[pt] O presente estudo busca analisar os contornos jurídicos e políticos das comissões de verdade, a fim de apontar as promessas, as potencialidades e os limites desse mecanismo da justiça de transição. O objetivo mais amplo deste trabalho consiste em situar as comissões de verdade no interior das relações, contemporaneamente reconfiguradas, entre a verdade, o direito e a memória. Trata-se de refletir criticamente sobre a maneira em que, no interior de tais mecanismos, a violência (sobretudo no que diz respeito à violência política e à violência de Estado) é compreendida, investigada e nomeada. A hipótese central desta pesquisa sustenta que o regime de construção de verdades no interior das comissões de verdade — em sua relação complexa, contraditória e ambígua com os direitos humanos, a história e a memória — mantém um vínculo indissociável com o processo de escrita oficial (seus contornos, lacunas e silêncios) da violência. Longe de constituírem uma solução neutra ou acabada para os problemas decorrentes dos legados de graves violações de direitos humanos, comissões de verdade são, acima de tudo, um espaço de conflito entre diferentes memórias e de disputas pelos significados e sentidos do passado violento. A experiência da Comissão Nacional da Verdade do Brasil é abordada, ao final, como caso referência para o estudo das comissões de verdade (e mais amplamente para o estudo da justiça de transição), capaz de trazer relevantes aportes à análise destes mecanismos de justiça. / [en] The present study aims to understand the legal and political contours of truth commissions, in order to examine the promises, the potentialities and the limits of this mechanism of transitional justice. The broadest goal of this work is to situate truth commissions within contemporary relationships stablished between truth, law and memory. It seeks to critically reflect about the ways in which these new mechanisms of justice affect our way of naming and understanding forms of violence (especially state-sponsored violence). The central hypothesis holds that the regime of truth-making within truth commissions — in its complex, contradictory and ambiguous relationship with law, history, and memory — maintains an inseparable link with the process of official writing of violence (its outlines, gaps and silences). Indeed, far from constituting a neutral or finished solution for the legacies of grave human rights violations, truth commissions are, above all, a space of conflict between different memories and a space of dispute of the meanings granted to the past of violence. The experience of the Brazilian National Truth Commission is finally addressed as a reference for the study of truth commissions (and more broadly for the study of transitional justice), capable of bringing relevant contributions to the analysis of these mechanisms of justice. / [fr] La présente étude vise à comprendre les contours juridiques et politiques des commissions de vérité, afin d examiner les promesses, les potentialités et les limites de ce mécanisme de la justice transitionnelle. L objectif le plus large de ce travail est de situer les commissions de vérité à l intérieur des rapports contemporaines entre la vérité, le droit et la mémoire. Il s agit de réfléchir de façon critique sur les modes par lesquels ces nouveaux mécanismes de justice influent sur notre manière de nommer et de comprendre les formes de violence (surtout en ce qui concerne la violence politique et la violence d État). L hypothèse centrale soutient que le régime de construction de vérités à l intérieur des commissions de vérité — en ce qui concerne sa rapport complexe, contradictoire et ambigu avec le droit, l histoire et la mémoire — maintient un lien indissociable avec le processus d écriture officielle (ses contours, lacunes et silences) de la violence. En effet, loin de constituer une solution neutre ou achevée aux problèmes issus des héritages des violations graves des droits de l homme, les commissions de vérité sont, surtout, un espace de conflit entre les différentes mémoires et de dispute entre différentes significations accordés au passé violent. L expérience de la Commission Nationale de la Vérité du Brésil est finalement abordée comme une référence pour l étude des commissions de vérité (et plus largement pour l étude de la justice transitionnelle), susceptible d apporter des contributions pertinentes à l analyse de ces mécanismes de justice.

Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / Bibliography / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis explores whether sustainable peace can be achieved in post-conflict societies using the transitional justice approach. In particular, the truth commission is investigated as a mechanism of transitional justice. The South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) was selected as a case study to investigate the relationship between sustainable peace and transitional justice. This thesis analyses whether the TRC Commission followed its mandate, and whether there are any specific definitions, conclusions or recommendations that the TRC through its Final Report undertakes in order to fulfill a specific part of the mandate, namely “to ensure that there would be no repetition of the past” (TRC vol. 5, chap. 8, paragraph 14). This is done through a textual analysis of the Final Report of the South African TRC, where inherent weaknesses of the Final Report in its aim of achieving sustainable peace are read critically and deconstructively. It is further analysed through linking the issue of sustainable peace to the field of transitional justice and the study of political development on how future TRCs can deal with the issue of sustainable peace. This thesis comes to the conclusion that the South African TRC failed to contribute to a significant analysis of how to prevent the repetition of the past. It is argued that this is based on a lack of a coherent theoretical framework, as the Final Report mixes two different truth finding mechanisms: micro-truth finding and macro-truth finding, together with the just war theory. By analysing the TRC’s theoretical framework through textual analysis, it becomes clear that micro- and macro-truth finding is difficult to combine in one report, and that in the South African case the micro-truth finding part is prioritised. However, the macro-truth finding mechanism would have provided a more in depth analysis towards sustainable peace – which in this thesis is read as Galtung’s positive peace and Lederach’s structural peace – and is a necessary prerequisite in order to achieve sustainable peace. Also the use of a traditional reading of the just war theoryThis thesis explores whether sustainable peace can be achieved in post-conflict societies using the transitional justice approach. In particular, the truth commission is investigated as a mechanism of transitional justice. The South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) was selected as a case study to investigate the relationship between sustainable peace and transitional justice. This thesis analyses whether the TRC Commission followed its mandate, and whether there are any specific definitions, conclusions or recommendations that the TRC through its Final Report undertakes in order to fulfill a specific part of the mandate, namely “to ensure that there would be no repetition of the past” (TRC vol. 5, chap. 8, paragraph 14). This is done through a textual analysis of the Final Report of the South African TRC, where inherent weaknesses of the Final Report in its aim of achieving sustainable peace are read critically and deconstructively. It is further analysed through linking the issue of sustainable peace to the field of transitional justice and the study of political development on how future TRCs can deal with the issue of sustainable peace. This thesis comes to the conclusion that the South African TRC failed to contribute to a significant analysis of how to prevent the repetition of the past. It is argued that this is based on a lack of a coherent theoretical framework, as the Final Report mixes two different truth finding mechanisms: micro-truth finding and macro-truth finding, together with the just war theory. By analysing the TRC’s theoretical framework through textual analysis, it becomes clear that micro- and macro-truth finding is difficult to combine in one report, and that in the South African case the micro-truth finding part is prioritised. However, the macro-truth finding mechanism would have provided a more in depth analysis towards sustainable peace – which in this thesis is read as Galtung’s positive peace and Lederach’s structural peace – and is a necessary prerequisite in order to achieve sustainable peace. Also the use of a traditional reading of the just war theoryThis thesis explores whether sustainable peace can be achieved in post-conflict societies using the transitional justice approach. In particular, the truth commission is investigated as a mechanism of transitional justice. The South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) was selected as a case study to investigate the relationship between sustainable peace and transitional justice. This thesis analyses whether the TRC Commission followed its mandate, and whether there are any specific definitions, conclusions or recommendations that the TRC through its Final Report undertakes in order to fulfill a specific part of the mandate, namely “to ensure that there would be no repetition of the past” (TRC vol. 5, chap. 8, paragraph 14). This is done through a textual analysis of the Final Report of the South African TRC, where inherent weaknesses of the Final Report in its aim of achieving sustainable peace are read critically and deconstructively. It is further analysed through linking the issue of sustainable peace to the field of transitional justice and the study of political development on how future TRCs can deal with the issue of sustainable peace. This thesis comes to the conclusion that the South African TRC failed to contribute to a significant analysis of how to prevent the repetition of the past. It is argued that this is based on a lack of a coherent theoretical framework, as the Final Report mixes two different truth finding mechanisms: micro-truth finding and macro-truth finding, together with the just war theory. By analysing the TRC’s theoretical framework through textual analysis, it becomes clear that micro- and macro-truth finding is difficult to combine in one report, and that in the South African case the micro-truth finding part is prioritised. However, the macro-truth finding mechanism would have provided a more in depth analysis towards sustainable peace – which in this thesis is read as Galtung’s positive peace and Lederach’s structural peace – and is a necessary prerequisite in order to achieve sustainable peace. Also the use of a traditional reading of the just war theory contributes to an individualisation of the truth finding process and does not sufficiently support the macro-truths. Finally, by deconstructing the term never again it is shown that this approach should not be used in the TRCs or in the wider field of transitional justice v / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis ondersoek of volhoubare vrede in postkonfliksamelewings met behulp van die oorgangsgeregtigheidsbenadering bereik kan word. Meer bepaald word die soeklig gewerp op die waarheidskommissie as meganisme van oorgangsgeregtigheid. Die Suid-Afrikaanse Waarheids-en-Versoeningskommissie (WVK) dien as gevallestudie om die verwantskap tussen volhoubare vrede en oorgangsgeregtigheid te bestudeer. Die tesis probeer vasstel of die WVK sy mandaat uitgevoer het, en of die Kommissie se finale verslag enige bepaalde omskrywings, gevolgtrekkings of aanbevelings bevat “om te verseker dat die verlede hom nie herhaal nie” (paragraaf 14, hoofstuk 8, volume 5 van die WVKverslag). Dít vind plaas deur middel van ! tekstuele ontleding van die finale WVKverslag wat die inherente swakpunte van dié dokument in sy strewe na volhoubare vrede krities en dekonstruktief benader. Die verslag word voorts ontleed deur die kwessie van volhoubare vrede te verbind met die gebied van oorgangsgeregtigheid sowel as ontwikkelingstudies oor hoe toekomstige WVK’s die kwessie van volhoubare vrede kan hanteer. Die tesis kom tot die gevolgtrekking dat die Suid-Afrikaanse WVK nie ! bydrae gelewer het tot ! sinvolle ontleding van presies hoe om ! herhaling van die verlede te voorkom nie. Daar word aangevoer dat dít te wyte is aan die gebrek aan ! samehangende teoretiese raamwerk, aangesien die finale verslag twee verskillende waarheidsoekende meganismes vermeng – die mikrowaarheidsoeke en die makrowaarheidsoeke – en ook van die geregverdigde-oorlog-teorie gebruik maak. Deur die tekstuele ontleding van die teoretiese raamwerk van die WVKverslag word dit duidelik dat ! mikro- en makrowaarheidsoeke moeilik in een verslag te kombineer is, en dat, in die Suid-Afrikaanse geval, die mikrowaarheidsoeke voorkeur geniet. Tog sou die makrowaarheidsoeke ! grondiger ontleding bied vir die suksesvolle verwesenliking van volhoubare vrede, wat in hierdie tesis as Galtung se ‘positiewe vrede’ en Lederach se ‘strukturele vrede’ 5 verstaan word. Trouens, die makrowaarheidsoeke is ! voorvereiste om volhoubare vrede te bereik. ! Tradisionele lesing van die geregverdigde-oorlogteorie dra ook by tot ! individualisering van die waarheidsoekende proses, en bied nie voldoende ondersteuning vir die makrowaarhede nie. Laastens word daar deur die dekonstruksie van die uitdrukking nooit weer nie getoon dat hierdie benadering nie in WVK’s of op die groter gebied van oorgangsgeregtigheid tuishoort nie.

In recent years the field of reparations for indigenous peoples has increased remarkably. Past wrongs made by states in the distant past has become more important to highlight, not only because of the memories of historical injustice, but because of how the past impacts the future, and not least, still appears as structures of discrimination remaining from the past.   As an indigenous people the Saami people living in Sweden have experiences of both historical injustices as well as todays struggle with discrimination on different levels. Mostly regarding their right to be a part of decisions concerning them and the right of culture, language, identity, land and nature resources, fundamental for them as a people. In order to change their situation and to search for redress the Saami people in Sweden have announced their need of a truth commission. The Saami people are not the first indigenous people whom search for redress through a truth commission, but is it possible to learn from others?   With this in mind, my study aim to look at practical experiences of truth commissions in Canada and New Zealand and further, examine what the Saami people in Sweden hope to achieve with a truth commission. Thereafter, I weight other indigenous peoples experiences of a truth commission with the Saami peoples expectations to find out what keys need to be considered to increase the outcome of a truth commission. Where theory, practical experience and Saami expectations connects is where the key issues can be found. Given this, my study suggests that five different key issues must be thought through and shall not be underestimated as they may have an effect on the ongoing process as well as on the results and the aftermaths. The key issues that is suggested is as follows: 1) political will, 2) the role and engagement of Civil Society, 3) the Saami´s own involvement 4) the problem of what focus the commission should have, and 5) the awareness of “tough” questions coming up.

A pesquisa analisa os discursos e as representações sociais mobilizadas na abordagem de certo segmento midiático brasileiro – as revistas semanais de informação geral CartaCapital, Época, IstoÉ e Veja – às atividades da Comissão Nacional da Verdade (CNV), entre maio de 2012 e dezembro de 2014. Essas publicações alinham-se a diferentes posicionamentos político-ideológicos e ao mesmo tempo influenciam e reproduzem, em maior ou menor grau, o debate político nacional dentro e fora das instituições oficiais. O objetivo é discutir a temática dos direitos humanos a partir da questão da memória e da verdade, operada mediante mecanismos de justiça de transição engendrados após traumas políticos como a ditadura brasileira 1964-1985 – regime para o qual parte da mídia nacional prestou apoio. Além de um exame panorâmico do corpus de 240 textos que tratam da CNV (temas orbitais abordados, distribuição dos textos no tempo e sob as diferentes coordenações do colegiado, comparação com a cobertura da mídia em geral), utiliza-se o instrumental teórico-metodológico das representações sociais e da análise de discurso de matriz francesa, com especial atenção à noção de formação discursiva e à construção do discurso midiático, para esmiuçar uma amostra de 20 matérias ilustrativas das diferentes fases narrativas da cobertura das revistas. Observa-se nesse recorte uma marcada dicotomização das representações sobre a questão da memória e da verdade. Essas representações expressam posicionamentos divergentes quanto à relação entre verdade e justiça dentro do processo justransicional brasileiro, com reflexos diretos sobre as possibilidades de alcance da reconciliação nacional – um dos objetivos expressos pelo Estado com a criação da Comissão. Essa divisão remete também a debates travados internacionalmente no campo da justiça de transição, em que se contrap / The research analyzes discourses and social representations mobilized in the approach of certain Brazilian media segment – such as weekly magazines of general information CartaCapital, Época, IstoÉ and Veja – over the activities of the National Commission of Truth (CNV, in Portuguese), between May 2012 and December 2014. These publications are in line with different political-ideological positions and at once influence to and reproduce the political debate inside and outside the official institutions. The objective is to discuss human rights based on the issue of memory and truth, operated through transitional justice mechanisms engendered to deal with consequences of political traumas such as the Brazilian dictatorship 1964-1985 – a regime for which part of the national media provided support. In addition to a panoramic examination of the corpus of 240 texts referring CNV (orbital themes covered, temporal distribution of the texts, comparison with media coverage in general), it is analysed a sample of 20 texts representing the different narrative phases of magazine coverage, for what is fundamental the theoretical and methodological contribution from social representations theory and French discourse analysis, specially the notion of discursive formation and the construction of the media discourse. In this setting of texts is observed a remarkable dichotomization of representations on the issue of memory and truth. These representations express divergent positions regarding the relationship between truth and justice in the Brazilian Transitional Justice, with direct effects on the possibilities of national reconciliation – one of the CNV‟s objectives. This division: also refers to debates in the field of transitional justice around the world, in which an idealist, universalizing, punitive, and another realist, contextualizing, appeasing, positions are opposed; is intensified by ideological disputes

[pt] A pesquisa aborda o tema dos conflitos sócio jurídicos em territórios negros tradicionais situados em áreas militares no Brasil durante a década de 1970. Trata-se da análise e compreensão de documentos e relatos que narram parte do cotidiano de violência em áreas que são, contemporaneamente, reconhecidas como territórios remanescentes de quilombos. Buscou-se compreender os processos de dominação e de resistência durante a ditatura militar a partir da experiência empírica de Ilha da Marambaia (RJ) em diálogo com documentados relativos ao território de Rio dos Macacos (BA). Em ambos os casos, o início da ocupação pela Marinha do Brasil coincide com o ano de 1971. A pesquisa se insere, portanto, na perspectiva de construção e reconstrução da história dos vencidos, trata-se de uma abordagem que procura realizar a leitura da história à contrapelo, fazendo emergir os fragmentos de documentos e memórias que irão permitir releituras e o aprofundamento da compreensão sobre o passado. Nesse sentido, a pesquisa recomenda a consolidação de políticas de reparação às práticas de violação aos direitos humanos perpetradas nos referidos territórios em meio aos anos em que vigorou o regime ditatorial no Brasil, para tanto buscou um diálogo com as conclusões da Comissão Camponesa da Verdade. / [en] The research addresses the issue of socio-legal conflicts in traditional black territories located in military areas in Brazil during the 1970s. It regards the analysis and understanding of documents and reports that narrate part of the daily violence in areas that are, at the same time, recognized as remainder communities of quilombos. The thesis aims to understand the processes of domination and resistance during the military dictatorship from the empirical experience of the Island of Marambaia (RJ) in dialogue with documents related to the territory of Rio dos Macacos (BA). In both cases, the beginning of the occupation by the Brazilian Navy starts in the year of 1971. Therefore, this research focus on the perspective of conscructing and re-constructing the loser s history. It is an approach that seeks to read the history against the grain, giving rise to the fragments of documents and memories that will allow re-reading and deepening of understanding about the past. In this sense, the research recommends to consolidate the human rights violations reparation policies to the practices perpetrated in those territories in the midst of Military Dictatorship in Brazil, for which it was sought a dialogue with the conclusions of the Peasant Commission of Truth.

A pesquisa analisa os discursos e as representações sociais mobilizadas na abordagem de certo segmento midiático brasileiro – as revistas semanais de informação geral CartaCapital, Época, IstoÉ e Veja – às atividades da Comissão Nacional da Verdade (CNV), entre maio de 2012 e dezembro de 2014. Essas publicações alinham-se a diferentes posicionamentos político-ideológicos e ao mesmo tempo influenciam e reproduzem, em maior ou menor grau, o debate político nacional dentro e fora das instituições oficiais. O objetivo é discutir a temática dos direitos humanos a partir da questão da memória e da verdade, operada mediante mecanismos de justiça de transição engendrados após traumas políticos como a ditadura brasileira 1964-1985 – regime para o qual parte da mídia nacional prestou apoio. Além de um exame panorâmico do corpus de 240 textos que tratam da CNV (temas orbitais abordados, distribuição dos textos no tempo e sob as diferentes coordenações do colegiado, comparação com a cobertura da mídia em geral), utiliza-se o instrumental teórico-metodológico das representações sociais e da análise de discurso de matriz francesa, com especial atenção à noção de formação discursiva e à construção do discurso midiático, para esmiuçar uma amostra de 20 matérias ilustrativas das diferentes fases narrativas da cobertura das revistas. Observa-se nesse recorte uma marcada dicotomização das representações sobre a questão da memória e da verdade. Essas representações expressam posicionamentos divergentes quanto à relação entre verdade e justiça dentro do processo justransicional brasileiro, com reflexos diretos sobre as possibilidades de alcance da reconciliação nacional – um dos objetivos expressos pelo Estado com a criação da Comissão. Essa divisão remete também a debates travados internacionalmente no campo da justiça de transição, em que se contrap / The research analyzes discourses and social representations mobilized in the approach of certain Brazilian media segment – such as weekly magazines of general information CartaCapital, Época, IstoÉ and Veja – over the activities of the National Commission of Truth (CNV, in Portuguese), between May 2012 and December 2014. These publications are in line with different political-ideological positions and at once influence to and reproduce the political debate inside and outside the official institutions. The objective is to discuss human rights based on the issue of memory and truth, operated through transitional justice mechanisms engendered to deal with consequences of political traumas such as the Brazilian dictatorship 1964-1985 – a regime for which part of the national media provided support. In addition to a panoramic examination of the corpus of 240 texts referring CNV (orbital themes covered, temporal distribution of the texts, comparison with media coverage in general), it is analysed a sample of 20 texts representing the different narrative phases of magazine coverage, for what is fundamental the theoretical and methodological contribution from social representations theory and French discourse analysis, specially the notion of discursive formation and the construction of the media discourse. In this setting of texts is observed a remarkable dichotomization of representations on the issue of memory and truth. These representations express divergent positions regarding the relationship between truth and justice in the Brazilian Transitional Justice, with direct effects on the possibilities of national reconciliation – one of the CNV‟s objectives. This division: also refers to debates in the field of transitional justice around the world, in which an idealist, universalizing, punitive, and another realist, contextualizing, appeasing, positions are opposed; is intensified by ideological disputes

A pesquisa analisa os discursos e as representações sociais mobilizadas na abordagem de certo segmento midiático brasileiro – as revistas semanais de informação geral CartaCapital, Época, IstoÉ e Veja – às atividades da Comissão Nacional da Verdade (CNV), entre maio de 2012 e dezembro de 2014. Essas publicações alinham-se a diferentes posicionamentos político-ideológicos e ao mesmo tempo influenciam e reproduzem, em maior ou menor grau, o debate político nacional dentro e fora das instituições oficiais. O objetivo é discutir a temática dos direitos humanos a partir da questão da memória e da verdade, operada mediante mecanismos de justiça de transição engendrados após traumas políticos como a ditadura brasileira 1964-1985 – regime para o qual parte da mídia nacional prestou apoio. Além de um exame panorâmico do corpus de 240 textos que tratam da CNV (temas orbitais abordados, distribuição dos textos no tempo e sob as diferentes coordenações do colegiado, comparação com a cobertura da mídia em geral), utiliza-se o instrumental teórico-metodológico das representações sociais e da análise de discurso de matriz francesa, com especial atenção à noção de formação discursiva e à construção do discurso midiático, para esmiuçar uma amostra de 20 matérias ilustrativas das diferentes fases narrativas da cobertura das revistas. Observa-se nesse recorte uma marcada dicotomização das representações sobre a questão da memória e da verdade. Essas representações expressam posicionamentos divergentes quanto à relação entre verdade e justiça dentro do processo justransicional brasileiro, com reflexos diretos sobre as possibilidades de alcance da reconciliação nacional – um dos objetivos expressos pelo Estado com a criação da Comissão. Essa divisão remete também a debates travados internacionalmente no campo da justiça de transição, em que se contrap / The research analyzes discourses and social representations mobilized in the approach of certain Brazilian media segment – such as weekly magazines of general information CartaCapital, Época, IstoÉ and Veja – over the activities of the National Commission of Truth (CNV, in Portuguese), between May 2012 and December 2014. These publications are in line with different political-ideological positions and at once influence to and reproduce the political debate inside and outside the official institutions. The objective is to discuss human rights based on the issue of memory and truth, operated through transitional justice mechanisms engendered to deal with consequences of political traumas such as the Brazilian dictatorship 1964-1985 – a regime for which part of the national media provided support. In addition to a panoramic examination of the corpus of 240 texts referring CNV (orbital themes covered, temporal distribution of the texts, comparison with media coverage in general), it is analysed a sample of 20 texts representing the different narrative phases of magazine coverage, for what is fundamental the theoretical and methodological contribution from social representations theory and French discourse analysis, specially the notion of discursive formation and the construction of the media discourse. In this setting of texts is observed a remarkable dichotomization of representations on the issue of memory and truth. These representations express divergent positions regarding the relationship between truth and justice in the Brazilian Transitional Justice, with direct effects on the possibilities of national reconciliation – one of the CNV‟s objectives. This division: also refers to debates in the field of transitional justice around the world, in which an idealist, universalizing, punitive, and another realist, contextualizing, appeasing, positions are opposed; is intensified by ideological disputes

Submitted by Gustavo Antonio (gustavo.antonio@gvmail.br) on 2012-12-18T18:12:14Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Gustavo Miranda Antonio - Dissertação Versão Final.pdf: 978753 bytes, checksum: 219616c9e11b1fbbbba993347e95492a (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Suzinei Teles Garcia Garcia (suzinei.garcia@fgv.br) on 2012-12-18T19:53:15Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Gustavo Miranda Antonio - Dissertação Versão Final.pdf: 978753 bytes, checksum: 219616c9e11b1fbbbba993347e95492a (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2012-12-18T20:38:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Gustavo Miranda Antonio - Dissertação Versão Final.pdf: 978753 bytes, checksum: 219616c9e11b1fbbbba993347e95492a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-12-05 / The creation of the National Truth Commission represents another step in the long 'dealing with the past' process developed by the Brazilian State together with the victims of the military dictatorship, their families and the society. According to Act 12.528/2011, the main objective of the commission is to clarify the facts and circumstances of gross human rights violations that occurred during the period of time set forth in article 8 of the Transitory Constitutional Provisions Act (i.e. from September 18th, 1946, to October 5th, 1988), which is believed to ensure the effectiveness of the right to historical truth and memory, and shall promote national reconciliation. At first, this essay cares to clarify how the search for truth is related to the reconciliation goal, since one of the explicit goals of the National Truth Commission is to promote national reconciliation. To that end, it begins with a short description of the historical context of the Brazilian State’s reckoning process, concerning its past of state violence, so characteristic of a military dictatorship. Next, it will present the difficult aspects of working with concepts as complex as 'truth' and 'reconciliation', with the proposition of a meaning of national reconciliation for Brazil, taking into account a perspective that prioritizes the acknowledgment of past abuses and rebuilding of civic trust in the State. The final part of the essay addresses the issue of empirically assessing the truth commissions’ impacts, highlighting the inherent difficulties to this process and questioning the unreflective use of justifications that advocate the establishment of such mechanism. / A criação da Comissão Nacional da Verdade representa mais uma etapa do longo processo de acerto de contas desenvolvido pelo Estado brasileiro junto às vítimas da ditadura militar, às suas famílias e à sociedade. Pela redação da Lei n. 12.528/2011, a comissão tem como seu objetivo principal esclarecer os fatos e as circunstâncias dos casos de graves violações de direitos humanos ocorridos no período fixado no art. 8º do Ato das Disposições Constitucionais Transitórias (ou seja, de 18 de setembro de 1946 a 05 de outubro de 1988), o que se acredita irá garantir a efetividade do direito à memória e à verdade histórica e promoverá a reconciliação nacional. Este trabalho se preocupa, num primeiro momento, em esclarecer como a busca da verdade está relacionada ao objetivo de reconciliação, já que uma das finalidades explícitas da Comissão Nacional da Verdade é promover a reconciliação nacional. Para tanto, inicialmente é apresentada uma breve contextualização histórica do processo de acerto de contas do Estado brasileiro quanto ao passado de violência estatal característico da ditadura militar. Em seguida, serão apresentadas as dificuldades em trabalhar com conceitos tão abertos como 'verdade' e 'reconciliação', sendo proposto um significado de reconciliação nacional para o Brasil, por uma perspectiva que prioriza o reconhecimento dos abusos do passado e a reconstrução da confiança cívica no Estado. Passada essa parte mais teórica, a parte final do trabalho aborda a questão da verificação empírica dos impactos das comissões da verdade, destacando as dificuldades inerentes a esse processo e questionando a utilização irrefletida de justificativas que defendem a instauração desse mecanismo.

This study is an attempt to critique the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission from a theological ethical perspective. The central critique and argument of this study will be that, it is impossible to reconcile the dispossessor and the dispossessed or the oppressor and oppressed in the way the South African TRC did. As such, it will be befitting to start off this study which explores some of the noticeable lessons and challenges emerging from the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (hereafter, the TRC) by elucidating that this study is an attempt to contribute to the on-going discussions on reconciliation. It is also vital to mention up front that this study attempts to contribute to the discussion on reconciliation which seeks to remove injustice at the root. It contributes to a discussion of the weeds of alienation and fragmentation, and it stands in contrast to the frequent use of reconciliation merely to reach some political accommodation and not to address the critical questions of justice, equality and dignity (Boesak & DeYoung 2012). It is also befitting to point out that two central themes – political pietism and Christian quietism – form the backdrop to this study (Boesak & DeYoung 2012). The study contends that reconciliation in South Africa was used merely to reach some political accommodation and did not address the three critical questions of justice, equality and dignity. These arrangements perpetually favour the rich and powerful but deprive the powerless of justice and dignity. Hitherto, this reconciliation is presented as if it does respond to the need for genuine reconciliation and employs a language that sounds like the truth, but it is in fact deceitful – and this we call political pietism. It is also vital to mention that “reconciliation” is a Christian concept, and as such, Christians’ measure matters of reconciliation with the yardstick of the gospel and therefore should know better. However, as it will be shown in this study, when Christians in South Africa discovered that the TRC was not really promoting reconciliation, they became complicit in a deceitful reconciliation. This may have been for reasons of self-protection, fear or a desire for acceptance by the powers that govern the world. Whichever way one looks at it, they tried to seek to accommodate the situation, to justify it and to refuse to run the risk of challenge and prophetic truth telling. As a result, they denied the demands of the gospel and refused solidarity with the powerless and oppressed. This is called Christian quietism (Boesak & DeYoung 2012:1). This study in its attempt to critique the South Africa TRC from a theological ethical perspective will point out that, the TRC which was obviously the product of the negotiated settlement needs to be understood against the background of the global struggle of particularly Third-World countries which were resisting authoritarian regimes put in place by the West for the benefit of the West. As such, this study will point out how the West, in their attempt to keep a grip on the Third-World countries – particularly on their resources – had to recommend and promote their notion of democracy. Democracy became the only option for Third-World countries as a result of the fall of the Soviet Union. It must, however, be mentioned that the problem is not democracy but the manifestation thereof under capitalism. This is because the notion of democracy was recommended to Third-World countries when capitalism was becoming global. As such, this presented some contradictions because democracy emphasizes joint interests, equality and common loyalties whilst capitalism is based on self-seeking inequality and conflicting individual and group interest (Terriblanche 2002). This means that a transition to democracy (especially constitutional democracy) means that the former oppressor or dispossessor will hold on to economic power. As such, the sudden interest of both the NP and the corporate sector in South Africa to a transition to democracy needs to be understood against this background. This study will argue and demonstrate how the ANC was outsmarted during the negotiations in that, at the formal negotiations, the ANC won political power whilst the NP/corporate sector in South Africa won economic power. This is mentioned to here to point out that both the elite compromise reached at the formal and informal negotiations and the influence of the Latin-American truth commissions led to the inability or unwillingness of the TRC to uncover the truth about systemic exploitation. As such, this study will argue and demonstrate that, on the one hand, reconciliation was not added to the truth commission for the purpose of confronting the country with the demands of the gospel and, on the other hand, the TRC was set up (from its inception) for failure. / Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology / D.Th. (Theological Ethics)

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