[pt] Este estudo tem como objetivo analisar a importância e o impacto da participação da sociedade civil na governança da região metropolitana do Rio de Janeiro. Para isso foi analisado o Reconstrução-Rio, um projeto de intervenção urbana integrada, desenvolvido durante dez anos, em onze municípios da região metropolitana do Rio de Janeiro. Sugere-se que a prática da cidadania depende da ativação da esfera pública, instância de mediação entre as instituições estatais e os interesses comunitários. E que essa prática é essencial tanto para a legitimação da ação governamental, quanto para a constituição de uma cultura política democrática. O papel da participação cidadã na democratização da esfera pública foi reconstruído analiticamente com base nos estudos de Habermas, Fraser, e Nuria Grau (1988). Especial atenção foi concedida ao estudo dos movimentos sociais, considerados fundamentais para a ampliação da participação na governança do projeto analisado. Finalmente, o planejamento colaborativo foi considerado uma ferramenta fundamental para o incremento da participação e da democratização da esfera estatal. / [en] This study aims to analyze the importance and impact of civil society participation in governance of the metropolitan region of Rio de Janeiro. For this we analyzed the Reconstruction-Rio, a project of integrated urban intervention, developed over ten years in eleven municipalities in the metropolitan region of Rio de Janeiro. It is suggested that the practice of citizenship depends on the activation of the public sphere, a form of mediation between state institutions and community interests. And it also suggests that this practice is essential for both the legitimacy of government action, and for the establishment of a democratic political culture. The role of citizen participation in the democratization of the public sphere was reconstructed analytically based on studies of Habermas, Fraser, and Nuria Grau (1988). Special attention was given to the study of social movements, considered critical to increasing participation in the governance of the analyzed project. Finally, collaborative planning was considered a critical tool to increase the participation and democratization of the state sphere.

This thesis focuses on harmonisation of work and family life of female university graduates at beginning of their careers and at the time when they were taking care of babies up to five years of age. I have chosen this topic not only because it is rather an actual topic but also because I'm personally attached to it. My feminist research analysis is based on the theory of power and knowledge as is it described by Foucault and Butler. I was interested in original families of my communication partners where they grew up and where they adopted their social habits and behaviour. In the light of this social process, I have analysed what powers they had to face in their original families in terms of usage of gender stereotypes based on patriarchal layout of our society and preferential existence of one gender over the other. I have also focused on current families of my communication partners and on power relationships on the basis of which the process of harmonisation of professional and family life of my communication partners takes place, both in their private and public space. I have also analysed how social habits and behaviour gained during their childhood are implemented. It was very important for the interviews and for my feminist research to approach my communication partners as subjects, and...

The main aim of this thesis is to contribute to the enlargement of the knowledge base about the crucial historic period of the -Velvet Revolution‖ and the subsequent transition period. The key sources were interviews with the professional and interest groups of active esoterics, performed using the oral history method. The text is also based on information from The National Archive, the Czech Television archive, the The Archive of Security Forces and relevant literature. Given the specific nature of this topic, this thesis reflects the impact of the new social order in the period after 1989 on the professional and private life of the selected sample of narrators and offers a view on the interaction between the witnesses and the state and the general public. Another aim of this research was to extend the existing knowledge about the esoteric scene in the period after 1989. Nevertheless, it does not aspire to provide a definitive list of various esoteric disciplines in the early transformation period. Additional topics concerning the socialist dictatorship are included to provide a comprehensive overview of the phenomenon. This part analyses the attitude of the communist ideology to esoterism. This thesis also deals with the motivation of the interview subjects leading them to develop this interest...

Diploma thesis Rap Scene as a Public Sphere: How Political Criticism Appears in Czech Rap and How Its Consequences in Public Relations presents Czech rap subculture in the context of traditional and modern approaches to cultural studies. Work deals with Czech rap as a public sphere that has the opportunity to speak to broad fan bases through its content, to establish public discourse and to shape the way of listeners' thinking about public affairs. The diploma thesis focuses on the politicization of rap and politically motivated texts by the authors of the Czech rap scene. The diploma thesis includes content analyzes of selected songs of the Czech rap underground and mainstream scene, which are interpreted with context to approaches to the study of subcultures and pop culture. The research includes in-depth interviews with Czech musicians and analyzes of other media interviews of some authors. The primary goal of the research is to find out the motivation and demotivation of Czech rap artists to enter into a public debate on political issues by their songs. The thesis reveals how Czech rappers understand their own position within the system of the majority society and answers questions about the current form of Czech and global rap music production.

This is a multimodal discourse analytical study about national identity in russian film posters specifically in regards to four themes, posters that demonstrates wars, conflicts, violence or weapons. The aim of the study is to illustrate how national identity is portrayed in russian film posters, in relation to these four above themes from the start of the Soviet union 1922, until the end of the union 1991, plus four years ahead. This is studied by looking at how these four above themes are emphasized during different time periods, how the common history is described during different time periods, which similarities and differences that can be deduced from this, and how the question “who are we as a nation?” can be deduced from the pictures. The study also discusses the problem regarding media and its potential to influence, with a focus on the film media and the film poster, since these mediums have a huge potential to create a certain imagined community. For this reason it becomes important to understand who controls the media, since the one with control also beholds the power to decide what the nation identity should consist of, and how it should be portrayed. The study shows that the national identity in russian film posters is portrayed with a strong interconnection to wars, conflicts, violence and weapons during the whole investigation period, but how these themes are portrayed differs between the early/mid Soviet period and the late/post-Soviet period. The early/mid period puts a focus mainly on a strong patriotism where the soldier and the hero are frequently used motifs, which could be interpreted as motifs that are meant to eliminate questions about death in relation to wars. This could be seen as a result of an autocratic state controlled media. The late/post period instead emphasizes a criticism interconnected with conflicts with a focus on motifs like blood and dead bodies, that could be interpreted as motifs that demonstrate the tragic consequences of a violence. This could instead be seen as a result of a media that has been affected by a public sphere that has opened up, where the citizens are allowed to voice their opinions. The similarities is henceforth that the whole investigation period emphasizes a russian hegemony that puts a focus on the “russian” of the nation. The study recommends further studies in the area, either by investigating more themes in regards to film posters and national identity, or by investigating how another country portrays the national identity or the common history, there amongst war memories, in a media material. / Det här är en multimodal diskursanalytisk studie om gestaltning av nationell identitet i ryska filmaffischer, specifikt kopplat till fyra teman, affischer som gestaltar krig, konflikter, våld eller vapen. Studien har som syfte att illustrera hur nationell identitet uttrycks i ryska filmaffischer, kopplat till dessa fyra ovan teman från Sovjetunionens start 1922, till efter dess fall 1991, och fyra år framåt. Detta studeras genom att titta på hur dessa fyra ovan teman har betonats under olika tidsperioder, hur den gemensamma historieskrivningen har gestaltats under olika tidsperioder, vilka likheter och skillnader som går att utläsa från detta, samt hur frågan om “vem är vi som nation?” kan utläsas ur bilderna. Studien diskuterar även problematiken kring media och dess påverkanspotential i speciellt avseende till filmmediet och filmaffischen, då dessa medium har potential att skapa en viss föreställd gemenskap. Problematiken blir därmed vem som har kontroll över filmmediet, då den som har kontroll är den som besitter makten att bestämma vad nationsidentiteten ska bestå av och hur den ska gestaltas. Studien visar att den nationella identiteten uppvisar en stark koppling till krig, konflikter, våld och vapen under hela undersökningsperioden, men hur dessa teman gestaltas skiljer sig dock åt från tidiga/mitt Sovjettiden till sena/post-Sovjet tiden. Den tidiga/mitt perioden lägger främst fokus på en stark patriotism där soldaten och hjälten är vanligt förekommande motiv, som kan tolkas som motiv som ska eliminera frågor om död i samband med krig. Detta kan vidare tolkas som ett resultat av att en autokratisk stat har kontrollerat media. Den sena/post perioden betonar istället en kritik i samband med konflikter genom ett fokus på motiv som blod och döda kroppar, som kan tolkas demonstrera de tragiska konsekvenserna av ett våld. Detta kan istället tolkas som ett resultat av att media har påverkats av att en offentlig sfär har öppnats upp, där medborgare får lov att uttrycka sina åsikter. Likheterna är dock att hela undersökningsperioden betonar en rysk hegemoni som lägger fokus på det “ryska” i nationen. Studien rekommenderar fortsatt forskning av området, antingen genom att undersöka fler teman kopplat till nationell identitet i filmaffischerna, eller genom undersökning av hur andra länder länder gestaltar den nationella identiteten eller den gemensamma historien, däribland krigsminnen, i ett medialt material.

<p>How does collective action operate in digital space, particularly for those social movements at the cutting edge of technologically innovative contentious politics? This dissertation analyzes activist (and hacktivist) groups engaged in what I call <i>digital contention</i> with state and corporate institutions over the future of Internet policy and governance, or what they see as “the freedom of the Internet.” Based on case studies of the Digital Rights movement and the Anonymous hacktivist collective, I use a combination of computational and qualitative analyses of online texts, along with participant-observation at meetings and protest events, to explore how certain collective action dynamics are changing in digital space. Specifically, these include how movements internally perceive political opportunities and threats, as well as how they construct frames to communicate to external audiences. I find that: 1) Political opportunity is less important than threat for activists in digital contention, which is likely due to the lower costs of collective action; and 2) The digital divide and technological knowledge gap create a barrier to frame resonance which digital activists address either through “strategic inclusiveness” or “communities of anonymity,” both of which encourage diversity among participants while also reifying other inequalities in different ways. These findings have significance for the study of social movements, communication and technology studies, and Internet policy. I argue that they portend changing dynamics that may ultimately affect all forms of collective action, and indeed the balance of power in whole societies, in the future as digital technology continues to spread into every facet of our lives.</p>

The profile the individual creates on social media can be likened to a digital panopticon. How this profilicity has developed is examined by reviewing seven texts concerning the creation of identity. After this, five paradigms emerge that map how profilicity has developed through history and how the profile has become a digital panopticon in a post-political society. The profile thus becomes a tool for strengthening the hegemony that prevails in society. / Profilen individen skapat på sociala medier kan liknas vid ett digitalt panoptikon. Hur denna profilicitet växt fram undersöks genom att sju källor rörande identitetens skapande gås igenom. Efter detta träder fem paradigm fram som kartlägger hur profiliciteten växt fram genom historien och hur profilen kommit att bli ett digitalt panoptikon i det postpolitiska samhället. Profilen blir således ett verktyg för att förstärka den hegemoni som råder i samhället.

The diploma thesis Public sphere in networked society concerns about the relation of public sphere and cyberspace. Cyberspace is defined as new social institution, which is not embodied Habermasian normative ideal of critical public sphere, but in contrary it constitute new forms of inequalities and new forms of fragmentarization and commercialization. Explored are therefore also theories which critically deal with concept of public sphere and better describe the reality of cyberspace. The expansion of Cyberspace and horizontal communication network also relate with transformation of contentious politics. The thesis provides an overview of historical development of new action repertoire of contention - virtual sit-in. As an embodiment of all these societal shifts, which are seen as an elements of change in power balance, is presented Operation Payback orchestrated by hacktivist group Anonymous. Keywords Cyberspace, public sphere, hacktivism, action repertoires, repertoires of contention, virtual sit-in, electronic civil disobedience, Anonymous, Operation Payback

Problemformulering och syfte: Bibliotekets styrning präglas av spänningar mellan ett demokratiskt uppdrag och en ekonomisk förvaltning. Syftet med uppsatsen är att studera motsättningen av folkbibliotekets styrning utifrån denna ideologiska spänning. Metod och teori: Genom kritisk ideologianalys analyseras tre kommuners biblioteksförvaltning; Nacka, Botkyrka och Stockholm, för att därefter belysas utifrån Chantal Mouffes politiska agonism och Jürgen Habermas borgerliga offentlighet.  Material och resultat: Genom studier av kommunernas biblioteksplaner samt dokument för bemötandepolicy framkom det att Nacka kommun främst betonade en ekonomisk förvaltning, medan Botkyrka kommun främst betonade det demokratiska uppdraget och Stockholms stad placerade sig mellan dessa ytterligheter. Kommunernas ideologiska profilering kan betraktas utifrån politisk agonism och borgerlig offentlighet. Slutsatser: Kommunernas ideologiska styrning av biblioteken skiljde sig åt i termer av demokratiskt ansvar, ekonomisk förvaltning samt användarinteraktionen. Samtliga kommuner upprätthåller den liberala konsensusmodellen i olika hög grad vilket sammanfaller med deras koppling till NPM. Fler studier behövs för att utröna kommunala styrdokuments inverkan på biblioteksverksamheten. / Purpose: Library management is influenced by the opposition between democratic values and economic efficency. The purpose of this paper is to examine how the public library is influenced ideologically by this rift. Methodology and theory: Three municipalities, Nacka, Botkyrka and Stockholm are analyzed through critical ideological analysis, and then compared to Chantal Mouffe’s political agonism and Jürgen Habermas bourgeois public sphere. Materials and findings: Through library plans and treatment policys the outcome is that Nacka prioritizes financial stability, Botkyrka democratic values and Stockholm is situated somwhere inbetween. The municipalities ideologies can also be illuminated by theories of political agonism and public sphere by their perception of the public conversation. Implications: The municipal library administrations were separated through their ideological understanding of democratic values, user treatment, and financial management. The municipalities maintained the liberal consensus model to varying degrees, which coincides with their connection to NPM. More research is however needed for understanding the local government and its impact on the public library.

[pt] A proliferação de movimentos sociais que se organizam em uma estrutura dita horizontal vem despertando a imaginação daqueles que questionam as formas atuais de fazer política. Esta tendência suscita a questão de saber até que ponto sujeitos diversos encontram voz em meio a esses grupos e a alegada horizontalidade se concretiza. Visando lançar luz sobre esta questão, esta pesquisa qualitativa interpretativista debruça-se sobre as lutas urbanas contemporâneas, tomando as práticas discursivas de cicloativistas engajados em grupos de debate no Rio de Janeiro como seu objeto micro. A partir da compreensão de que suas reivindicações se encontram atravessadas pelas lutas de grupos minoritários na esfera pública, elege como norte analítico a noção de gênero enquanto performance. Embora diversas assimetrias possam manifestar-se nas interações, o enfoque aqui conferido decorre de observações proporcionadas pelo estudo de campo e pelo contato aproximado aos dados gravados. No intuito de ouvir vozes tradicionalmente marginalizadas, a pesquisa propõe uma escuta (auto)etnográfica, privilegiando narrativas contadas por protagonistas mulheres. A microanálise é dividida em duas lâminas: a primeira centrada na construção do mundo narrado e a segunda nas interações que se desenvolvem no mundo narrativo. Buscando compreender a articulação e a negociação dos significados emergentes, bem como os possíveis diálogos com as contingências macrossociais que posicionam os atores sociais de forma diferenciada nas interações, o estudo se baseia na concepção da prática narrativa enquanto modo de resistência, assim como terreno fértil para a negociação de performances identitárias e o acúmulo de poder simbólico. A partir dessa perspectiva, o percurso analítico busca mapear a navegação pelas dinâmicas de poder em jogo nas interações. As práticas discursivas identificadas indicam que as narradoras desestabilizam concepções essencialistas de gênero, contestando assimetrias convencionais e reivindicando a criação de relações mais simétricas ‒ tanto no nível micro, como na sociedade mais ampla em que buscam efetuar mudanças. Isso posto, a valorização de traços simbolicamente masculinos frisa a linha tênue trilhada pelas narradoras na busca por status, e na evitação de sanções sociais sutis, no contexto de uma cultura pós-feminista. O questionamento de suas performances, a partir da prática de conarração, sinaliza a emergência de disputas tácitas por aprovação, por reconhecimento e pela pauta, saldo do embate entre práticas de resistência e pressupostos generificados conflitantes. As interlocuções multifuncionais das quais seus pares lançam mão: práticas de higiene verbal, alternâncias de código e problematizações, representam eventuais obstáculos à participação significativa na construção de significados e na deliberação da agenda. Simultaneamente, a análise destaca a dinamicidade de valores socioculturais ‒ passíveis de renegociação a partir da prática intersubjetiva de segundas narrativas e a negociação de práticas identitárias atreladas a meios distintos de fazer política, entre as quais os participantes oscilam. Estes entendimentos indicam que a ação discursiva dos ativistas ora desafia noções binárias de gênero, se aproximando do ideal da horizontalidade, ora as reifica, tornando a criação de espaços discursivos mais igualitários objeto de contestação. Desse modo, a pesquisa salienta a urgência de um olhar mais crítico direcionado a interações localmente situadas a fim de fazer avançar uma compreensão mais nuançada da construção da horizontalidade. Assim, será possível identificar eventuais atropelamentos microdiscursivos, arena para resistência; bem como práticas discursivas, potencialmente, fomentadoras da participação ativa de vozes plurais, para que as próprias práticas transformacionais almejadas pelos movimentos sociais possam ser colocadas em ação. / [en] The notion of horizontal organization continues to hold resounding appeal for those in pursuit of fairer societies, disillusioned with archaic models of representation. To an extent, overriding enthusiasm for such a model has led to the concept becoming something of a rallying cry for contemporary activists. Yet further reflection on the role of their own discursive practices in its construction can be scarce on the ground. This qualitative interpretive case study therefore asks to what extent symmetrical relations may materialize discursively within an ostensibly horizontal group, by taking a critical look at the narrative and interactional practices of a group of bicycle advocates, guided by a view of gender as performance. This is based on the understanding that the group s claims over the use of public space are intertwined with the struggles of minority groups in civil society more generally. Though numerous social asymmetries may manifest themselves in such a group s discursive practices, the focus here lies on gendered asymmetries. This choice stems from observations gained during fieldwork, as well as those made possible by audio recordings of face to face debates held in Rio de Janeiro. With the aim of zooming in on these traditionally marginalized voices, data selection prioritized narratives told by women protagonists, as part of what is deemed an (auto)ethnographic listen. Microanalysis of these narratives is split into two layers: the first centered on the construction of the narrated world and the second on the interactions which unfold during the narrative world. In order to further comprehend this process, the analysis draws on constructs of narrative practice as a form of resistance, as well as identity as performance. Such practices are conceived of as fertile terrain for the negotiation of social roles and the accumulation of symbolic power. Such locally produced meaning is understood here as part of the geopolitics of gender on a macro scale, at once informed by and informing such structures. Based on this view, we seek to trace the navigation of power dynamics at play between those whose perceived social identities are understood to be organized hierarchically. The analysis indicates that essentialist notions of gender are destabilized by narrators who contest conventional social asymmetries and lay claim to the creation of more symmetrical relationships, both at the level of micro interaction as well as in wider society in which they seek to effect change. Having said that, the extolling of symbolically masculine traits highlights the fine line which must be negotiated in the quest for status while simultaneously avoiding tacit social sanctions in a postfeminist culture. The questioning of these performances, via conarration, suggests that discursive struggles arise over claims for approval and recognition, which may result from conflicting gendered assumptions brought to bear on the interactions. The deployment of multifunctional discursive phenomenon, such as practices of verbal hygiene, code switching and problematization appears to hinder more significant participation in the construction of meaning as well as agenda setting. At the same time, the analysis highlights the fluidity of sociocultural values, which may be subject to renegotiation via the intersubjective practice of second narratives and the (re)negotiation of identity claims bound up with distinct ways of doing politics, between which the participants oscillate. Such insights suggest the activists linguistic action at once reifies and challenges binary notions of gendered social roles, rendering the creation of fairer discursive spaces fraught with discursive contestation, albeit subtle. This study therefore highlights the need to critically examine locally situated interactions in order to obtain a more nuanced understanding of the construction of horizontality. As a result, it may be possible to identify discursive practices which potentially foster the active participation of less privileged groups. This might then enable the very transformative practice sought out by those engaged in social movements.