the international. For this analysis, the methodologies chosen are intersectionality, precisely because it allows the analysis of the incidence of hierarchies in more than one dimension of human and non-human lives, and cartography, which allows research to be affected by the field and the path also be traced while walking. Finally, I start from the knowledge cultivated about the climate crisis with the intention of proposing a break with the hegemony of the social, political and productive organization centered on the state, capitalism and coloniality-modernity, without, however, believing in a return to the past and without romanticizing non-modern forms of organization, having the peasant movement of struggle for land, especially the Landless Workers Movement (MST), and its international counterpart, La Via Campesina, as decolonial and intersectional practices of social, political and epistemological transformation, as well as transformation of the relations between humans and Nature and between human groups. / [es] En esta tesis miro a la Naturaleza como otra dimensión sobre la que incide la colonialidad. Para ello propongo dos movimientos teóricos. El primero es profundizar la noción de colonialidad de la Naturaleza, entendiendo que incluso en un movimiento crítico como el pensamiento decolonial, la Naturaleza se coloca al margen, siendo necesario, por tanto, reposicionarla y comprender cómo la colonialidad la afecta. El segundo es presentar el Contrato Ambiental, inspirado principalmente en el Contrato Racial de Charles Mills, como un contrato subversivo que resalta cómo la subyugación de la Naturaleza es relevante para el dominio social, político y epistemológico colonial. Ambos movimientos se relacionan con la disciplina de las Relaciones Internacionales, posicionando este texto como una propuesta para pensar lo internacional. Para este análisis, las metodologías elegidas son la interseccionalidad, precisamente porque permite analizar la incidencia de las jerarquías en más de una dimensión de la vida humana y no humana, y la cartografía, que permite que la investigación se vea afectada por el campo y que el camino también sea rastreado mientras camina. Finalmente, parto del conocimiento cultivado sobre la crisis climática con la intención de proponer una ruptura con la hegemonía de la organización social, política y productiva centrada en el Estado, el capitalismo y la colonialidad-modernidad, sin creer, sin embargo, en un retorno al pasado y sin romantizar formas de organización no modernas, teniendo al movimiento campesino de lucha por la tierra, especialmente al Movimiento de los Trabajadores Sin Tierra (MST), y a su contraparte internacional, La Vía Campesina, como prácticas decoloniales e interseccionales de transformación social, política y epistemológica, así como de transformación de las relaciones entre los humanos y la Naturaleza y entre los grupos humanos.

Une multitude de gens, au XXe siècle, se sont servis de la psychanalyse pour se rendre compte de leurs faits et gestes. En s’appuyant ainsi sur la psychanalyse, ils démontraient la profondeur de la confiance qu’ils lui accordaient. Cette diffusion ample et profonde, qui a laissé une empreinte très marquée sur la culture contemporaine, demeure largement inexpliquée. Ce phénomène étonnant devient intelligible dès lors qu’on aborde la psychanalyse comme une grammaire de l’intériorité, qui a guidé des interactions en les médiatisant par des symboles et des significations communes (normes, valeurs, etc.) propres aux sociétés démocratiques contemporaines (celles qui se conçoivent comme émanant d’un accord entre individus). Cette pratique sociale, l’enquête psychanalytique, peut être analysée en situant dans leurs contextes d’interactions les discours dans lesquels des désirs refoulés étaient imputés à différentes conduites. L’œuvre de Freud offre un échantillon de tels discours. La description de la forme et du sens que ces imputations de désirs refoulés conféraient à différentes interactions en cours nous permet d’identifier les traits caractéristiques de l’enquête psychanalytique. Freud montre que le refoulement naît d’un conflit entre une volonté présociale refoulée et une volonté socialisée, refoulante, née des exigences inculquées par l’autorité parentale. Pour identifier un désir refoulé, il faut donc simultanément identifier une relation refoulante. L’enquête psychanalytique amène à passer en revue les différentes relations interpersonnelles et intrapersonnelles dans lesquelles est impliqué l’auteur du refoulement. Cet exercice permet de départager les relations qui contraignent la volonté intérieure présociale à des exigences sociales de celles qui, en sens inverse, émanent de cette volonté intérieure. Comme les premières suscitent le refoulement et les symptômes indésirables qu’il entraîne, la guérison du refoulement exige que le porteur du refoulement prenne ses distances des exigences sociales héritées, de manière à parvenir à reconnaître sa volonté présociale. En soupesant ainsi la contrainte exercée sur les volontés présociales par les relations particulières, l’enquête psychanalytique jaugeait ces dernières à partir d’une exigence propre aux sociétés démocratiques contemporaines : celle de fonder les relations sociales sur les volontés non contraintes des partenaires. L’enquête psychanalytique participait ainsi d’un imaginaire social moderne qui donnait, à des relations variées, la forme d’un contrat. Les contemporains qui recouraient à cette enquête manifestaient un souci de respecter cette exigence et ils suscitaient une réaction critique envers les relations qui contraignaient la volonté. En somme, l’enquête psychanalytique offrait aux contemporains une manière d’ordonner les relations qui était adaptée à une société accordant une autorité prééminente aux exigences « contractuelles ». Voilà qui explique en grande partie l’ampleur et la profondeur de la diffusion de la psychanalyse au XXe siècle. / In the twentieth century, a multitude of people used psychoanalysis to explain their actions and gestures to one another. Their reliance on psychoanalysis, is an indication of how deeply they trusted its theories. This wide and profound diffusion, which has left a very strong impression on contemporary culture, remains however largely unexplained. This puzzling phenomenon becomes intelligible, from the moment one treats psychoanalysis as a grammar of interiority, which guides interactions by mediating them with symbols and common meanings (norms, values, etc.) specific to contemporary democratic societies (those that conceive themselves as emerging from an agreement between individuals). This social practice, the psychoanalytic inquiry, can be analyzed by situating in their contexts of interactions the speeches in which repressed desires were imputed to various conducts. Freud’s work provides a sample of such speeches. The description of the form and meaning that these imputations of repressed desires conferred to different ongoing interactions allows us to identify the specific features of the psychoanalytic inquiry. Freud shows that the repression arises from a conflict between a repressed presocial will and a socialized will, which enforces repression, born from requirements inculcated by the parental authority. Hence, to identify a repressed desire, one must simultaneously identify a repressing relationship. The psychoanalytic inquiry leads to review the different interpersonal and intrapersonal relationships in which the author of the repression is involved. This exercise leads to set apart the relationships that constrain the inner presocial will to social requirements, from those that rather emanate from this inner will. Since the former creates the repression and the unwanted symptoms it causes, the healing of the repression requires that its carrier distances oneself from inherited social requirements, in order to recognize one’s her inner will. By weighing the coercion on presocial wills exercised by specific relations, the psychoanalytic inquiry gauged these relations from a standard specific to contemporary democratic societies: the requirement to ground social relations on the unconstrained wills of the partners. The psychoanalytic inquiry was part of a modern social imaginary that shaped the form of a contract to various relationships. The people who used this inquiry showed that they were concerned about this requirement and they prompted a critical reaction to the relationships that constrained their will. In sum, the psychoanalytic inquiry provided the contemporary world with a way of organizing relationships that was adapted to a society that gave a preeminent authority to “contractual” requirements. That largely explains the breadth and depth of the diffusion of psychoanalysis in the twentieth century.

Notion irréductible de notre univers politique, la souveraineté semble aujourd’hui dépassée, et appelée à céder sa place à d’autres modes de représentation de l’État et de la collectivité. Pourtant, les difficultés liées à son dépassement recèlent le fait que ce concept n’a rien en réalité rien d’évident :abstraite et mystérieuse, la souveraineté l’est par nécessité. Le cœur de cette abstraction, fossile théologico-politique, fonde sa légitimité. Ainsi, la souveraineté est surtout le produit d’un refoulement des sources et de la nature violente de l’autorité vers le Tiers autoritaire, notion médiane caractérisant la nécessaire conceptualisation de l’autorité légitime comme troisième terme institutionnalisé de la relation entre celui qui exerce l’autorité et celui qui la subit. <p><p>Ce Tiers, au sortir de la théologie médiévale, s’est d’abord incarné dans le concept de Corps ;le corps de l’État dérive en droite ligne du corps du Christ d’abord, de celui de l’Église ensuite, et a offert à l’autorité, alors pensée sur un registre hétéronome, divin et naturel, un écrin la liant à une légitimité et une nécessité naturelles. Le mythe du Corps, pourtant, va petit à petit devenir celui du Père au fur et à mesure de la constitution de l’État, et singulièrement de la monarchie absolue. Le Père campe alors le caractère nécessaire de l’autorité devant être exercée par le créateur sur sa chose créée, mais permet de continuer dans le même temps à faire bénéficier les structures existantes de l’empreinte théologique représentée sur terre par des mandataires héréditaire – les princes. L’institutionnalisation de l’État, et la relative stabilité qui va en découler, va toutefois fournir le cadre apte à permettre à une pensée du sujet d’émerger, faisant naître des concepts qui, tels la multitude et le peuple, posent de plus en plus directement la question de la légitimité par la prise en compte de la volonté de ceux sur lesquels elle s’exerce. C’est ainsi que naîtront les théories du pacte social, qui tentent chacune à leur manière de concevoir un moment méthodologique où l’octroi du pouvoir soit a été cédé dans le passé, soit est toujours exercé par le peuple à chaque instant. Le mythe du contrat, ainsi, est celui par lequel la légitimité de l’autorité est conciliée avec l’origine du pouvoir. Cette liaison est rendue possible par le meurtre du Père, c’est-à-dire la suppression de l’autorité naturelle et nécessaire au profit d’une autorité conventionnelle et contingente. Or, le mythe du contrat est fragile ;il nécessite, pour juguler le flux de contingence qui émerge dès lors que la question de la légitimité se pose, que la question de la nature du pouvoir soit dûment maîtrisée. Cela demande que l’autorité ne prenne pas sa source dans le repli sur le présent permanent, c’est-à-dire sur le peuple, mais sur un critère de représentativité. Cela nécessite surtout un refoulement conscient de la nature et de l’origine de l’autorité vers un sur-moi qui constituera, à l’apogée de la modernité, le cœur abstrait de la notion de souveraineté. <p><p>Or cette conception de l’autorité se fissure elle-même sous le poids d’une contingence qui, comme flux permanent, tend par nature à excéder son cadre. A terme, ainsi, l’étiolement de la souveraineté coïncide-t-il avec l’avènement du dogme des droits de l’homme, appelés sur un registre immanent à compenser la perte de sens induite par l’insuffisance de verticalité assumée par la modernité.<p> / Doctorat en Philosophie / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

盧梭的思想內涵豐富，不同學者由於關切的焦點不同，其所研究的主題也各異，例如，有些學者關懷的是盧梭思想在觀念史上的定位與影響，另外有些學者則是關心盧梭思想中的民主或極權成分，但是關於盧梭思想中公民共和主義的要素，則少有人提及。因此，本文的主要論旨即是從公民共和主義的核心觀念──腐化與德行此一角度切入，分析其政治思想。 根據此一研究主軸，本文第二章探討的是盧梭思想中的腐化意涵、腐化的歷程，以及造成腐化的各種因素，並將腐化的現象區分成政治腐化與和財產相關的社會腐化。面對這些腐化現象，盧梭是以德行作為對治之道，一方面以德行為標準批判當時政治、社會的腐化，另一方面則是以德行作為理想政治共同體重建的基礎。盧梭的這些想法似乎是深受古典共和主義思想家，以及古斯巴達與羅馬兩共和國影響。關於盧梭德行觀將在本文第三章探討。 以德行為基礎的政治共同體重建，將可在盧梭的社會契約理論，以及盧梭為其他國家草擬憲法、改革政制的著作中獲得印證。社會契約接櫫了理想政治共同體的原型，而社會契約的締結與維繫則有賴一位卓然出眾的立法家，他一方面轉化、消除造成腐化的種種因素，另一方面則創造培育德行的環境，使「德行共和國」的理想得以實現。 然而並非所有思想家對腐化的思考方向都和盧梭相同，孟德斯鳩與康士坦都提出和盧梭相異的思考，本文最後將探討這些思想家和盧梭思想的差異之處。 / The essence of Rousseau‘s thought is rich. A wide variety of focuses are thus occurred due to various scholar’s different concerns. Their research subjects are different too. For example, some scholars concern the position and influence of Rousseau’s thought on the idea of history, while others concern the components of democracy and authoritarianism of his thought. Nevertheless, the concerning of the elements of Rousseau’s thought on civic republicanism is not very prevailing. The main purpose of this thesis is from the core concept of civic republicanism, i.e., corruption and virtue, to analyze Rousseau’s political thought. Based on this research core, the second chapter of this thesis discusses the meaning of corruption, its process and the factors in causing corruption, as well as to divide the phenomena of corruption into political corruption and social corruption which is relevant to property. Rousseau dealt these corrupt phenomena with virtue. One the one hand, he applied virtue as the standard to criticize the contemporary political and social corruption. On the other hand, he applied virtue as the foundation to reconstruct ideal political community. The thought of Rousseau seems to be influenced by the classical republicanism thinkers and the two ancient Republic, i. e., Sparta and Rome Republic. Rousseau’s view toward virtue will be discussed in the third chapter of this thesis. The foundation of reconstructing political community by virtue will be found in Rousseau’s theory of social contract and to be proved in Rousseau’s drafting the manuscript of constitution reform policy for other states. Social contract reveals the stereotype of ideal political community, however, the binding and the maintaining of social contract depends on an outstanding legislator. On the one hand, he transforms and eliminates the various factors of corruption formation. On the other hand, he creates the various environment of virtue cultivation, enforcing the “Republic of virtue” to be realized. Not every thinker’s way of thinking toward corruption is the same with Rousseau. Montesquieu’s and Constant’s thinking are different from Rousseau. The last part of this thesis will discuss the differences among them.

This study is an investigation into water management policies in South Africa, their effect on water users and the perceptions users have of these policies. The investigation begins with an exposition of concepts such as water demand management (WDM), as well as integrated water resource management (IWRM). A sub-discourse of the main theme is the societal tendency to neglect its common property. Garret Hardin's groundbreaking observations on the "tragedy of the commons" (1968) are explored in an effort to locate issues of relevance in effective water management strategies. In contemplating the commons, it is evident that aspects of morality and ethics are involved. The morality of a society be it in a global or national context, seems to manifest itself in legislation and policies, and in the way these are implemented. The relevance of good governance, hydropolitics and sustainable development is also discussed to provide the necessary theoretical background to an understanding of the relationship between consumers and the water commons. Access to safe drinking water is protected in the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa Act, 108 of 1996. Flowing from the government's obligation to take reasonable legislative and other measures to achieve the progressive realisation of fundamental human rights stipulated in section 27(2) of the Constitution, the challenge since 1994 has been to provide access to water for all inhabitants and to manage the available water resources effectively. Furthermore, the objective of subsequent water legislation such as the National Water Act, 36 of 1998 and regulatory plans, like the National Water Resource Strategy has been to incorporate international trends in water governance. The Department of Water and Environmental Affairs (DWEA) divided South Africa into 19 regions, called water management areas (WMA). In this study, attention is focused on what constitutes a catchment and how a catchment management agency (CMA) governs its water resources. A description is provided of the functions of water user associations (WUAs) and how ththe Lower Orange Catchment Management Area is, for example, the blueprint from which stakeholders develop their goals. In this study, the water situation in the Lower Orange Water Management Area is under scrutiny. The focus is on the three main institutional components of water management (the Lower Orange catchment management, the Upington Islands Water User Association [UIWUA] and the //Khara Hais Local Municipality). The progress of the establishment of the Lower Orange Catchment Management Agency is outlined over a period of five years. Meanwhile, the Upington Islands Water User Association was developed and this has grown in stature. The work being done by these institutions is investigated by looking at grassroots effects, especially in respect of irrigation activities. The unique water management circumstances of the //Khara Hais Local Municipality are then investigated along with the plans outlined in their Integrated Development Plan {lOP) and their Water Services Development Plane Internal Strategic Perspective (ISP) of(WSDP). Because local irrigation operations consume most of the available surface water in the Lower Orange Water Management Area, irrigation farmers and their activities warrant closer attention. A historical overview is given of the development of irrigation in the region followed by an assessment of the role of two of the most prominent historical figures in Upington, Reverend Adriaan Schroder and Abraham "Holbors" September. Ultimately, however, the focus falls on the current state of irrigation in the area. It is possible to distinguish between the approach of large commercial farming operations and that of smaller irrigation farming units to irrigation. Specific attention is given to the perceptions of irrigation farmers as far as the policies and legislation pertaining to water issues is concerned. This study will hopefully provide the Department of Water and Environmental Affairs(DWEA), //Khara Hais Local Municipality and organised agriculture with some recommendations on efficient integrated water management strategies. It might well be of value to other municipalities who are experiencing similar problems. The aim has been to identify typical problems and potential disputes between water management institutions and relevant role-players. / Thesis (Ph.D. (Public Management and Administration))--North-West University, Vaal Triangle Campus, 2010.

This study is an investigation into water management policies in South Africa, their effect on water users and the perceptions users have of these policies. The investigation begins with an exposition of concepts such as water demand management (WDM), as well as integrated water resource management (IWRM). A sub-discourse of the main theme is the societal tendency to neglect its common property. Garret Hardin's groundbreaking observations on the "tragedy of the commons" (1968) are explored in an effort to locate issues of relevance in effective water management strategies. In contemplating the commons, it is evident that aspects of morality and ethics are involved. The morality of a society be it in a global or national context, seems to manifest itself in legislation and policies, and in the way these are implemented. The relevance of good governance, hydropolitics and sustainable development is also discussed to provide the necessary theoretical background to an understanding of the relationship between consumers and the water commons. Access to safe drinking water is protected in the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa Act, 108 of 1996. Flowing from the government's obligation to take reasonable legislative and other measures to achieve the progressive realisation of fundamental human rights stipulated in section 27(2) of the Constitution, the challenge since 1994 has been to provide access to water for all inhabitants and to manage the available water resources effectively. Furthermore, the objective of subsequent water legislation such as the National Water Act, 36 of 1998 and regulatory plans, like the National Water Resource Strategy has been to incorporate international trends in water governance. The Department of Water and Environmental Affairs (DWEA) divided South Africa into 19 regions, called water management areas (WMA). In this study, attention is focused on what constitutes a catchment and how a catchment management agency (CMA) governs its water resources. A description is provided of the functions of water user associations (WUAs) and how ththe Lower Orange Catchment Management Area is, for example, the blueprint from which stakeholders develop their goals. In this study, the water situation in the Lower Orange Water Management Area is under scrutiny. The focus is on the three main institutional components of water management (the Lower Orange catchment management, the Upington Islands Water User Association [UIWUA] and the //Khara Hais Local Municipality). The progress of the establishment of the Lower Orange Catchment Management Agency is outlined over a period of five years. Meanwhile, the Upington Islands Water User Association was developed and this has grown in stature. The work being done by these institutions is investigated by looking at grassroots effects, especially in respect of irrigation activities. The unique water management circumstances of the //Khara Hais Local Municipality are then investigated along with the plans outlined in their Integrated Development Plan {lOP) and their Water Services Development Plane Internal Strategic Perspective (ISP) of(WSDP). Because local irrigation operations consume most of the available surface water in the Lower Orange Water Management Area, irrigation farmers and their activities warrant closer attention. A historical overview is given of the development of irrigation in the region followed by an assessment of the role of two of the most prominent historical figures in Upington, Reverend Adriaan Schroder and Abraham "Holbors" September. Ultimately, however, the focus falls on the current state of irrigation in the area. It is possible to distinguish between the approach of large commercial farming operations and that of smaller irrigation farming units to irrigation. Specific attention is given to the perceptions of irrigation farmers as far as the policies and legislation pertaining to water issues is concerned. This study will hopefully provide the Department of Water and Environmental Affairs(DWEA), //Khara Hais Local Municipality and organised agriculture with some recommendations on efficient integrated water management strategies. It might well be of value to other municipalities who are experiencing similar problems. The aim has been to identify typical problems and potential disputes between water management institutions and relevant role-players. / Thesis (Ph.D. (Public Management and Administration))--North-West University, Vaal Triangle Campus, 2010.

Det finns en allmänt vedertagen uppfattning om att medborgare bör vara trogna sitt land och att i krissituation skydda det samhälle som annars möjliggör för dennes fria liv. Det finns också en uppfattning som menar på att statens tvingande makt är alltför extensiv och att värnplikt inskränker mänskliga fri- och rättigheter. Uppsatsens syfte är att genom en teoretisk diskussion finna premisser och kriterier för när värnplikt kan anses legitimt i en demokratisk stat. För att sedan kunna göra en idékritisk analys av ett empiriskt fall – den svenska värnplikten. Den teoretiska diskussionen tar avstamp från Hobbes teorier om samhällskontraktet, medborgarens skyldighet att strida för staten och dess kontrast till den starka självbevarelsedriften, för att sedan mötas av andra teorier och perspektiv om rättvisa och hur statliga förpliktelser kan rättfärdigas i modern tid. Resultatet av den teoretiska diskussionen och uppsatsens delslutsats finner att värnplikt kan anses legitimt ifall fallet uppfyller bland annat premisserna om att det råder hot mot nationell säkerhet och att det därför krävs ett gemensamt försvar, samt att plikten har en demokratisk förankring och att kriterier, såsom att alla är lika inför lagen och att bestraffning inte får överskrida värdet av plikten, även de uppfylls. Resultatet av den idékritiska analysen av fallet visar att den svenska värnplikten som den nu är utformad uppfyller helt eller delvis de uppsatta premisserna och kriterierna. / There is a generally accepted view that citizens should be loyal to their country and, in a crisis situation, protect the society that otherwise enables their free life. Meanwhile, there is another perception that the state's coercive power is too extensive and that military conscription restricts human freedoms and rights. The purpose of this essay is to find premises and criteria through a theoretical discussion for when military conscription can be considered legitimate in a democratic state. In order to, carry on an idea-critical analysis of an empirical case - the Swedish military conscription. The theoretical discussion is based on Hobbes' theories of the social contract, the civic duty to fight for the state and its contrast to the strong drive for self-preservation, and is later on questioned or added to by other theories and perspectives, regarding justice and how state-enforced obligations can be justified in modern times. The result of the theoretical discussion and the partial conclusion of the thesis finds that conscription can be considered legitimate if the case meets the premises that there is a threat to national security and that a common defence is required, and that the duty has a democratic basis. Additionally, some criterions should also be fulfilled, such as, everyone is equal before the law and that punishment must not exceed the value of the duty.  The result of the idea-critical analysis of the case shows that the Swedish military conscription as it is now designed fully or partially meets the set premises and criteria’s for legitimacy.