This thesis explores alternative ways of staging music in preschool. The ‘preschool subject of music’ is approached as a social and cultural construct that is embedded in discursive negotiations. Participants in the study are 1-3 year-old children and their music pedagogues, working in the preschool on a daily basis. In three studies, the negotiation of a local music ‘didactic identity’ is examined by answering research questions related to three different discursive levels: (i) the micro-level of face-to-face interaction; (ii) the level of pedagogue’s conceptions; and (iii) the political/societal level. Study I examines the participants’ use of semiotic resources in their co-construction of musicking events. By means of micro-analyses of video-recordings it is shown that mobility in the room is essential for the children’s access to instruments and other artefacts, and for their possibility to influence music activities. Other crucial conditions concern the pedagogues’ responsive uptake and improvisatory approach, and that the activities are open to other forms of expression. Study II explores conceptions of the ‘child’ and conceptions of ‘music’ in four music pedagogues’ talk in a group interview. Different conceptions of the ‘child’ are seen to interrelate with certain ontological and functional conceptions of ‘music’ that involve diverse opportunities for children’s (bodily) agency. This analysis is made by means of discursive psychology. Study III examines the music practices from a political and philosophical perspective, using Hannah Arendt’s concept of the ‘public sphere’. This third perspective shows how this preschool’s music practices create a public sphere by seriously putting into practice equality and plurality as values and principles that increase the equality between children and adults. Age power structures are thereby challenged, and the children can be seen as citizens in the ‘here and now’, and not in some distant future when they are grown-ups. Also, the ‘preschool subject of music’ itself becomes a negotiated issue. Implications for preschool practice and preschool teacher education are discussed, and further research is suggested within other educational areas regarding how pedagogues’ interpretations of the concept of ‘children’s participation’ and ‘influence’ impact on specific preschool subjects, such as music. / <p>At the time of the doctoral defense, the following paper was unpublished and had a status as follows: Paper 2: In press.</p>

In this thesis, I analys suburb- and housing planning and interior decoration carried out primarily in Stockholm between the 1930s and the 1950s. Functionalism, the overall concept of the period, has perhaps been interpreted in terms of ideological concepts, interpreted as "democratic" and as a progressive dividing line between the past and the future. I examine how housing and suburban planning in Sweden in the mid-20th century was affected by how housing and town planning related to that period's clear class boundaries and well-defined gender roles. I analyse both rhetoric and physical planning. Whether the architect had explicit ambitions to achieve spatial differentiation of socio-economic categories, how suburban planners dealt with their historical inheritance and the principles about categorisation and spatial separation. I also analyse how ideas of class, gender and spatial differentiation of family members affected the organisation and design of rooms in the housing planning of the mid-20th century. The general conclusion of the thesis as a whole is that ideas about class, sex and familial hierarchy were reflected in functionalist housing and interior decoration. The planned suburbs in Stockholm involved explicit strategies for differentiating population categories in different suburbs. The planned suburbs, which were regarded as paradigmatic cases for the suburban planning of the period, involved explicit strategies for differentiating population categories in different suburbs, a strategy that was concretised in physical suburban planning. Terraced housing in one area, småstugor in another, blocks of flats in a third, detached houses in a fourth. Sociological arguments justified this type of suburban planning. The emotional affinity between neighbours was considered to be better if the neighbours belong to the same socio economic category. Planned homes, which were regarded as paradigmatic cases for the housing planning of this period, involved explicit strategies for differentiating family members into different rooms, distinguishing between private and public rooms within the sphere of the home, a strategy that was concretised in physical housing planning. I analyse how the magazine's editorial content contributed to producing a middle-class housing ideal. A central aspect of modern housing planning and the debate in around 1930 was the launch of the home as an essentially private sphere. The editorial team behind the magazine Hem i Sverige launched the home as a reaction against the idea of the home as essentially a private sphere, with a clear spatial hierarchy and division between different family members, between private and public spheres. I examined the participation of the Nordiska Kompaniet department store in the 1930 Stockholm exhibition. As an influential commercial actor, the store's management had a strategy of combining consumption with both benefit and enjoyment, dreams, pastimes and goal-oriented purchases. The starting point for Nordiska Kompaniet's interior decoration approach was the organisation and content of the upper middle-class home. The drawing rooms, the dining room, the serving area, the homes with clear dividing lines between private and public sphere. Family structures and familial hierarchy were emphasised on the basis of the upper middle-class family's tradition. / Forskarskolan för estetiska vetenskaper

Cette thèse, dans le cadre des Sciences de l'Information et de la Communication, aborde la question de la protection des données personnelles sur l’internet à travers l’étude des discours de quatre acteurs concernés par ce sujet : les entreprises de l’internet, les instances régulatrices, la population française et la presse nationale. L’objectif est de comprendre comment, à travers les discours de chacun de ces acteurs, se dessinent la question du brouillage des sphères privée et publique sur l’internet. C’est une question qui prend de l’ampleur avec le développement de l’internet, notamment avec la multiplication des réseaux socionumériques, qui offrent aux internautes différentes possibilités pour afficher leur extimité. La multiplication des dispositifs de mise en relation interpersonnelle s'accompagne alors d'une nouvelle dialectique contemporaine entre le privé et le public, pas toujours maîtrisée par les personnes concernées.Cette interaction entre le public et le privé induit un déplacement de la frontière qui sépare les deux sphères et peut entraîner certaines dérives de la part des entreprises spécialisées, telles Google ou Facebook, par rapport à l'agrégation des données personnelles des internautes. En effet, les bases de données sont au cœur du système économique de ces entreprises et ont acquis une valeur marchande liée à des enjeux essentiels par rapport à leur fonctionnement. Or, l’utilisation commerciale des ces données n’est pas nécessairement connue par l’utilisateur et peut être réalisée sans son accord, du moins de manière explicite. Ce double questionnement lié au brouillage des sphères privée et publique, c'est-à-dire, premièrement, l’aspect individuel où l’internaute est incité à dévoiler de plus en plus d’éléments personnels, et, deuxièmement, l’aspect lié à la marchandisation des données par les entreprises de l’internet, engendre alors la question de la confidentialité des données et des libertés individuelles. Les instances régulatrices, que ce soit à l’échelle de la France ou de l’Union Européenne, tentent d’apporter des réponses afin de protéger l’internaute en mettant en place des actions concernant le droit à l’oubli ou en poursuivant juridiquement Google, par exemple, lorsque l’entreprise ne se conforme pas aux lois en vigueur sur le territoire concerné.Les différents angles d’approche ainsi que la diversité des acteurs étudiés ont nécessité la constitution d’un corpus multidimentionnel afin d’avoir une approche comparative des différents représentations. Ce corpus comprend à la fois des textes inscrits comme les discours politiques, les discours des instances régulatrices, les discours des entreprises de l’internet, plus spécifiquement Google et Facebook ou les discours de presse qui occupent une position méta-discursive puisqu’ils se font l’écho des discours des acteurs précédemment énoncés. Il comprend aussi des discours oraux constitués d’entretiens spécialement réalisés dans le cadre de cette recherche auprès d’individus pris au hasard de la population française. Une analyse quantitative des discours entre 2010 et 2013, période contemporaine à la thèse, a permis d’effectuer un premier tri et de ne sélectionner que les discours les plus pertinents par rapport à nos hypothèses. L’analyse qualitative qui a suivi a été basée sur le cadre théorique précédemment élaboré afin de croiser les représentations des acteurs à propos des données personnelles et mettre en évidence les différentes visions inhérentes à cette question. / This thesis, in Communication and Information Sciences, raises the question of the internet personal data protection through the discourses analysis of four actors concerned with this subject: internet companies, authorities regulating, French population and national press. The objective is to understand how, through the discourses of each one of these actors, the question of the jamming of the spheres private and public about the Internet takes shape. It is a question which increases with the development of the Internet, in particular with the multiplication of the social digital network, which gives to the Internet users various opportunities to display their privacy. The multiplication of the interpersonal relationship devices connection is then accompanied by a contemporary dialectical between private and public spheres, not always controlled by concerned people.This interaction between private and public leads to a transfert of the border wich separates the two spheres and can involves some drifts on behalf of specialized companies, such Google and Facebook, toward the aggregation of personal data contents. Indeed, databases are central in the economic system of these companies and gained a commercial value. However, the commercial use as of these data is not necessarily known by the user and can be realized without its agreement, at least in an explicit way. This double questioning related to the jamming of the private and public spheres, i.e., firstly, the individual aspect where the Internet user is incited to reveal personal elements more and more, and, secondly, the related aspect with the selling of the data by the Internet companies, then generates the question of the individual freedom and data confidentiality. The regulating authorities, in France or in European Union, try to provide answers in order to protect the Internet users by setting up actions relating to the right to be forgotten or by prosecuting Google, for example, when the company does not conform to the laws in force on the territory concerned. The various angles of incidence as well as the diversity of the studied actors required the constitution of a multidimentional corpus in order to have a comparative approach of the different representations. This corpus includes texts registered like political discourses, regulating authorities speeches, companies of the Internet speeches, specifically Google and Facebook, or press speeches which occupy a meta-discursive position since they repeat speeches of the actors previously stated. It includes also oral speeches made up of talks especially recorded for this research with some persons taken randomly in the French population. A quantitative analysis of the discourses between 2010 and 2013, contemporary period with the thesis, permit to carry out a first sorting and to select only the most relevant speeches compared to our hypothesis. The qualitative analysis which followed was based on the theoretical framework previously elaborate in order to cross the representations of the actors in connection with the personal data and to highlight the various visions about this question.

Esta dissertação toma como ponto de partida o conceito de comunicação pública, ainda em desenvolvimento no Brasil, em diálogo com autores estrangeiros (França, Itália e Colômbia) e nacionais, para destacar, dentre os possíveis agentes de comunicação pública, o próprio Estado, uma vez que este tem o dever de informar (art. 5º, inciso XXXIII da CF) e de dar publicidade a seus atos. Com isso, alia Direito e Sociologia aos estudos da comunicação, em conformidade com dois princípios constitucionais da administração pública brasileira: a publicidade e a impessoalidade (art. 37). Este estudo constata que, a partir da redemocratização brasileira, houve uma transição, no âmbito do Estado, do conceito de \"comunicação governamental\", entendida aqui como aquela voltada à construção da imagem de governos e governantes, para a comunicação pública, que é aquela cujo olhar volta-se aos interesses da coletividade, auxiliando no acesso e conhecimento das políticas públicas, no acompanhamento da aplicação dos recursos públicos e na garantia de maior participação da sociedade nos assuntos do Estado. Assim, a partir de um estudo de caso - a Superintendência do Instituto Nacional de Colonização e Reforma Agrária de São Paulo (Incra-SP) -, a presente dissertação analisa como se deu a relação entre o Estado e a sociedade, no que tange ao direito à informação de posse dos órgãos públicos, principalmente a partir do relacionamento entre a comunicação social do órgão e os media, durante o segundo mandato do presidente Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2007 a 2010). / This dissertation takes as a starting point the concept of public communication, still in development in Brazil, in dialog with foreign (France, Italy and Colombia) and local authors to highlight, among possible agents of public communication, the State itself, once it has the obligation to inform (art. 5º, incise XXXIII of the federal Constitution) and to publicize its acts. In this ally\'s law and sociology to communication studies, according with two constitutional principles of Brazilian public administration: publicity and impersonality (art. 37). This study considers that from the Brazilian re-democratization there was a transition, within the Brazilian State, of the concept of \"governmental communication\" understood here as the one used to build the image of the government and the governors, to the public communication, which is the one who should look over the interests of the collectivity, helping to promote the knowledge and access to governmental programs, following the public investments and granting more social participation in government issues. So, from a case study - the Superintendência do Instituto Nacional de Colonização e Reforma Agrária de São Paulo (Incra-SP) -, the present dissertation analyses how was the relationship between the State and the society, about the right to access information uphold by the public institutions, mainly from the relationship between the institutions social communications office and the media during the second term of the president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva government.

Cette recherché a pour objectif d’analyser le rôle d’internet au Pakistan et plus particulièrement son rôle dans l’émergence de la société civile pakistanaise. L’émergence de cette société civile peut-être vue comme un des facteurs de la politisation et de la démocratisation de la société. La société pakistanaise a besoin d’être éduquée, guidée afin que les principes démocratiques soient mieux connus, plus réels et que le pays s’engage plus fermement dans la voie démocratique. L’intelligentsia est engagée dans ce travail depuis longtemps, utilisant les moyens traditionnels de la communication de masse la presse, la radio et la télévision mais la société civile ne peut se réduire aux élites et notamment aux intellectuels, les autres catégories sociales doivent participer au processus, notamment la classe moyenne. Une des conditions de la démocratisation de la société nous semble devoir passer par un élargissement de la société civile, afin de combler l’écart entre les élites et les catégories les plus modestes de la population. Il faut garder à l’esprit que le Pakistan est gouverné depuis sa création d’une manière oligarchique par les militaires même si quelques gouvernement civils animés par des partis politiques ont aussi existé. Mais peu d’études ont été consacrées à la société civile pakistanaise, les études existantes se sont souvent focalisées sur les questions économiques ou sur la chronologie mouvementée de l’histoire politique du Pakistan. Le rôle des médias au sein de la société civile n’a pas non plus donné lieu à des études. C’est pourquoi nous nous sommes intéressés dans cette thèse à l’émergence de la société civile, à ses liens avec la vie politique et le rôle joué par internet dans la politisation de la société pakistanaise. La situation du Pakistan est sensiblement différente de celles des pays arabes qui viennent juste de connaître le « printemps arabe ». Le Pakistan est un de ces nouveaux pays nés de l’effondrement de l’empire colonial britannique, né après un long combat mené par les leaders politiques pakistanais. Sa première constitution a été élaborée 9 ans après l’indépendance et les premières élections démocratiques ont leu lieu. Il a alors connu 4 coups d’Etat dont le dernier a pris fin en 2008 avec les élections de février et l’abdication du régime militaire en août. En dépit de ces obstacles dans le processus démocratique, le pays s’est toujours mobilisé contre les dictateurs, même si les dictateurs ont cherché à légitimer leur pouvoir en s’appuyant sur des référendums et en cherchant le soutien de la Cour suprême. Depuis sa création, le Pakistan a néanmoins des valeurs et une culture démocratiques à la différence de certains pays du printemps arabes qui n’avaient pas de constitution démocratique, qui ont été gouvernés pas des dictatures ou des régimes monarchiques sans interruption. Au Pakistan, la lutte en faveur de la démocratie n’est pas nouvelle, la société a été familiarisée avec une constitution démocratique, ce qui rend la notion de société civile différente de celles de bon nombre de pays arabes. / In this thesis, the first study of its kind, the role of internet specially that of social networking shared devices on web 2.0 is analyzed in the process of emergence of Public Sphere – the notion introduced by Habermas, and ultimately in the process of democratization of civil society in Pakistan. Lawyers’ Movement (March 2007 – March 2009) of Pakistan is selected to analyze this role as this successful movement for the rule of law in the country is solely responsible for a fundamental democratic change in the democratic culture and socio-political set up of Pakistan by bringing a vibrant and active civil society in the lime light of country’s political and social life.The content in Pakistani press and social communication content in blogs on blog sites during the course of and related to Lawyers’ Movement are analyzed using the technique of content analysis as defined by Lasswell Harold, focusing mainly on the content of communication (said what?) for a qualitative as well as quantitative analysis.The fundamental questions of the emergence of Public Sphere with the help of internet found to be true as it enhances the circle and forum of national public debate to the ones who had not been able to take part in it at the same level via the traditional means of mass communication, confirming the concept of Enhanced Public Sphere with the advent of internet presented by Cardon and also the concept of more participative democracy by Oberdorff by providing a platform to the educated middle class for voicing their opinion and ultimately filling the gap between the common people and intelligentsia of the society and taking active part in democratization of the society. The subsequent findings of the study reveal that there exists a freedom of expression not only on the internet but in the Pakistani press as well, that there is a link between the discussion in the press and in blogs and this discussion is concurrent, that internet has not yet presented itself as an alternate and better source for the flow of information confirming the criticism of Breton on the cult of internet and that the internet is instead behaving as complementary to the traditional media.

This study is a contribution to the limited knowledge of how different types of media content (about Muslims and extremism) posted and shared on Facebook might influence corresponding user comments. Through analyzing the discourse of user comments this study aims to identify how comments might reflect certain characteristics of Islamophobia, and to which themes in Facebook posts commentators relate to the most. The linguistic analysis is guided by the use of critical discourse analysis. For the purpose of this study, three different types of articles/video and the corresponding comments are analyzed. Two of the articles/video that I will analyze are from unreliable media sources, and one of the articles is from a credible media source. The linguistic analysis showed that the majority of commentators expressed that they believe the claims made in the articles/video about Muslims and extremism are true. The discourse analysis further showed, the majority of articles/video and the majority of the analyzed corresponding comments reflected the [in the study] defined characteristics of Islamophobia. My findings confirmed similar studies done in the past.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-04T18:22:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Francisco Carlos Leal Passos.pdf: 3016294 bytes, checksum: 0f02d23e8a437615330cb83ba82e9005 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-06-27 / The contemporany urban expansion, particularly examined here in southeastern Brazil, has advanced and consolidated in the last decades as a new model of occupation and articulation of metropolitan territories and is band envelope. This new scenario scattered, fragmented, and multinucleated, is structured by large displacement axes expressed and functional conurbations, new communication technologies, transportation information, new ways of individualized production and consumption which emerge deep changes in relationships and daily dynamics af their populations, and in their spheres of public and private life. This paper attempts from the case study of the municipality of Atibaia, to the edge of the metropolitan areas of S?o Paulo and Campinas, contribute to a reflection on hemogenic movements interwoven in this new model of expansion and occupation, and their reflections in a municipality smaller inserted in that system, in what refers in particular to their daily dynamics and way of life. The paper also proposes a reflection on the issues that relativize the feeling of belonging and indentity as potential engines of strengthening the sphere of public life and the rebuilding of a city more democratic in order to expand the knowledge of urbanism in the direction of deepening the understanding the complexities of contemporary urbanization processes. / A expans?o urbana contempor?nea, analisada aqui particularmente na regi?o Sudeste do Brasil, tem avan?ado e si consolidado nas ?ltimas d?cadas como um novo modelo de ocupa??o e articula??o dos territ?rios metropolitanos e sua faixa envolt?ria. Este novo cen?rio disperso, fragmentado, e polinucleado, ? estruturado por grandes eixos expressos de deslocamento e conurba??es funcionais, novas tecnologias e comunica??o, transporte de informa??o, novas pr?ticas de produ??o e consulmo individualizadas de onde emergem profundas altera??es nas rela??es e din?micas cotidianas de suas popula??es, assim como em suas esferas de vida p?blica e privada. Este trabalho procura a partir do estudo de caso do Munic?pio da Est?ncia de Atibaia, ? borda das Regi?es Metropolitanas de S?o Paulo e Campinas, contribuir com uma reflex?o acerca dos movimentos hegem?nicos imbricados nesse novo modelo de expans?o e ocupa??o, e seus relexos em um Munic?pio de menor porte inserido nesse sistema, naquilo que se refere, em especial, ?s suas din?micas cotidianas e vivenciais. O trabalho prop?e ainda uma reflex?o sobre as quest?es que relativizam o sentimento de pertencimento e identidade como poss?veis motores do fortalecimento da esfera da vida p?blica, a fim de ampliar o conhecimento do urbanismo na dire??o do aprofundamento do entendimento das complexidades dos processos de urbaniza??o contempor?neos.

O presente artigo tem como objeto o Conselho de Desenvolvimento Econômico e Social do Rio Grande do Sul – CDES RS – e a representação da sociedade civil na sua composição, particularmente, o processo de escolha dos conselheiros. O estudo analisa as condições políticas, sociais e históricas para formação do Conselho de Desenvolvimento e as possibilidades dessa nova experiência de diálogo e concertação social através de um espaço público institucional. Estabelece ainda uma análise do processo de escolha dos conselheiros para formação do CDES RS em relação ao debate sobre a institucionalização da sociedade civil em processos de democratização, controle social e transparência da gestão pública. Entre os aspectos trabalhados destacam-se os esforços de concertação político-social que foram realizados por parte da sociedade gaúcha e de diferentes governos estaduais ao longo do tempo, especialmente, a partir da segunda metade do século XX; os processos de organização institucional de espaços públicos e de integração entre Estado e sociedade civil. / This article has as its object the Council of Economic and Social Development in Rio Grande do Sul - RS CDES - and the representation of civil society in its composition, particularly the process of choosing advisors. The study analyzes the political, social and historical formation of the Council for Development and the possibilities of this new experience of social dialogue and consensus through a public institution. It also establishes a process analysis of choice of advisors for the formation of RS CDES regarding the debate on the institutionalization of civil society in democratization processes, social control and transparency in public management. Among the issues worked out the efforts of political and social agreement has been made by the gaucho society and different state governments over time, especially from the second half of the twentieth century, the processes of institutional spaces public and integration between state and civil society.

Em meio às manifestações sociais crescentes, as insuficiências das democracias representativas em recepcionar e fluir as expectativas sociais, e estados nacionais fracos e subordinados aos mercados financeiros globais, novas institucionalidades democráticas interrogam as democracias existentes. Coerente com estas questões, a tese desenvolvida neste estudo propõe que o tamanho do desafio exige mais democracia, não menos. A ampliação dos modelos de democracia participativa, combinados em um sistema que integre participação cidadã, democratização da gestão e interação em redes, alargam o modelo representativo e garantem novos canais de comunicação entre sociedade e Estado. São alternativas disponíveis às democracias. Dentre elas, interessa verificar as condições para a validade de processos de concertação social em arranjos de ampla representação societal. O modelo referenciado na teoria habermasiana transporta a esfera pública e a estrutura comunicacional original adequando-as conceitualmente ao espaço público institucional e à concertação social, respectivamente. Durante os quatro anos de existência do Conselho de Desenvolvimento Econômico e Social do Rio Grande do Sul (CDES RS) quase duzentas propostas elaboradas por noventa conselheiros e conselheiras da sociedade civil e dez do governo, a partir de um processo dialógico e colaborativo, foram tratadas e encaminhadas pelo executivo estadual. O resultado foi possível, conforme o estudo, por uma série não exaustiva de condicionantes para a validade da concertação social, um conjunto reconhecível e executável de políticas e práticas democráticas. Todavia, defende, ainda, a diversificação dos arranjos institucionais participativos como formas complementares de democracia, multifacetada e transversalizada, para sociedades complexas fruto das novas formas de acumulação capitalista e da transformação dos sujeitos no mundo do trabalho. / In the midst of growing social manifestations, the inadequacies of representative democracies in welcoming and flowing social expectations, and weak national states subordinated to global financial markets, new democratic institutions question the existing democracies. Coherent with these questions, the thesis developed in this study proposes that the size of the challenge requires more democracy, not less. The expansion of participative democracy models, combined in a system that integrates citizen participation, democratization of management and interaction in networks, broadens the representative model and guarantees new channels of communication between society and State. They are alternatives available to democracies. Among them, it is important to verify the conditions for validity of social concertation processes in arrangements of broad societal representation. The model referenced in the Habermasian theory transports the public sphere and the original communicational structure, adapting them conceptually to the public institutional space and the social conciliation, respectively. During the four years of existence of the Social and Economic Development Council of Rio Grande do Sul (CDES RS), almost two hundred proposals prepared by ninety councilors and councilors of civil society and ten of the government, from a dialogical and collaborative process, were treated And forwarded by the state executive. The result was, according to the study, a nonexhaustive set of constraints to the validity of social concertation, a recognizable and enforceable set of democratic policies and practices. However, it also defends the diversification of participatory institutional arrangements as complementary forms of democracy, multifaceted and cross-cutting, for complex societies resulting from new forms of capitalist accumulation and the transformation of subjects into the world of work.

為了更進一步地了解「公共性問題」﹐本文將「公共性」的探究嵌入歷史脈絡之中﹐概略地從古希臘談到十八世紀的歐洲。在「公共性」的考源過程中﹐我們可以發現﹐「公共性」與「啟蒙」､「超越性」的理念一直有著相當密切的關連。透過這段歷史的考源﹐我們可以更進一步地掌握「公共性」的本質與內含於其中的啟蒙潛能。 　　其次﹐為了理解現代「公共性」所展現出的弔詭面貌﹐本文將試圖挖掘潛藏在「公共性」之下的社會變遷﹐也就是所謂的「現代性」(modernity)的發展歷程。從西元十五世紀開始﹐「現代」(modern)的序幕開始揭起﹐一個嶄新的時代於是降生。在這段歷史時期之中﹐我們可以觀察到它的獨特形貌﹐這些獨特的政治､經濟､社會與文化的形構就是所謂的「現代性」。一般說來﹐「現代性」的形構包括了資本主義的興起､民族國家的出現､神話世界觀的解除魔咒､社會運作邏輯的理性化､人類主體性的揚昇等等。值得注意的是﹐「現代性」的發展是一種從西方蔓延到全球的過程﹐「現代性」的發展逐漸成為西方文化的「全球化」(globalization)﹐所以有人直接稱呼「現代化」就是「西化」。在「現代性」的發展之下﹐我們可以發現「公共性」此一範疇的爆炸性擴張。此外﹐我們也可以抽繹出「現代性」的內在邏輯─人類主體性的確立與社會的理性化。由於這兩套現代性邏輯的過度擴張造成了「公共性」的弔詭面貌─「公共性的暴力」與「缺乏回應能力的公眾」。 　　關於「公共性」的弔詭面貌與扭曲發展的解決方案﹐哈伯瑪斯的理論建構是一套值得加以討論的典範。他試圖從相互主體性與溝通理性的重建上﹐尋求一個合理性的公共生活的出路。最後﹐本文的結論將會做一個總結性的批評與討論。