Det vi vill undersöka i denna studie är huruvida de nya moderna kommunikationsmetoderna kan hjälpa till att påverka sociala åtgärder som sociala rörelser. Det visar sig att de sociala rörelserna är nära kopplade till användningen av modern kommunikationsteknik såsom exempelvis mobiltelefoni och användning av internet, specifikt sociala nätverkssajter, när vi studerar protesterna som pågår i både Syrien, men även resten av arabvärlden under denna tidsperiod. Detta visades även när vi genomförde våra observationer på webbsidorna som mobiliserar dessa möten. Det resultatet vi fick fram var att de nya kommunikationsmetoderna och den nya utvecklade tekniken har bidragit till de kollektiva åtgärderna mellan individerna, inte minst i Syrien men även resten av arabländerna, om inte resten av hela världen. Dessa tekniska metoder har bidragit till informationsspridningen kring de pågående upploppen i Syrien där de även har fått större möjligheter att organisera, dokumentera, mobilisera och även rekrytera medlemmar till de sociala åtgärderna. De nya sociala rörelserna kunde tidigare anses vara decentraliserade, tillplattade organisationer men som idag har utvecklats till att bli en helhet som utgör ett globalt mönster utifrån de sociala rörelserna som vi studerat i Syrien och arabvärlden.

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Denna studie har undersökt medialiseringen av nätverket Refugees Welcome to Gothenburg. Det har skett genom att identifiera sociala handlingar på en mesonivå för att hitta medieringsprocesser bland dem. Analysen på makronivå (i relation med samhället) har i sin tur visat vilken betydelse medieringsprocesserna har haft för Refugees Welcome to Gothenburg. Urvalet har skett på sociala medier och nätverkets webbsida. Analysen är baserad på ett ramverk av Alice Mattoni och Emiliano Treré (2014) kombinerat med medialiseringsteorier, mer specifikt, Winfried Schulzs (2004) fyra processer inom medialisering tillsammans med José van Dijck och Thomas Poells (2013) medielogik på sociala medier. En kvalitativ textanalys har använts för att kunna studera materialet. Analysen har genomförts på två nivåer, en mesonivå för att hitta de sociala handlingarna och deras medieringsprocesser, och på en makronivå, för att se medialiseringen inom Refugees Welcome to Gothenburg. Resultatet visade att Refugees Welcome to Gothenburg har en stark medialisering, men att de samtidigt är långt från helt medialiserade. Vissa sociala handlingar har inte medialiseras, men har fortfarande haft en sammanslagning (amalgamation) med andra medierade handlingar. Slutligen har studien också påvisat att sociala rörelser bör studeras ytterligare ur ett medieperspektiv, för att förstå funktioner och förändringar inom dem. / This study has examined the mediatization of the social movement Refugees Welcome to Gothenburg. By identifying social practices at a meso level within Refugees Welcome to Gothenburg, mediation processes have been found. The analysis at a macro level (in relation with the society) have then led to the understanding of the mediation processes. The material selection has been made on social media and on the website of Refugees Welcome to Gothenburg. The analysis is based on a conceptual framework by Alice Mattoni and Emiliano Treré (2014), combined with mediatization theories, and more specifically, the four processes of social change within mediatization by Winfried Schulz (2004) together with the media logics in social media by José van Dijck and Thomas Poell (2013). A qualitative text analysis was used in order to study the material. The analysis was performed at two levels, firstly, at a meso level to identify the social practices and the mediation processes, and secondly, at a macro level to find the mediatization of Refugees Welcome to Gothenburg. The results showed that Refugees Welcome to Gothenburg has a strong mediatization, but at the same time, not completely. Some social practices have not been mediated. The non-mediated social practices, however, have shown an amalgamation (joining) with the mediated social practices. Finally, the essay has also shown that social movements should be studied from a media perspective even further, to be able to understand functions and changes within them.

The aim of this study is to analyze the concept of antiracism and explore what characterizes the kind of antiracism that the empirical examples presented in this study represent. The empirical examples are instances of what I call antiracist actors. They are rooted in civil society, but also have strong connections with the government through government funding. The empirical data has been gathered through both qualitative and quantitative methods, mainly in the form of a survey and interviews. In order to explore the antiracist actors I have focused on three themes: (1) the shapes and forms of racism, (2) antiracism as a phenomenon, and (3) antiracism as a social arena. Through these themes I have gathered information about how the antiracist actors interpret their activities and the context in which they are working. On the subject of the shapes and forms of racism, I establish that racism is a concept that is hard to define. The antiracist actors lack a common language regarding racism, which affects the antiracist rhetoric. Regarding antiracism as a phenomenon, I conclude that the antiracist strategies mainly consist of three components: (1) knowledge is used as a strategic instrument internally to strengthen the volunteers, (2) knowledge is spread externally to increase awareness of racism, and (3) the antiracist actors deconstruct racist beliefs when opposing racist opinions. Finally, I research antiracism as a social arena and study civil society and theories about social movements in order to explore organizational aspects of the antiracist actors. Using Alberto Meluccis’ social movement theories, there is some evidence to support the thesis that the antiracist actors could be defined as part of an antiracist movement. However, overall there are stronger arguments to suggest the opposite, mainly since the antiracist actors are not in opposition to one or more adversaries. Instead they work with target groups, sometimes targeting the general public, sometimes specific groups like children in a certain school. The main conclusion from my study in this respect is that the antiracist actors are part of what I call association-driven antiracism. The associationdriven antiracism is characterized by non-violent methods and the antiracist actors do not focus on racist adversaries, instead they work with target groups trying to influence them in an antiracist way. The association-driven antiracism secures its continuity through networks, since many activities are project-based and only last for a limited period of time. Also, the antiracist actors are not representatives of particular political parties, instead they gather around the question at hand, antiracism. The antiracist actors within the association-driven antiracism are in close collaboration with the government and partly finance their activities with government funding. This collaboration can be explained as a positive steering process, the rulers (the government) and those who are ruled (the antiracist actors) agree on an antiracist ideology and work in the same direction.

This study is about seven women’s organizations in Belgrade, Serbia and their relations to domestic and international donors during the period 2003-2006. My main research questions focus on their choices of either domestic or international cooperation partners. How and why did the women organize themselves? What factors were essential when selecting donors? In what ways were the organizations influenced by donors? Through interviews, with organization representatives’ concepts such as gift and reciprocity, power and dependency, trust and mistrust and collective identity emerged.  These concepts were used as points of departure for developing deeper understanding of women organizations’ choice of cooperation partners. The women organizations’ basically had two alternatives for cooperation: cooperation with foreign donors which offered funds, organizational development and social networks. Alternately, cooperation with local donors, which offered the equivalent except for the organizational development. Cooperation with the foreign donor has resulted in more professional attitudes to the work that have been desired by other international donors. A result is that they can compete with other women’s organizations’ for international funding. Cooperation with local donors has led to fewer resources but more independent working practices. For these women organizations’ independence was important so they choose partners who, they felt more respected this allowing them to write articles or discuss gender in the media with little external influence. Regardless of the chosen donor the reciprocity is embedded in the relation between the donor and the receiver of aid, which in various ways is beneficial for both parties.

This study has focused on how the Facebook group #jagärhär has been working on inviting people to participate in the conversation against hate culture online. To examine this, we have conducted qualitative interviews with members and administrators from the group, and made a rhetorical text analysis on posts made in the group. The theoretical concepts used in the analysis are: convergence, participatory culture and democracy, collective intelligence, collective identity and doxa. By using these theoretical concepts, certain strategies in the group could be seen. Some of the most important strategies and tactics that could be seen were that the group had a strict structure - to facilitate engagement and participation - and that there was great focus on being encouraging and motivating in their language. It was also seen that it was important for the group to be visible in traditional media, and to be noticed by public figures - like celebrities - in order to be more visible and to inspire more people to participate / Denna studie har undersökt hur Facebookgruppen #jagärhär har gått till väga för att bjuda in till deltagande i samtalet mot hatkultur online. För att undersöka detta har vi gjort kvalitativa intervjuer med medlemmar och administratörer från gruppen, samt gjort en retorisk textanalys på inlägg som gjorts i gruppen. De teoretiska begrepp som använts i analysen är: konvergens, deltagarkultur och demokrati, kollektiv intelligens, kollektiv identitet och doxa. Genom att använda dessa teoretiska begrepp kunde vissa strategier i gruppen skönjas. Några av de viktigaste strategier och taktiker som kunde ses var att gruppen hade en tydlig struktur - för att underlätta engagemang och deltagande -  och att det var stort fokus på att vara uppmuntrande och motiverande i sitt språk. Det gick även att se att det var viktigt för gruppen att synas mycket i traditionella medier, samt att uppmärksammas av offentliga personer, för att kunna bli mer synliga och kunna inspirera fler till att delta.

Youth organizations in Sweden try to be a reliable part in the political agenda, to change and improve how the politics affect youths. This study aims to clarify how four different youth organizations work with their political questions: from hbtq-perspective and children’s rights to the right to hearing-aid and involvement in questions regarding youths. The method used for the study was both a comparative study of how the organizations work to improve and change the Swedish political agenda for the better, and interviews with the chairpersons of the four youth organizations for a bigger transparency in their methods. The results of this study are that there aren’t any strategy or method to affect and change how the political agenda works. Even though each of the four organizations are successful within their own area of expertise, it’s not always possible to apply the same methods on another organization with another structure.

<p>The purpose of the study is to examine eight individuals’ experiences and conceptions of political consumerism. Main notions in the study are concepts like reshaping of the politics, morality and individualization. The method of choice is qualitative interview and grounded theory. Theories that deal with consumer society, subpolitics and individualization constitute the theoretical framework. These theories lead to obtaining a deeper understanding of what was said in the interviews. Opportunities to improve living and working conditions for producers in the South, is the main reason for the use of political consumption.</p>

The purpose of the study is to examine eight individuals’ experiences and conceptions of political consumerism. Main notions in the study are concepts like reshaping of the politics, morality and individualization. The method of choice is qualitative interview and grounded theory. Theories that deal with consumer society, subpolitics and individualization constitute the theoretical framework. These theories lead to obtaining a deeper understanding of what was said in the interviews. Opportunities to improve living and working conditions for producers in the South, is the main reason for the use of political consumption.

<p><em>The aim of this study is to analyze the concept of antiracism and explore what characterizes the kind of antiracism that the empirical examples presented in this study represent.</em> The empirical examples are instances of what I call antiracist actors. They are rooted in civil society, but also have strong connections with the government through government funding. The empirical data has been gathered through both qualitative and quantitative methods, mainly in the form of a survey and interviews. In order to explore the antiracist actors I have focused on three themes: (1) the shapes and forms of racism, (2) antiracism as a phenomenon, and (3) antiracism as a social arena. Through these themes I have gathered information about how the antiracist actors interpret their activities and the context in which they are working.</p><p>On the subject of the shapes and forms of racism, I establish that racism is a concept that is hard to define. The antiracist actors lack a common language regarding racism, which affects the antiracist rhetoric. Regarding antiracism as a phenomenon, I conclude that the antiracist strategies mainly consist of three components: (1) <em>knowledge is used as a strategic instrument</em> internally to strengthen the volunteers, (2) <em>knowledge is spread</em> externally to increase awareness of racism, and (3) the antiracist actors <em>deconstruct racist beliefs</em> when opposing racist opinions. Finally, I research antiracism as a social arena and study civil society and theories about social movements in order to explore organizational aspects of the antiracist actors. Using Alberto Meluccis’ social movement theories, there is some evidence to support the thesis that the antiracist actors could be defined as part of an antiracist movement. However, overall there are stronger arguments to suggest the opposite, mainly since the antiracist actors are not in opposition to one or more adversaries. Instead they work with target groups, sometimes targeting the general public, sometimes specific groups like children in a certain school.</p><p>The main conclusion from my study in this respect is that the antiracist actors are part of what I call <em>association-driven antiracism</em>. The associationdriven antiracism is <em>characterized by non-violent methods</em> and the antiracist actors do not focus on racist adversaries, instead <em>they work with target groups</em> trying to influence them in an antiracist way. The association-driven antiracism secures its continuity through networks, since many activities are project-based and only last for a limited period of time. Also, the antiracist actors are not representatives <em>of particular political parties</em>, instead they <em>gather around the question at hand, antiracism</em>. The antiracist actors within the association-driven antiracism are in close collaboration with the government and partly finance their activities with government funding. This collaboration can be explained as a <em>positive steering process</em>, the rulers (the government) and those who are ruled (the antiracist actors) agree on an antiracist ideology and work in the same direction.</p>