Following the signature of the Millennium Declaration in 2000, and of the Lisbon treaty in 2009, the EU developed a key-role role on the international stage notably through the development of the CSFP and its HR representative, Federica Mogherini. While the EU reinforced its security policies, its involvement in developing countries increased as well. Higher requirements toward its foreign partners are expected, notably regarding the implementation of democratic principles. The EUROMED partnership, through which Tunisia is bound to the EU´s financial support and socio-economic goals, deploys a wide range of democracy promotion instruments. This research looks at the meanings of democracy in the context of the EU-Tunisian partnership through a transversal discursive analysis based on the work of Chaban & Holland, the foucauldian normative theory and the criteria for an ideal democracy from Dahl and Habermas. The analysis compares two layers of democratic discourses: the official one, from the EU and the Tunisian government; and the civil society level, from NGOs, journalists and activist bloggers. The aim of the study being to look at the possible mismatch between democratic discourse and democratic realities, resulting in a transformation of the democracy definition. The findings show discrepancies between the EU´s institutionalized democratic discourse, the Tunisian governments newly democratic discourse based on familial and religious values, and finally a Tunisian civil society distanced from political life, but speaking the "parrhesian" truth of Foucault and appearing as the last authentic layer of authentic democracy.

The present thesis uses methods of Critical Discourse Analysis to examine 16 front-page newspaper articles, from The New York Times and The Washington Post, covering progressive presidential candidate Bernie Sanders during the 2015 “invisible primary”. In particular, this thesis investigates how Sanders and his supporters were represented, linguistically and visually, and whether these representations – formulated as “interpretive frames” – appear more legitimizing or delegitimizing. In the crucial prevoting period of the invisible primary, the media largely have the power to construct the identity of relatively unknown candidates, such as Sanders, in the minds of the national public. The 2015/16 election season occurred against the backdrop of extreme levels of economic inequality and related societal ills, which have arguably arisen from four decades of neoliberal policies implemented by successive American presidents from both major political parties.The findings of the analysis appear to confirm a concerning pattern of largely delegitimizing US media coverage (or omission) of progressive political candidates and social movements going back several decades. In the articles analysed, Sanders was represented using interpretive frames casting him as an extreme leftist, angry and impersonal, or marginal and old. Only one major interpretive frame – representing him as a skilful, pragmatic politician – appeared legitimizing. Similarly, Sanders’ supporters were largely framed as activists, excitable fans, or divided into narrow identity categories (e.g. “white liberals”) that appear delegitimizing when considered opposite the shared economic struggles that many of them likely face. Given the liberal reputation of The New York Times and moderate image of The Washington Post, the results raise further doubts about the ideological diversity of the mainstream American public sphere.

This study focuses on trying to understand the attitudes of people born in the 1940’s concerning their view on social media. This 1940’s group has been growing on the social networks such as Facebook, but their usage is not active. Therefore, the purpose of this report is to understand in what way they are affected by the using of these platforms. The theories that have been applied to this report is Habermas theory of the Public sphere and democracy, McLuhan's theory of Medium is the message and the theory of the Digital divide. These theories have been used to create an understanding of the results that emerged during the study.  A Qualitative method was used to collect information, and through this Qualitative interviews were used. The interviews resulted in three themes, which was democracy in social media, risks and possibilities in the social and the digital divide. The result showed that the group felt left out because of their lack of skills when it comes to technology. It also showed that the lack of skills has caused a negative effect since the users rather seek information than sharing their own, which was a result of their lacking skills. This result was linked to the theory of the Digital divide and McLuhan's theory of Medium is the message. When the democracy aspect was analysed, it showed that they did not trust information shared on social media.   The risks that were detected by the interviewed group was for example identity theft and stress related illness that were caused by social media. The possibilities were for example the fact that it is possible to talk to someone in another country on social media despite time differences and borders and to maintain relationships with distant relatives. These results were used to analyze the consequences further and to have a deeper discussion about the subject. For example the lack of skills lead to that this group do not have the possibility to share their thoughts and counteract stereotypes. / Denna studie har fokuserat på att försöka förstå attityderna hos de människor som är födda på 1940-talet. Gruppen ifråga har vuxit starkt på sociala medier så som Facebook och syftet med denna studie är att förstå på vilket sätt de påverkas när de använder dessa plattformar. De teorier som har använts i studien är Habermas om borgerlig offentlighet och demokrati, McLuhans teori om att mediet är budskapet och teorin om den digitala klyftan. Dessa teorier har använts för att skapa en förståelse för de resultat som framkommit under studien.   Kvalitativa intervjuer har använts för att samla in information där kön och bakgrund blandats hos de olika individerna som har intervjuats. Intervjuerna resulterade i tre teman vilka var demokrati på sociala medier, risker och möjligheter i sociala medier och den digitala klyftan. Resultaten visade att gruppen kände sig utanför på grund av sin bristande skicklighet när det gäller teknologi. De visade också att bristen på skicklighet hade negativa effekter eftersom användarna hellre sökte information än att dela med sig av sin egen, vilket var resultatet av deras bristande skicklighet.   Den digitala klyftan användes för att användarna var en del av klyftan och mediet är budskapet användes för att de inte använde alla funktioner som sociala medier erbjöd, eftersom de inte hade färdigheten. När den demokratiska aspekten analyserades framkom det att de inte litade på informationen på sociala medier. Riskerna som framkom under intervjuerna var exempelvis identitetskapningar och stressrelaterade sjukdomar, som orsakades av sjukdomar. Möjligheterna var exempelvis att man kan prata med någon i ett annat land på sociala medier, oberoende av tidsskillnader och nationsgränser samt att bibehålla relationer med avlägsna släktingar. Dessa resultat användes för att analysera konsekvenserna ännu ett steg, för att ha en djupare diskussion om ämnet. Exempelvis leder bristande på kunskapen till att gruppen inte har möjlighet att dela med sig av sina tankar och att motverka stereotyper.Carls

[pt] A presente pesquisa propõe analisar a construção dos meios de reapropriação e gestão coletiva do espaço público da cidade do Rio de Janeiro através do coletivo de arte Opavivará!. O grupo Opavivará!, criado em 2003 por artistas cariocas, é um coletivo de arte que desenvolve ações em locais públicos da cidade, galerias e instituições culturais, propondo inversões dos modos de ocupação do espaço urbano, através da criação de dispositivos relacionais que sugerem experiências coletivas, participando também ativamente no panorama das artes contemporâneas. Opavivará! é um grito pela arte livre e crítica.. O grupo, especificamente, produz uma arte que queira explorar contextos não institucionalizados de interesse estético e propor uma estratégia de ocupação do espaço. Diante da racionalidade estratégica e mercadológica do ordenamento territorial hegemônico, o processo de segregação social pautado na propriedade privada do solo se consolidou como uma tendência geral nas cidades. E o espaço público, inserido nesta lógica de privatização, é espaço para transformações contemporâneas da cidade se realizam em sintonia com a ordem dominante. São mudanças protagonizadas por agentes que questionam os imperativos do Estado neoliberal ao reivindicar o direito de usar e ocupar a cidade de modo autônomo. Sob esta perspectiva, nos últimos anos multiplicaram-se os ensaios de gestão coletiva do espaço público carioca através da arte pública. Novos grupos artísticos, tais como o Opavivará!, são iniciativas que mostram múltiplas alternativas e possibilidades para a vida urbana. / [en] This research aims to analyze the construction of means for the reappropriation and collective management of public space in the city of Rio de Janeiro through the Opavivará! art collective. The Opavivará! group, created in 2003 by artists from Rio de Janeiro, is an art collective that carries out actions in public locations of the city, galleries, and cultural institutions, proposing inversions of the modes of urban space occupation through the creation of relational devices that suggest collective experiences, actively participating in the panorama of contemporary arts. Opavivará! is a cry for free and critical art. The group specifically produces art that aims to explore non-institutionalized contexts of aesthetic interest and propose a strategy of space occupation. Faced with the strategic and market-driven rationality of hegemonic territorial ordering, the process of social segregation based on private property ownership has become a general trend in cities. And public space, inserted into this logic of privatization, becomes a space where contemporary transformations of the city take place in tune with the dominant order. These changes are led by agents who question the imperatives of the neoliberal State by claiming the right to use and occupy the city autonomously. From this perspective, in recent years, there has been a multiplication of attempts at collective management of public space in Rio de Janeiro through public art. New artistic groups, such as Opavivará!, are initiatives that show multiple alternatives and possibilities for urban life.

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This thesis explores the manner in which political-economic forces born of democratisation have shaped media developments in Zambia, affected the welfare of journalists and the viability of the state owned press epitomised by the Times Newspapers. The aim is to inform the privatisation policy discourse. Using a political economy analysis, the thesis unveils the historical intimacy between nationalist administrations and multinational business elites and how these forces - often working in collusion - influenced patterns of media ownership, inhibited labour rights and controlled communicative activity – indicative of how the state and markets can constrain freedom of expression and association, despite democratisation. The thesis contends that the uncertainty of neo-patrimonial conditions that characterised the post colonial era has not dissipated to a great extent and continues to undermine media and institutional reform in today’s liberally inclined Zambia. Pervasive clientelism has also compromised popular perceptions of state media systems, subverting competitiveness and the propagandist function of the Times Newspapers in the liberalised market, a point empirically illustrated through the analysis of market and public opinion data. / Communication Science / D. Litt. et Phil. (Communication)

本研究以台大批踢踢實業坊（PTT）政治類看板為例，企圖評估電子布告欄（BBS）系統是否為承載政治意見的理想論域。 在文獻探討的過程中可知，「政治參與」對於民主發展至為重要，而其中透過網際網路進行的政治意見表達，在數位時代來臨後的重要性與日俱增。因此本研究以哈伯瑪斯的公共領域與溝通行動理論為核心，建立「理想意見論域」的三項標準：開放性、公共性、理性。並據此三項標準，對研究場域PTT政治類看板進行評估。 本研究以量化的內容分析法為主，輔以直接觀察，對研究場域及其中政治意見的性質，進行客觀的描述與分析。研究結果發現，PTT政治類看板進入和參與的門檻低、互動熱絡頻繁、討論規範也並未限制理性發言空間，在「開放性」上表現佳；至於「公共性」的部分，在討論規範與看板管理者的約束下，討論的議題多能與公共事務相關；然而在「理性」面向上，論證嚴謹程度普遍不足，亦僅有半數的發言能完全保持冷靜平和。 另外，在把政治意見的各項性質進行交叉分析後，可歸納出「理想網路論域」中的「理想政治意見」，應該具有的條件包括：沒有明顯的政黨傾向、篇幅充實、切合討論主題、以事實陳述輔助個人意見、不純粹批評而是褒貶參半或持平而論、情緒冷靜平和、論證深入而嚴謹等。

Thèse numérisée par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.

Après avoir établi les bases méthodologiques de cette recherche, nous avons débuté notre réflexion en inscrivant la problématique du port des signes religieux dans l’espace public dans le débat qui perdure entre les perspectives différentialiste et universaliste au niveau de l’application des droits à l’égalité. Par la suite, nous effectuons un survol des cadres conceptuels appropriés à l’analyse du sujet: le libéralisme classique et le républicanisme qui se rapportent à la vision universaliste. Les divers types de féminisme juridique, la théorie de l’intersectionnalité, l’approche communautarienne, le libéralisme repensé de Kymlicka et les valeurs relatives au droit à l’égalité de Sandra Fredman qui se rangent sous la houlette de la philosophie différentialiste. Par la suite, le libéralisme repensé de Kymlicka et les valeurs relatives au droit à l’égalité de Fredman sont identifiés comme étant les cadres les plus appropriés à l’analyse du sujet à l’étude. Dans cette même optique, notre examen du droit international nous a permis de démontrer que pendant que le droit européen se range davantage dans la perspective universaliste au niveau de l’examen du droit à la liberté de religion, tel n’est pas le cas pour le droit onusien qui se joint timidement à la vision différentialiste et donc, du libéralisme repensé de Kymlicka et de la perspective des droits à l’égalité de Fredman. Au niveau des systèmes juridiques des États-Unis, du Canada, de la France et de la Suisse, nous avons vu une application intermittente des deux perspectives dépendant du domaine d’activité en cause. Cependant, le Canada est ressorti de notre analyse comme étant celle ayant une approche plus axée sur la vision différentialiste en raison de sa neutralité inclusive ou bienveillante qui accorde une grande place à l’inclusion et à l’égalité réelle de ces nationaux. / After establishing the methodological foundations of this study, we began our reflection by examining the issue of wearing religious symbols in the public sphere within the context of the debate between differentialist and universalist perspectives in the application of equality rights. Afterwards, we conducted an overview of conceptual frameworks related to the analysis of the subject: classical liberalism and republicanism from a universalist vision, diverse types of legal feminism, the theory of intersectionality, the communitarian approach, Kymlicka's renewed liberalism and the values related to Sandra Fredman's equality of law that are aligned within differentialist philosophy. We subsequently identified Kymlicka's renewed liberalism and the values related to Fredman's equality of law as being the most appropriate framework for the analysis of the subject under study. Our study of international law allowed us to demonstrate that while European law tends to apply the universalist perspective in the application of rights to freedom of religion, this is not the case with United Nations law that adheres to a differentialist vision, and thus of Kymlicka's renewed liberalism and of Fredman's equality perspective. With respect to the judicial systems of the United States, Canada, France and Switzerland, we found an intermittent application of both perspectives depending upon the domain of activity. However, Canada stood out in our analysis as having an approach more focussed on the differentialist vision as a result of its inclusive neutrality that focuses on the notions of inclusion and substantive equality for its nationals.

Cette thèse porte sur les transgressions discursives, esthétiques et sociales de la frontière entre la vie privée et la vie publique effectuées par les créatrices françaises contemporaines Sophie Calle et Annie Ernaux. Dans une perspective féministe qui s’appuie sur les théories du quotidien, la thèse pose les questions suivantes : quelles libertés peut se permettre la femme-artiste ou l’écrivaine aujourd’hui ? Où, comment, et par qui se dessinent les limites éthiques de la création ? À la lumière des représentations souvent stéréotypées de la femme criminelle, le premier chapitre dégage de la réception des œuvres de Calle et d’Ernaux les « crimes » – entre autres, d’obscénité, d’impudeur et d’indécence – dont elles ont été accusées par la critique. Les trois chapitres suivants ciblent les diverses manières subversives et innovatrices dont Calle et Ernaux déjouent les perceptions acceptées de la féminité pour s’assurer la liberté totale en création : elles se construisent en flâneuses maniant la photographie ou l’écriture photographique comme une arme, en amoureuses blessées qui se vengent de leurs amants, et en théoriciennes manipulant les modalités de leur propre inscription dans les canons littéraires et artistiques. Cette thèse analyse au fil des chapitres les échos des œuvres de Calle et d’Ernaux au plan social, insistant sur le rapport fécond qui existe entre l’œuvre d’art et son cadre, interrogeant l’ethos de l’artiste et celui de l’art. Sophie Calle et Annie Ernaux répondent avec force à la nécessité de se positionner autrement face à l’art en tant que femme, notamment, en proposant l’art et l’écriture comme hors la loi. La conclusion étudie dans cette optique le phénomène récent de la « judiciarisation » de l’art. En examinant certains procès intentés depuis 2010 à des artistes, des écrivaines, des commissaires d’exposition et des maisons d’édition françaises, cette thèse questionne finalement les risques et les violences de la représentation tels qu’ils sont désignés par la loi. / This dissertation analyzes how contemporary French artist Sophie Calle and contemporary French writer Annie Ernaux transgress the discursive, aesthetic, and social boundaries between public and private life. Taking a feminist perspective and drawing on theories of everyday life, this dissertation asks: what liberties are the female artist and writer permitted today? Where, how and by whom are the ethical limits of creative practice established? In light of often stereotypical literary and artistic representations of the female criminal, the first chapter examines the accusations of obscenity, shamelessness and indecency levelled against Calle and Ernaux by their critics. The following three chapters identify the diverse, innovative and subversive ways in which Calle and Ernaux question accepted perceptions of femininity in order to seize creative freedom: they assume the distinct and tactical positions of flâneuses, heart-broken women avenging their ex-lovers, and theorists manipulating the reception of their own works. Together, these four chapters trace the artwork’s resonance in the public sphere, insist on the fruitful relationship that exists between a work of art and its frame, and consider the ethos of the artist as well as that of art. Sophie Calle’s and Annie Ernaux’s practices suggest that in order to achieve creative autonomy, art and writing must function outside of the constraints of moral, ethical, social and even civil laws. By examining instances in which artists, writers, curators and publishing houses have been subject to lawsuits in France since 2010, the conclusion of this dissertation studies a recent increase in the litigation of art and outlines some of the limits of representation as defined by the law.