Sedan 1700-talet har läsarnas medverkan varit en väsentlig del i tidningarnas produktion. Utan deras deltagande har det inte heller blivit någon tidning. En förändring på området skedde när professionaliseringen av publicistrollen blev ett faktum och läsarnas medverkan ifrågasattes. Samhällsförändringar och tekniska utvecklingar har sedan lett fram till det vi har idag: ett samhälle där medieorganisationerna är i allt större behov av att läsarna återigen deltar i olika former. Syftet med studien är därför att undersöka hur journalister och ledning på tre olika lokaltidningar resonerar kring och förhåller sig till användargenererat material, samt vilka möjligheter användarna har att delta. Genom semistrukturerade intervjuer med lokaltidningarnas ansvariga utgivare och två journalister på respektive redaktion har vi fått fram att tidningarna generellt har ett positivt förhållningssätt till användargenererat material. De anser att teknikens utveckling både har hämmat och främjat relationen till läsarna i takt med att olika plattformer har utökat tidningarnas grundläggande publiceringskanal, det vill säga papperstidningen. Informanterna tror på ett ökat samarbete mellan yrkesverksamma journalister och användare i framtiden. De hävdar samtidigt att användarnas material inte får ta allt för stor plats och på så sätt konkurrera ut redaktionsmaterialet. Vidare menar de att yrkesprofessionen och de kunskaper som den omfattar är en av grundpelarna i tidningens funktion och så bör det förbli. I diskussionen använder vi oss av begrepp som offentlighet och deltagande samt resonemang kring det förändrade mediesammanhanget och den journalistiska yrkesprofessionen. / Since the eighteenth century user contribution has been a crucial part of newspaper production. Without the participation from the public there hasn’t been a newspaper at all. The professionalization of the publicist role became the starting point who changed how people valued user contribution. Societal change and the technical development has then led to the society we have today – a place where media organizations find themselves in a greater need for user participation to survive. The purpose of this study is therefore to examine how three local news papers reason about and react to user generated content and also to find out what possibilities the users have to participate. Thru semi structured interviews with the legally responsible publisher for each news paper and two journalists from each editorial staff our result shows that the news papers have a positive attitude towards user generated content in general. The informants say that the technological development have been both an improvement and inhibitory in the relationship to the readers. They believe in an increased cooperation in the future but at the same time emphasize the fact that user generated content can’t be allowed to take too much place and become a rival to the journalistic material. The informants also say that the knowledge they posses thru their journalistic education is the main core in their work as well as in the idea and function of the news paper. That is the way it should remain. We use terms and theories about the public sphere, participation, media convergence and the journalistic profession in our discussion.

隨著資訊通訊技術日漸進步與普及，政府亦開始發展各種線上溝通工具，作為與民眾互動的方式之一，在諸多的電腦中介傳播形式中，線上論壇即為一種值得重視的應用型態。本研究由理性公共論述的角度出發，主要為調查中央政府機關網路論壇的版面運作與討論情形，以及兩者之間的關連。首先檢閱相關文獻以找出本研究定位，再從相關理論中，整理出理性公共論述的內涵和要件，建構出理想網路論壇版面和公共論述的模式，共有五面向，三十五個項目。實證資料蒐集分為兩階段，第一階段採線上檢閱法，檢視所有的中央政府網路論壇版面；第二階段採內容分析法，檢視由第一階段篩選出的部分網路論壇之主題言論，最後彙整兩者的資料結果，並衍生出三個命題，以瞭解兩者之間的關連。 / 研究結果發現，我國目前共有42個中央政府行政機關於網站上設有網路論壇，提供民眾自由發表言論和詢問問題。以網路論壇的版面設計而言，這些論壇都沒有太大的差異。而在政府主動回應上則稍顯不足，目前政府對於論壇言論多是採取選擇性回應或不回應居多。在公眾參與情形方面，整體而言參與討論的熱絡情況差異很大，依據論壇所屬機關涉及的業務和公共議題而有所差別。以主題討論內容來說，雖然討論的質與量，目前仍未形成一真正理想的公共論述空間，但是在幾個專門討論特定公共議題的論壇中，可以看到參與者提出各種不同觀點，以及彼此之間互相溝通辯論的情形。證明網路論壇若作為特定公眾議題的討論園地，它可以是一個辯論空間、傳達意見的場域，讓一個議題很快擴散開來，並使論壇參與者可以從不同的角度去討論它，這就是網路論壇最重要的價值。 / 本研究結果說明了現階段中央政府網路論壇其實仍有值得改進的空間，網路論壇作為政府與民眾的溝通管道，其在公民參與上的效用是不容忽視的，隨著網路通訊科技日漸普及，越來越多人選擇用網路作為陳述意見的管道，故政府實應妥善運用現有的網路論壇機制，作為線上互動的公眾領域，最後，本研究也整理了若干實務建議，提供給政府作為網路論壇經營管理上的參考。 / As the Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) have been progressed and widespread, government agencies begin to develop various kinds of online communicational tools for interacting with people. In many kinds of computer-mediated communications (CMC), the most noteworthy is a network or Internet forum. This study, based on rational theory of public discourse, attempts to investigate the constitution and the discussion on the network forums in Taiwan’s central government, and to explore the relation between the two. After the literature review positioning the study, the author extracted the components of rational theories of public discourse and constructed the indicators for evaluating Internet forums, including 5 dimensions and 35 items. The first stage of data collection is an online review inspecting the Internet forums of the central government agencies. The second stage is analyzing the content of the themes posted on the forums chosen from the first stage. Finally, three propositions were derived to realize the relation between the design and content of the forums as indicated above. / 42 forums of administrative agencies were located to offer the citizens to publish opinions and inquire questions. The reviewed forums show little difference in their design and mechanism. Concerning their management, the agencies reply on a selection basis or even seldom reply. Nevertheless, substantial difference is found on the degree of participation of the forum. Although the quality and quantity on these network forums does not suffice to develop an ideal public argumentation, several forums dedicated to specific public issues have shown plural views from the participants. In sum, the Internet forums of public agencies can carry and diffuse the citizen’s opinion and debate from dierse perspectives. / Accordingly, the results suggest that the Internet forums of government deserve further improvement. As a communicative channel between government and citizens, the benefit of citizen participation is significant. Government should utilize their mechanism properly as the online consultation platform. Finally, this reaerch provides suggestion on management and administration of the public Internet forums.

本論文旨在分析在我國公視建構過程中(1990~2013年)的報紙相關評論與報導。從1915年開始，台灣就有許多透過媒體改革來爭取發言權的運動。然而，直到1990年，公民社會才出現了以產權為目標的媒改運動，亦即1990年代起的公視運動。因此，我們認為公視運動可被視為公民爭取「公共領域」的重要歷程，值得進行深入分析。 其次，本文主張公視這種「公共領域」的建構過程，應以公共對話為基礎。經文獻檢閱，我們認為公媒體與公共領域有以下關聯。以制度面而言，Habermas的晚近公共領域概念強調國家必須透過立法過程來保障溝通行動，這正和公媒體的制度契合。以公共論述判準而言，Habermas的「合理政治意志形成過程」與「理性溝通」則可用來檢視，關於公視制度的討論是否符合公共性。 此外，本文選報紙評論進行分析，不是為了比較各報論述的差異，而是報紙長時間地記載各報社、社運團體成員、學者專家與社會大眾對公視議題的論述，這可讓我們檢視及反思不同階段公視運動的論述目標與特徵。另一方面，我們也檢閱了公視相關的立法院、監察院公報等資料，藉此釐清政府、媒體與公民社會三者的關係。 本研究有以下三點發現。第一，政府政策意圖是引導公視論述的關鍵因素。只有當政府對公視採取較正面態度，公民社會才有機會對公視進行深度的討論。第二，公視議題的主要論述者是報社人員與學院知識份子，其中學知對於公視向來採取支持立場。相對而言，只有在公視處於不利局面時，各報才會較積極地對公視表達支持。第三，當報社與學知對公視議題進行討論，報社較支持「商業化」與「數位化」，學知則較重視「公共理念」。 / This paper aims to analyze newspaper commentary and reports published during the Taiwan Public Television Movement between 1990 and 2013. Since 1915, Taiwan has had a lot of media reform movements that fought for freedom of speech. But there were no media reform movements with the aim of dealing with media ownership until the Taiwan Public Television Movement happened in 1990.We believe that the public television movement was a very important process that structured" public sphere “in Taiwan and is worth an in-depth analysis. As a public sphere, Taiwan Broadcasting System (TBS) should be constructed on the public dialogue. After reviewing the literature, we think that the public media and the public sphere have the following correlations. In terms of institutional designs, Habermas emphasized recently that the state needs to protect the communicative action through the legislative process. We think this is similar to the idea of public television. With regard to public dialogues, Habermas' concepts of “a process model of rational political will-formation” and "rational communication ideal " can be applied to analyze the discourse of Taiwan Public Television. In addition, we analyzed newspaper commentaries, not to compare the differences of representation between newspapers, but to document different kinds of discussions of public television by media, social movement organizations, scholars and the public over a long period of time. Whereby, we can examine and reflect on the discourse goals and characteristics of the Taiwan Public Television movement in different stages. We also reviewed the official gazettes of the Legislative Yuan and the Control Yuan in order to clarify the relationship between the government, the media and civil society. In this paper, we provide readers with three findings. First, the intent of government policy was a key factor in leading the discourse of public television. Only when the government adopted more positive attitudes towards the TBS did civil society have chances for more in-depth discussions. Second, the discussions of TBS were mainly made by newspaper staffs and college intellectuals. Furthermore, college intellectuals had always taken a stand that supported public television. In contrast, only when TBS was in an unfavorable situation did newspaper staffs become more active in offering support. Third, whenever newspaper staffs and college intellectuals participated in the public discussion, the former tended to support the "commercialized" and "digitized" TBS, but the latter were inclined to favor “the ideal of public sphere” of TBS.

This thesis examines and compares newspaper coverage of the first two general elections after Scottish devolution, looking at both the Scottish and English/UK press. By considering the coverage of a major political event which affects both countries, it contributes to debates regarding the performance of the Scottish press within an arguably distinct Scottish public sphere as well as that of the press in England within a post-devolution context. The research is based on a content analysis of all the coverage of the 2001 and 2005 elections in seven Scottish and five English and UK daily morning newspapers, a critical discourse analysis of a sample of the coverage of the most mentioned issues in each campaign and a small set of interviews with Scottish political editors. As a framework for its analysis, this thesis focuses on theories of national identity and deliberative democracy in the media. It finds that the coverage of elections in the two countries has a similar issue agenda, however Scottish newspapers appear less interested in the UK aspect of the elections and include debates on Scottish affairs which are discussed in isolation, within an exclusively Scottish mediated space. These issues are constructed as particularly relevant to a Scottish readership through references to the nation, inclusive modes of address to the reader and the inclusion of exclusively Scottish sources, which contrast with the Scottish coverage of “UK” issues. This distinction between “Scottish” and “UK” topics emerges as the key differentiating factor in the discursive construction of election issues in the Scottish press, rather than that between devolved and reserved issues. Newspapers in England on the other hand, report on the two campaigns without taking into consideration the post-devolution political reality. These core questions are contextualized within the thesis by reference to relevant dimensions of Scottish culture and politics, and interpreted in the light of events since 2005.

Thèse numérisée par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

Cette thèse porte sur les transgressions discursives, esthétiques et sociales de la frontière entre la vie privée et la vie publique effectuées par les créatrices françaises contemporaines Sophie Calle et Annie Ernaux. Dans une perspective féministe qui s’appuie sur les théories du quotidien, la thèse pose les questions suivantes : quelles libertés peut se permettre la femme-artiste ou l’écrivaine aujourd’hui ? Où, comment, et par qui se dessinent les limites éthiques de la création ? À la lumière des représentations souvent stéréotypées de la femme criminelle, le premier chapitre dégage de la réception des œuvres de Calle et d’Ernaux les « crimes » – entre autres, d’obscénité, d’impudeur et d’indécence – dont elles ont été accusées par la critique. Les trois chapitres suivants ciblent les diverses manières subversives et innovatrices dont Calle et Ernaux déjouent les perceptions acceptées de la féminité pour s’assurer la liberté totale en création : elles se construisent en flâneuses maniant la photographie ou l’écriture photographique comme une arme, en amoureuses blessées qui se vengent de leurs amants, et en théoriciennes manipulant les modalités de leur propre inscription dans les canons littéraires et artistiques. Cette thèse analyse au fil des chapitres les échos des œuvres de Calle et d’Ernaux au plan social, insistant sur le rapport fécond qui existe entre l’œuvre d’art et son cadre, interrogeant l’ethos de l’artiste et celui de l’art. Sophie Calle et Annie Ernaux répondent avec force à la nécessité de se positionner autrement face à l’art en tant que femme, notamment, en proposant l’art et l’écriture comme hors la loi. La conclusion étudie dans cette optique le phénomène récent de la « judiciarisation » de l’art. En examinant certains procès intentés depuis 2010 à des artistes, des écrivaines, des commissaires d’exposition et des maisons d’édition françaises, cette thèse questionne finalement les risques et les violences de la représentation tels qu’ils sont désignés par la loi. / This dissertation analyzes how contemporary French artist Sophie Calle and contemporary French writer Annie Ernaux transgress the discursive, aesthetic, and social boundaries between public and private life. Taking a feminist perspective and drawing on theories of everyday life, this dissertation asks: what liberties are the female artist and writer permitted today? Where, how and by whom are the ethical limits of creative practice established? In light of often stereotypical literary and artistic representations of the female criminal, the first chapter examines the accusations of obscenity, shamelessness and indecency levelled against Calle and Ernaux by their critics. The following three chapters identify the diverse, innovative and subversive ways in which Calle and Ernaux question accepted perceptions of femininity in order to seize creative freedom: they assume the distinct and tactical positions of flâneuses, heart-broken women avenging their ex-lovers, and theorists manipulating the reception of their own works. Together, these four chapters trace the artwork’s resonance in the public sphere, insist on the fruitful relationship that exists between a work of art and its frame, and consider the ethos of the artist as well as that of art. Sophie Calle’s and Annie Ernaux’s practices suggest that in order to achieve creative autonomy, art and writing must function outside of the constraints of moral, ethical, social and even civil laws. By examining instances in which artists, writers, curators and publishing houses have been subject to lawsuits in France since 2010, the conclusion of this dissertation studies a recent increase in the litigation of art and outlines some of the limits of representation as defined by the law.

Derived from centuries-old English laws, Australian laws ascribe criminal responsibility to children according to their age and their assumed level of understanding of the rightness and wrongness of certain acts. This project first charts the creation and development of the English and Australian positions. Then, using insights from postmodernity and the idea of deconstruction, the law is critically assessed to reveal practical, theoretical and moral limits in the law's attempt to do justice. The justifiability of the current Australian legal positions is questioned by demonstrating the law's internal inconsistencies, by revealing the law's historical and philosophical preferences, and by contrasting the law's restricted ambit of inquiry with contemporary knowledge from other disciplines including developmental psychology and sociology.

Thesis (MPhil (Journalism))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / Bibliography / ENGLISH ABSTRACT:In a system of representative government, the media is assumed as an important institution to reflect public concerns and holding government accountable for the way in which it addresses these public concerns. Not only is this role imposed by a paradigm which views the media as one of the institutions that sustain and consolidate liberal democracy – the so-called fourth estate alongside the legislative, executive and judicial pillars – but the media itself has conceptualised its identity around the notion that journalists are a “vital part of political life” (Sparks, 1991:58). This study explores the validity of this authority. It suggests that the authority of the media to frame public concerns in a way that is useful for ordinary citizens to “bridge the gap between the private, domestic world and the concerns and activities of the wider society (McQuail, 2005:432)” has been eroded because citizens feel that their concerns and priorities have become secondary to the priorities of powerful state, economic and other “experts” who determine the news agenda. At the same time, there is a general sense that representative government or what is generally known as liberal democracy is losing its currency because citizens have developed a “habit of seeing the political system as indifferent and unresponsive” to their problems and their circumstances (Mathews, 1999:33). This study explores the potential of a more productive relationship between the media and citizens to rekindle and energise the role of citizens to contribute to the public work of solving common problems that face the wider society. This study proposes three theoretical frameworks – democratic professionalism, public journalism and deliberative democracy – with the potential to re-conceptualise the way journalists consider their professional role. This re-conceptualisation raises the possibility for reassessing the political work of journalists and the political work of citizens and build new habits of participation and discussion in the political process of communities. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In 'n stelsel van verteenwoordigende regering, word die media veronderstel as 'n belangrike instelling om publieke kwessies te weërspieël en die regering verantwoordelik te hou vir die wyse waarop dit hierdie publieke kwessies aanspreek. Hierdie rol word veronderstel in 'n denkraamwerk wat die media beskou as een van die instellings wat liberale demokrasie konsolideer as die sogenaamde “vierde pilaar” neffens die wetgewende, uitvoerende en geregtelike gesag. Die role word verder deur die media self gekonseptualiseer as ‘n identiteit rondom die idee dat joernaliste 'n "belangrike deel is van die politieke lewe" (Sparks, 1991:58). Hierdie studie ondersoek die geldigheid van hierdie gesag. Die studie dui daarop dat die media gesag het wat die moontlikheid bied om publieke kwessies aan te spreek op 'n manier wat van nut kan wees vir gewone burgers om die kloof tussen die private, huishoudelike wêreld en die sorg en die aktiwiteite van die breër gemeenskap te oorbrug (McQuail, 2005:432). Die gesag word ondermyn omdat gewone burgers voel hulle belange en prioriteite word sekondêr geag aan die magsbelang van die staat en ander "kenners" wat die nuus agenda bepaal. Terselfdertyd is daar 'n algemene persepsie dat verteenwoordigende die regering, of wat algemeen bekend staan as liberale demokrasie, geldigheid verloor omdat burgers voel dat die politieke stelsel onverskillig reageer op die probleme wat hulle ervaar. Hierdie studie ondersoek die potensiaal van 'n meer werkbare verhouding tussen die media en die burgery om die energie wat burgers in die openbare sfeer kan bydra te ontgin. Hierdie studie stel drie teoretiese raamwerke voor – demokratiese professionaliteit, openbare joernalistiek en beraadslagende demokrasie – wat moontlikhede bied om opnuut oor die professionele rol van joernaliste te besin. Hierdie “besinning” bied weer nuwe moontlikhede vir die politieke werk van joernaliste en die politieke werk van die burgery. Dit veronderstel nuwe gewoontes van deelname en gesprek in openbare politieke proses.

[pt] Este trabalho realiza uma análise dos panfletos manuscritos que circularam pelo Reino do Brasil, particularmente no Rio de Janeiro e em Salvador, entre 1820 e 1823. O movimento constitucionalista, iniciado com a Revolução do Porto em 1820, impulsionou a produção e a circulação de panfletos e periódicos, assim como ampliou as discussões políticas nas duas partes do Império português, permitindo a construção de um espaço público de debate político dissociado do Estado. Nesse espaço, eram discutidas questões relacionadas à elaboração de uma Constituição e ao futuro do Império. Diante da escassez de trabalhos sobre os panfletos manuscritos, esta pesquisa tem como objetivo contribuir para os estudos sobre esses documentos, ressaltando a relevância desse material para a construção de um espaço público e para o desenvolvimento de uma opinião pública. A partir da análise do conteúdo dos manuscritos, procurou-se identificar as principais ideias e conceitos apresentados, compreender as diferentes formas de circulação e apropriação que envolvem esse material, além de ressaltar a importância dos panfletos manuscritos para a compreensão de uma das dimensões do espaço público que estava sendo construído. / [en] This work performs an analysis of the handwritten pamphlets that circulated through the Kingdom of Brazil, particularly in Rio de Janeiro and Salvador, between 1820 and 1823. The Constitutionalist Movement, started with the revolution of Porto in 1820, boosted the production and circulation of pamphlets and periodicals, as well as expanded the political discussions in the two parts of the Portuguese Empire, allowing the construction of a public space for political debate dissociated from the State. In this scenario, there were discussed issues related to the drafting of a Constitution and the future of the Empire. Before the shortage of works on the handwritten pamphlets, this research aims to contribute to the studies on these documents, emphasizing the relevance of this material for the construction of a public space and for the development of public opinion. From the analysis of the content of the handwritten pamphlets, we tried to identify the main ideas and concepts presented, understand the different forms of circulation and appropriation involving this material, as well as highlight the importance of handwritten pamphlets for the understanding of the dimensions of the public space that was being built.

This dissertation thesis titled 'Government Communication in the Czech Republic: Or- ganisation, Perception, and New Theoretical Model' is a seminal, exploratory work which contextualizes and maps the development of government communication in the Czech Republic from its foundation to the present time with a primary research emphasis on the years between 2015 and 2017. Stemming from interdisciplinary theoretical sources within media and communication, public policy, and management scholarship, the thesis rede- fines the way of thinking about government communication. It applies stakeholder theory paradigm by researching government institutions, private sector, and news media as three important actors of government communication. Analysing the organization, perception, and tensions of government communication, the dissertation thesis aims to introduce new theoretical model of government communication and provide the government, private sector, and other societal actors with challenging perspectives on their practices and status quo.